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Chapter X - Migratory goat and sheep rearing in Himachal Pradesh, India - Misri Bimal


Summary

Transhumant stock rearing is very common throughout the Himalaya; various nomadic groups, such as Gujars, Bakarwals and Gaddis, keep sheep, goats and even buffaloes under such systems. With changing times there has been a considerable decline in the number of pastoral nomads, but this is still the only occupation of a large Himalayan population. Gaddis are a distinct pastoral tribe found in the state of Himachal Pradesh. Himachal Pradesh is flanked by Jammu and Kashmir on its northwest, Uttar Pradesh on its east and Punjab on its south. The Gaddis in all probability derive their name from their native land, the Gadheran, situated on both sides of the Dhauladhar ranges, which begin on the right bank of the Beas river and extend up to Chamba and Kangra districts. These ranges have several peaks as high as 5 500 m, although the average altitude is about 2 500 m. In the northeast, the Dhauladhar range leads to the higher Himalaya, while to the south they reach the Shiwaliks - the lesser or outer Himalaya - which merge into the plains. This continuity from the high Himalayan ranges to the plains offers excellent migration routes for the Gaddis.

Introduction

High altitude pastoral systems are integral to natural resource utilization, management and production in the Himalaya. There are different systems in different altitudinal and administrative zones. Although these systems have existed since times immemorial, few detailed studies have been undertaken on them. This study, in the state of Himachal Pradesh, is confined to Gaddi herders, who rear sheep and goats under a well defined migratory system. This small Himalayan state (total geographical area: 55 673 km2) is in the northwest of India, flanked by Jammu and Kashmir on its northwest, Uttar Pradesh on its southeast and Punjab on its south. More than 80 percent of the population is engaged in agriculture, but for climatic and economic reasons arable agriculture is not very remunerative. All farmers keep animals to generate extra cash, so livestock and crops complement each other.

Migratory pastoralism is very common in the Himalaya, where several nomadic communities are found. Although with changing times a considerable decline has taken place in the number of pastoral nomads, this system is still the only occupation for a large number. Gaddis form a distinct tribe of pastoralists found in Himachal Pradesh; they, in all probability, derived their name from their native land, the Gadheran, which lies on both sides of the Dhauladhar range, reaching as high as 5 500 m above sea level, though the average altitude is about 2 500 m. In its northeast, the Dhauladhar range leads to the higher Himalaya, to its southwest it touches the Shiwaliks - the lesser or outer Himalaya - that merge into the plains. This continuity from the plains to the higher Himalayan ranges offers excellent migratory routes, where herbage is available at different periods of the year.

In this study of the Gaddis (Site III in Figure 9.1), observations were recorded at every tenth stopover of the migration, but (mostly at higher altitudes) the requirement of tenth stopover could not always be adhered to because of the logistics of migration. At higher altitudes, valleys get very narrow and the grade of the slope increases, so graziers do not find suitable resting places. There are no flat places to rest nor gather the flock, so they continue their climb non-stop.

Since the whole southwest boundary of Himachal Pradesh adjoins the plains, there are numerous migratory routes, which are selected by various families according to their grazing rights and which have been established through very long-term usage. A significant feature is that the grazier’s home is on their route. The study route was chosen since the homes of the graziers involved are around Palampur, which facilitated data recording about the family and their sedentary activities.

While data were recorded from all graziers encountered, three families were selected for continuous observation, the households of Singhu Ram, Balak Ram and Jagdish Chand.

The observations recorded were both visual and actual. For determining botanical composition and biomass, 1×1 m replicated quadrats were clipped and weighed, then separated by species and recorded. Representative samples were oven dried to determine dry weight, and later analysed for nutritional parameters. Representative soil samples were collected from various altitudes for the determination of soil characteristics. For other observations, field interviews were conducted with the graziers.

The people and their migration routes

Gaddis are a distinct people, wearing a characteristic and striking costume; they are an exogamous union of castes of Rajputs, Khatris, Ranas and Thakurs. They differ from other nomads in having a permanent house; while herds are on migration, the elders and the women of the family stay at home. Gaddi habitations are situated on the Dhauladhars between 1 000 and 2 500 m. Of late, some Gaddis have migrated to other districts of the state, but the majority still lives in Bharmour region of Chamba. Out of a total population of 76 859, some 76 037 lived in the region, with only 827 are recorded as living in nine other districts. While 30 percent of the Gaddis are still fully migratory, 70 percent have adopted a sedentary or semi-migratory mode of life. Many have shifted to other professions, like government jobs. Another major migratory pastoral tribe found in the area is the Gujar. They number 26 659 and differ from Gaddis in their ethnicity, livestock rearing practices and migratory patterns (Anonymous, 1995).

The Gaddi community is very small, socially very well knit although spread over a large area of Himachal Pradesh. They have a very rich history of ruling the Gadheran, and the mention of their erstwhile Kings is very common in their folk tales and songs. Most historians have traced their origin to Delhi and Lahore. Gaddis are superstitious, god fearing, kind, honest and hard working people and have Hinduism as their religion. Only 18 individuals practising Islam have been reported from Bilsaspur (13) and Shimla (5) districts.

Gaddis follow a patriarchal and patrilineal family system. The father, as the head of the family, is responsible for looking after the interests of each family member, but mother is equally responsible and works hard, to some extent harder than the father, in the fields and the household. Because of their liberal approach, nuclear households are very common. After 2-3 years of marriage, a son is encouraged to start his own household; 75 percent of families are nuclear while only 25 percent, mostly migratory, are extended. Though most of the families are nuclear, they are woven in genealogically defined social bonds. They are grouped in Tols (Groups or Clans). Each Tol consists of 2-3 generations of the same ancestry. Every village is headed by an elder known as Pradhan and everybody abides by his decisions. A group of villages is organized into a Panchayat, the local governing body. Local disputes are settled at the level of Pradhan, whereas disputes between villages are settled by the local Panchayat.

Gaddis generally have small families. Those studied were Singhu Ram and wife, with three sons, all over 16 years (5 in total); Balak Ram and wife, his mother and father, two sons aged 11 and 9, and one daughter aged 6 (7 in total); and Jagdish Chand and wife, his mother and father, one brother, and two sons, both over 16 years (7 in total).

Overall in the community the literacy percentage is 30, against a State average of over 60 percent. Of late, following the introduction of social welfare schemes like free education, books, uniforms, lunch and cash incentives for Gaddis and other weaker sections of the society, the situation is expected to change significantly.

Male members are exclusively responsible for the care of migratory flocks. As far as the sedentary agricultural activities are concerned, the land is ploughed and sown by the male members. Clod breaking and weeding is done by the women, while harvesting is done jointly. Tree fodder is collected by men, whereas the livestock rearing, both grazing of animals and collection of forage from forest areas, is done by women, who also collect fuelwood.

Migration, management and land tenure

Before the mid-nineteenth century there was no legislation on the use of forests and grazing land, but as increasing pressure became a threat to their existence a national Forest Law was passed in 1865, giving the government powers to regulate most of the forests and pastures. A major outcome of the law was the regulation of grazing in forests to allow tree regeneration. Land settlement, carried out in Kangra between 1865 and 1872, led to the promulgation of the 1878 Forest Law, which introduced a system of reserved and protected forests. The settlement earmarked grazing areas for each Gaddi family, and herd size was fixed, as were the migration routes for each family, and it was stipulated that each flock would move at least five miles daily, spending one night at each stopover; the Gaddis did not appreciate these controls. Goats were identified as a major threat and in 1915 farmers were asked to pay a higher herding fee for goats than for sheep; even sedentary stock came under this regulation. Later, the deterioration of the forests was the subject of discussion and evaluation by many experts, and, acting on a 1920 report on the degradation of pastures in Kullu, the local forest settlement, a ban was proposed on grazing by local flocks, but migratory flocks were exempted from the ban.

After Independence, two Himachal Pradesh Commissions on Gaddis reported, in 1959 and 1970 (Verma, 1996). The second recommended a freeze on flock size. In 1972, the State Government again issued orders regulating flock size, but due to political pressure these decisions have never been implemented strictly. At present, the allocation of grazing lands and migration routes made in 1865-1872 are adhered to; the herders do not own the land but by usage they have the grazing rights, which pass on by inheritance in the family. Graziers have to renew their permits annually, paying a grazing fee of Rs 1 for a sheep and Rs 1.25 per goat [At the time of writing, 40 Indian Rupee (Rs) = US$ 1]; the permits contain details of the flock, grazing area and the route to be taken.

The migratory routes are well defined bridle paths which begin in the plains and, after passing through the Shiwaliks, where the dominant vegetation is scrub forest, cross the middle Himalaya, which has open grazing areas and coniferous forests, and end in the subalpine, alpine and arctic zones, where the dwarf vegetation is treeless and comprises mostly grasses and a few legumes. Migratory routes are for transit purposes only; the flocks stay for most of the time either in the lower hills, plains or in the alpine pastures. The journey from the plains or outer hills to the alpine areas takes about three months; the time is highly variable and depends on the distance. A flock covers 7-8 km/ day, starting at 6 a.m. and travelling until 6 p.m. At three night stops, the flocks stay overnight, but at the fourth stop they stay for two nights to graze, and rest the livestock and herders. Even the choice of stay for two nights is elastic, and at times it may not be the fourth stop but where relatives or a friend of the grazier live, or better fodder and groceries are available. This could mean a longer stay of 2-3 nights. The three flocks studied, however, spent two nights at every fourth stopover. This pattern of night camping continued to Palampur, where the families stayed for fifteen days (1-15 March).

The preferred movement to the middle hills is always through river valleys; river sides provide flat ground and an easily accessible water resource. In case of inclement weather, the river sides provide some shelter in the form of overhanging rocks. Besides, the travel is not as tiring as on hill slopes. The graziers always carry a few aluminium cooking utensils and a Tawa (steel pan) to make chapattis. At stopovers a frugal meal is cooked that includes chapattis, chutney (ground leaves of aaonla (Emblica officinalis), tamarind, green chillies and salt) and goat milk. Occasionally, goat milk is made into cheese, normally at a stop where they stay for two nights. At times, vegetables may also be purchased from villages. Ninety percent of graziers do not carry camping kit but sleep in the open under blankets. On colder nights, fires may be lit.

This pattern of movement continues till the middle hills; above them the slope becomes as much 70 percent and there are no suitable places to camp. A brief stop is made for a meal or a rest, otherwise the movement is continuous till the flat pastures of the subalpine or alpine regions are reached.

Migration is essentially associated with finding forage. In winter - late Octoberearly November to late February-early March - the flocks stay in the outer hills or the plains, which locally are known as Kandi Dhar. These areas are also known as Ban, and in Kangra district these areas are claimed by Gaddis as warisi, i.e. inheritance. These areas were granted by local kings as gifts to Gaddi families and the grazing rights are still maintained by the heirs. The holder of grazing rights is known as Mahlundi, and in the old days he would pay tax to the King and in turn collect fees from the Gaddis who graze their flocks in his area. However, a Gaddi is free to let others graze their animals in his area against the payment of a fee, which may be in cash or kind. In these areas, owners of the cultivated land often offer their fallow to the flocks to graze the aftermath of the last rice crop. The flocks in the process provides natural fertilizer to these lands and the landowners pay a fee to the flock holder.

The upward movement starts in February or March, depending upon the length of the route. In this study, they started their upward movement on 10 February.

With small herds, the owner and some family members always accompany the flocks. Medium sized flocks are also accompanied by the owner, but sometimes contractual graziers, known as puhals, are engaged. The owners of large flocks always stay at home and puhals are engaged to take the flocks on migration. Puhals may be friends or natives of one’s own village; they have to be provided with food in the form of maize flour and other essentials. For this an advance payment is made, or, in case of large flocks, adequate rations and other supplies are provided, which are carried by the horses that accompany the flocks. In this study, each herder had two assistants with him and the flocks had the following composition. Singhu Ram - 270 sheep and 163 goats; Balak Ram - 203 sheep and 157 goats; and Jagdish Chand - 302 sheep and 187 goats.

On leaving the outer hills the flocks travel into the middle hills across ridges and through river valleys; roads are always avoided. On the way the flocks are managed by herders and dogs. All three flocks dispersed to different sides during the day but assembled at prearranged stopping places overnight. Each flock is led by a herder, another follows at the rear and the youngest of the three runs here and there to keep animals from straying. The flock has to be prevented from trespassing on reserved and closed forest areas. Radhari check points, originally established by the erstwhile rulers and now managed by the Forest Department, are established on the migration routes to regulate grazing numbers and collect taxes.

Managing the flocks on migration is very hard work. The routes pass through very thick bush cover, particularly Lantana camara. Graziers have to work hard to keep their flocks together, and have to be most careful when passing villages to avoid damage to the cultivated fields. In the event of damage, they have to stay at an unscheduled stopover, wait for the village elders to gather and consider the dispute, assess the damage, and a suitable compensation is paid by the erring flock’s owner.

By 10 March, the graziers had reached their homes at Palampur, and it was a great time to rejoice. The flocks are put on fallow land to fertilize it; the major reason for a long stay at home. A goat was slaughtered to celebrate the home coming. Meanwhile, the graziers prepared for travel to colder places, mending their clothes or even getting new ones. Essential repairs are done to houses and all other matters relating to family affairs are settled. This is also when marriages of the young ones are solemnized.

The journey to the alpine pastures is harder; there are very few stopping places and the steep slopes are difficult to traverse. After reaching the alpine pastures, it is time to rest and organize the daily routine.

In alpine pastures, the grazing lands are defined, though there are no marks on the ground; the Gaddis know their boundaries; trespassing on each others areas is always avoided and this is ethically adhered to. However, in case of dispute, the entire community gathers to resolve it.

The downward journey faces the same problems and follows the same routines. The time of commencing upward or downward journey is related to marketing. In March, traders come to the graziers and strike deals for the purchase of animals; during downward movement, the traders arrive again in September. The process of migration is very tough and has unique problems. En route there are frequent attacks on the flocks by wildlife, particularly leopards. Gaddi dogs are very brave and always have a spiked collar around their necks to avoid lifting by a cheetah. In spite of dogs and a constant vigil by the graziers, up to 10 percent of the flock may be destroyed by predators and accidents. In case of natural death of an animal, the flesh is cut into slices and dried to be eaten later.

Crops only play a minor role. Gaddis own some land at their permanent residences and grow crops like maize, rice, wheat and oilseed. Holdings are small, at 0.25-1 ha per family.

Grazing land

Of the total geographical area of 5 567 300 ha of Himachal Pradesh, 1 223 500 ha have been classified as permanent pastures and grazing lands (Anonymous, 1995). However, it is very difficult to ascertain the actual area available for grazing. Besides the areas classed as pastures, other land is used during migration and heavily grazed, including open forest (3 334 982 ha), unclassified forest (86 848 ha), non-Forest Department forest (94 770 ha), fallow land (55 700 ha), cultivable waste land (126 400 ha) and uncultivable waste land (190 600 ha).

The grazing area is spread over three zones, with distinct pasture types: subtropical grazing of the lower hills; subtemperate-temperate pastures of the middle hills; and alpine pastures of the high hills. The altitude ranges between 300 and 4 500 m. The area is spread over undulated, sloping and hilly terrain, with slopes of 30-70 percent.

The soil characteristics of the three zones are:

The three distinct zones support diverse vegetation. The outer hills have scrub forests of Lantana camara, Acacia spp., Adhatoda vesica, Dodonaea viscosa, Carissa, etc. Herbaceous vegetation is very scarce and mostly comprises grasses like Cynodon dactylon, Bothriochloa pertusa, B. intermedia, Imperata cylindrica and Saccharum spontaneum. At higher elevations the arboreal element is dominated by Pinus longifolia.

In the middle hills, Pinus longifolia is replaced by Cedrus deodara. Other shrubby plants are Cotoneaster racimiflora, Daphne oleoides, Desmodium tiliaefolium, Indigofera heterantha, Parrotiopsis jacquemontii, etc. The ground vegetation is dominated by grasses like Agrostis stolonifera, Andropogon tristis, Chrysopogon echinulatus and Dichanthium annulatum. Common trees are Quercus incana and Rhododendron spp.

The highest zones support dwarf, matlike vegetation, including Poa triandra, Chrysopogon echinulatus, Andropogon ischaemum, Festuca alpinum and F. rubra. A few trees of Betula utilis may be found. The bushy vegetation mostly comprises Viburnum foetens, Sambucus wrightiana, etc.

The climate of the study area varies from hot summer to severe cold winter. The outermost Himalaya, in the south of the state, experiences as hot a summer and as mild a winter as the plains; it also receive monsoon rains and the total annual precipitation is 1 500-1 750 mm. The maximum summer temperature reaches 40°C, while the minimum winter temperature goes down to 10°C. The climate of the middle hills is moderate; both summers and winters are mild. The summer temperature may rise to 30°C while the minimum winter temperature may go down to an average of 5°C, though sometimes the temperature may go down to freezing levels. The annual precipitation, including occasional light snowfall and monsoon rains, ranges between 750 and 1000 mm. The higher hills have a typical cold climate; the maximum temperature during summer rarely exceeds 20°C and during winters the minimum temperature may go down to -20°C; the precipitation declines in these regions, becoming 300-500 mm per annum, progressively decreasing with increasing altitude.

Botanical composition

The biological diversity of the Himalaya is vertical; between the altitudinal zones it is very common to find some ecological niches. The data collected on the botanical composition are massive and it is only summarized here. The percentage composition of grazing areas (which did not support bushes and trees) or ghasnis, as these are locally known, from three zones is presented in Table 10.1, which gives a general pattern. In reality, the vegetation is very degraded in the lower and middle hills. Although the botanical composition of the higher hills seems to be inadequate for the flocks, the weight gains shown by sheep and goats in these areas suggest otherwise. The degradation of the vegetation in the lower hills may reach stage 3-4 on a scale of 1 to 4.

TABLE 10.1
Botanical composition of ghasnis (grasslands) of the three hill zones in Himachal Pradesh.

Zone

Species

Percentage composition

Lower Hills

Arundinella nepalensis

7

Bothriochloa pertusa

11

Cynodon dactylon

6

Chrysopogon gryllus

13

Dichanthium annulatum

7

Eragrostis spp.

8

Imperata cylindrica

18

Saccharum spontaneum

22

Other grasses like Themeda

8

Middle Hills

Agrostis stolonifera and A. gigantea

13

Alopecurus myosuroides

7.6

Chrysopogon echinulatus

39.4

Dactylis glomerata

5

Dichanthium annulatum

4

Eragrostis spp.

3

Festuca rubra

1

Imperata cylindrica

10

Pennisetum orientale

9

Poa pratense

2

Trifolium repens

2

Lotus corniculatus

1

High Hills

Agropyron spp.

6.3

Agrostis stolonifera

10.5

Andropogon ischaemum

10.5

Alopecurus myosuroides

4.2

Dactylis glomerata

15

Festuca alpina

6.5

Festuca rubra

9

Lotus corniculatus

8

Pennisetum flaccidum

13

Poa alpina

7

Phleum alpinum

6

Trifolium repens

4

The commonest weeds of the lower hills are Ageratum conyzoides, A. houstonianum, Lantana camara and Parthenium hysterophorus. The grasslands in the middle hills mostly have noxious weeds like Eupatorium adenophorum, E. odoratum and Erigeron canadensis. The high hill pastures have a predominance of Aquilegia, Cimicifuga, Aconitum, Viburnum, etc.

Forage production

Biomass production varies a great deal. The estimations for the present study were made after laying out quadrats of 1×1 m, replicated three to five times; the frequency of replication depended upon the area of study. In case of larger grazing areas, 5 quadrats were used, while smaller areas were scored by 3 quadrats. Herbage estimations were made only from areas dominated by grass or herbaceous vegetation. The observations were recorded at stopping places or about 2 km short of them. This was because stops are the most convenient place to encounter graziers.

The mean figures on biomass production and its nutritive value are representative and generalized (Tables 10.2 and 10.3). The values vary a great deal. Since the alpine pastures were the priority area of study, observations were recorded during the actual stay of the animals there. In case of middle and lower hills the observations were recorded during the monsoon and post-monsoon period, which is the most productive season. In March-June these areas are absolutely dry and production is very low. Estimations of the standing biomass during this period in lower and middle hills have been made by Misri and Sareen (1997) and are presented in Table 10.4. During October - February, the winter months, all the grasslands are dormant and growth is arrested. During this period the migratory flocks depend on the scrub vegetation of the forests and tree leaf fodder.

TABLE 10.2
Herbage production of grasslands (tonnes of dry matter per hectare).


Lower Hills

Middle Hills

High Hills

July

4.9

5.02

7.06

August

3.44

3.98

4.51

September

1.67

2.40

2.58

TABLE 10.3
Nutritive value of pasture herbage (percentage in dry matter).

Parameter

July

August

September

Mean

Lower hills

Crude protein

4.32

4.87

3.91

4.36

NDF

69.25

70.29

75.62

71.72

ADF

43.12

46.22

48.12

45.82

Calcium

1.32

1.12

1.31

1.25

Phosphorus

0.13

0.16

0.14

0.14

Middle hills

Crude protein

8.27

10.22

10.13

9.54

NDF

71.32

71.76

74.27

72.45

ADF

37.33

38.46

41.12

38.97

Calcium

1.29

1.47

1.63

1.46

Phosphorus

0.11

0.17

0.16

0.15

High hills

Crude protein

10.10

9.78

10.32

10.04

NDF

58.32

62.51

67.11

62.65

ADF

35.10

34.70

42.12

37.31

Calcium

0.83

0.91

1.13

0.96

Phosphorus

0.19

0.13

0.17

0.16

KEY: NDF = neutral detergent fibre. ADF = acid detergent fibre.

TABLE 10.4
Biomass production on lower and middle hill grazing areas in March-June (tonne/ha).

Month

Fresh weight

Dry weight

Lower hills

March

3.24

0.83

April

3.10

0.83

May

2.75

0.66

June

1.76

0.44

Middle hills

March

1.59

0.30

April

3.08

0.47

May

6.62

2.20

June

1.36

0.35

TABLE 10.5
Leaf yield of important fodder trees.

Tree

Age at lopping (years)

Fresh yield (kg/tree)

Bauhinia variegata

8-10

15-20

Dendrocalamus hamiltonii

8-10

30-40

Grewia optiva

8-10

8-10

Quercus incana

10-12

8-10

Robinia pseudoacacia

6-8

10-15

Terminalia arjuna

8-10

40-50

The reactions of flock owners to the question of availability of herbage were very interesting. In spite of the low levels of biomass production in the alpine pastures, they were more than satisfied with the production levels and the species composition of the pastures. Goats and sheep gained 8-12 kg of weight in the alpine pastures and the Gaddis attribute it to Neeru grass (Festuca gigantea). They were also happy with the available forage resources en route during migration. They were only worried about their winter abode, i.e. the outer hills and adjoining plains, where they stay during winter. The closure of forest areas and low levels of forage production in river valleys were a matter of concern for them. They would like the planting of grasses, fodder bushes and trees in this area and would like the government to open more forest areas for their flocks.

Fodder trees

Trees provide a major proportion of livestock feed in the middle hills, with 84 major fodder trees and 40 shrubs reported to be of very high forage value in the Himalayan region (Misri and Dev, 1997). Migratory graziers do not own trees; however, they use tree leaves wherever available. Trees in open forests and road sides are regularly lopped; illicit lopping is done in reserved forests as well. At times, tree leaf fodder is purchased from adjoining villages during migration. The tree fodder is either fed at stopovers or during the winter stay in the outer hills. The leaf biomass production of some important trees is presented in Table 10.5, and nutritive value and farmers’ scoring for preference of some important fodder trees of the region are presented in Table 10.6.

TABLE 10.6
Crude protein percentage and farmers’ scoring of trees.


Crude Protein

Score

Ficus benghalensis

10.30

1

Albizia lebbek

18.90

2

Grewia optiva

20.00

3

Dendrocalamus hamiltonii

18.70

4

Cordia dichotoma

12.40

5

Bauhinia vahlii

12.80

6

Quercus incana

11.42

7

Ficus glomerata

13.90

8

Robinia pseudoacacia

20.45

9

Bambusa nutans

14.10

10

Litsea glutinosa

14.60

11

Cedrela toona

14.80

12

Livestock

The livestock population of Himachal Pradesh at the time of the study comprised 2.1 million cattle, 700 000 buffaloes, 1.1 million sheep, 1.1 million goats and 14 000 horses. Data on Gaddi herds are not maintained separately at state level. Of the 1.1 million sheep and 1.1 million goats, as much as 70 percent may be migratory - only small ruminants and a few ponies for transport are in transhumant systems. Migratory herds are classified in three categories. Small Flocks are up to 100 animals; Medium Flocks consist of 300-500 animals; while the Large Flocks comprise 1 000-1 500 animals. The average composition of flocks is the same, with 60 percent sheep and 40 percent goats. Each flock has two or three dogs and large ones have four or five pack ponies. The main products sold are wool and live animals. Gaddis owning 250 and more animals are generally considered to be well off.

There are two breeding seasons annually. Mating begins in September and the stock have a comfortable stay in winter quarters before lambing at the end of February or early March. It can extend up to April. After the upward journey starts, mating is repeated, and graziers prefer to start their downward journey after the second lambing is completed on the alpine pastures. The twinning percentage is only 10 percent. Lamb mortality is 5 percent on the high pastures and 3 percent in the outer hills.

Veterinary care is available up to the middle hills, but is out of reach while the flocks are on the summer pastures. The commonest ailment is poisoning: animals bloat after eating Eupatorium and Ageratum, and become drowsy after eating Lantana. Traditional cures are used. In case of death, meat is sliced, salted and dried. Salt is given weekly at 3 kg per hundred animals. No other supplement is fed.

The major livestock products and their production pattern are considered below.

Wool

Sheep are shorn thrice yearly, in January (yield ca. 500 g), April-May (yield ca. 800 g) and September (yield ca. 1 500 g), for a total of 2 800 g per sheep. The wool is sold to traders who know the routes and shearing times and where to buy. Prices are fixed by the government; the present rate is Rs 6.5/ kg of mixed wool. Black wool is in high demand but, following sheep improvement programmes, most is white or shades of white. Black sheep, like black wool, fetch higher prices. About 5 percent of the wool is woven domestically.

Meat

Live beasts are sold at the beginning of upward and downward movements. The mother stock is maintained to the age of 8 years. Lambs and kids aged 3-6 months are sold in the plains or outer hills in March: 3-month-old lambs fetch Rs 350 (US$ 7.6) while a 6-month-old may fetch Rs 700 (US$ 15.2). Kids of the same age fetch Rs 250-350 (US$ 5.43-7.60) more since goat is preferred for meat. At this age the body weight of lambs and kids is 9-12 kg. The second sale is in September, when downward migration starts, by which time lambs and kids are fully grown and weigh between 20 and 22 kg. Traders go up to the subalpine and alpine areas to buy the animals. Sheep fetch Rs 650 (US$ 14.13) each, while goats may fetch Rs 750-850 (US$ 16.30-18.47). Herders sell 40 percent of their sheep and 70 percent of their goats every year. Gaddis are very reluctant to reveal their income, but a fair estimate would be the following:

Expenditure is only Rs 1.00 (US$ 0.02) per sheep and Rs 1.25 (US$ 0.02) per goat as grazing fee. Ten percent of animals are lost due to wildlife or accidents.

Sale of goat milk is considered unethical by Gaddis; goat milk is never sold, it may be given to acquaintances. The only use of this milk is consumption by the graziers and making cheese for their own use. Since it is not a marketable commodity, graziers spend a lot of time preventing kids from overfeeding.

Besides grazing, the only supplement provided to the animals is salt (at 3 kg/100 animals), which is fed once a week by spreading it over the rocks at stopovers.

In case of death of an animal, the flesh is sliced and separated from bones; salt is rubbed over and it is dried for future consumption. Hides are not sold, but turned into bags to store and carry food items.

Animal sacrifice is common on religious occasions, family celebrations or before crossing a pass in the hills. The animal for sacrifice (it is always a male goat) is first given a bath, then the priest applies a paste of flowers and rice to its head and says prayers. A third person, not connected with the rearing of this animal, slaughters it. The priest takes the hide, head and a leg, the rest of the carcass is eaten by the family and friends. The important occasions for sacrifice include putting a new field to the plough; improving a field so that it can grow wheat; laying the foundation stone of a house; celebrating births, reunions and marriages; the 12th and 14th day after a death in the family; before the start of a journey; and before crossing a mountain pass.

Herders’ opinions

Gaddis, being busy with their own affairs, of a quiet disposition and suspicious of government officials, were apprehensive about the study. With the help of local contacts from the research centre’s substations, three families were persuaded to participate in the study. The following major points came out of contacts with the Gaddis:

Some now have periodic exposure to electronic media and this is increasing the demand for schooling and medical facilities.

Conclusions

The Gaddis’ transhumance system has gone on for centuries and will continue so long as it is profitable; this involves hard work, seasonal separation from the family, and an uncertain future.


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