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WOMEN AND THE GREEN REVOLUTION
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Tending rice in the
Hyderabad District in India
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The Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, with
its package of improved seeds, farm technology, better
irrigation and chemical fertilizers, was highly successful
at meeting its primary objective of increasing crop yields
and augmenting aggregate food supplies. In Asia, where the
Green Revolution package was the most widely adopted, food
production increased substantially in those decades. Yet,
despite its success at increasing aggregate food supply, the
Green Revolution as a development approach has not
necessarily translated into benefits for the lower strata of
the rural poor in terms of greater food security or greater
economic opportunity and well-being.
Undernutrition and poverty are still prevalent and the
distribution of food remains skewed with families in
landless, small-scale farming households and general
labourers as high-risk groups. Studies of impact have shown
that the better-off strata of rural society have gained
access to better incomes generated by the introduction of
technology whereas the poorest strata have tended to lose
access to income that was available before its introduction.
This has led to the recognition by development agencies,
including FAO, of the need to formulate a more equitable and
sustainable Green Revolution aimed at improving food
security for the hard-core poor in rural areas. Much of the
success of this new approach will depend on its ability to
respond to the realities of the critical people involved in
producing, providing and managing food supply within the
poorest rural households - women farmers.
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The impact of technological change
in agriculture
The rapid modernization of agriculture and the
introduction of new technologies such as those that
characterized the Green Revolution have had a differential
impact on rural populations by both class and gender. How
the Green Revolution affects rural people depends on whether
they are wage earners, cultivators or consumers, whether
they come from landed or landless, rich or poor, male- or
female-headed households. However, two general trends are
apparent: the wealthy have benefited more from technological
change in agriculture than the less well off and men have
benefited more than women.
Studies on the impact of the Green Revolution have shown
that technological change can generate major social benefits
but at the same time generate significant costs for
particular categories of rural women that are different in
kind and in intensity from those experienced by men. For
example, the introduction of high-yielding varieties of rice
in Asia has had a major impact on rural women's work and
employment, most of it unfavourable by:
- increasing the need for cash incomes in rural
households to cover the costs of technological inputs
which has forced women to work as agricultural labourers;
- increasing the need for unpaid female labour for
farming tasks thereby augmenting women's already high
labour burden;
- displacing women's wage-earning opportunities through
mechanization.
The effects of the adoption of high-yielding varieties
(HYV) of rice and wheat in India provides a good example of
how particular categories of rural women have been affected
differently by technological change in agriculture. For the
poorest women from landless or near landless households who
rely on agricultural wage labour for survival, the data from
India implies that although agricultural modernization has
increased the demand for agricultural labour, wage rates
remained static or were depressed by an increasing supply of
labourers. Not enough employment has been generated for all
who are seeking work nor has the relative increase in
employment opportunities necessarily resulted in an
increased standard of living. Within this bleak employment
scenario, women are paid lower wages than men and are often
assigned the more labour-intensive tasks such as weeding,
transplanting and harvesting. Moreover, women labourers have
clearly lost out from mechanization of post-harvest
activities - a traditional area of female wage employment -
which may have offset any gains made by increasing
employment due to the introduction of HYV technology
packages. Low wages and displacement from work means that
the majority of rural women in South Asia have insufficient
income to improve their diets by taking advantage of the
substantial increases in output for irrigated rice and
wheat.
Agricultural modernization in India appears to have had
mixed effects on women in small-cultivator households. For
many, the financial intensiveness of adopting the HYV
package has increased the need for cash income with two
effects on women; either forcing them to work as
agricultural labourers or increasing their work burden of
farming activities in an effort by the household to avoid
the use of paid labourers. In households that have been able
to take advantage of the technology package, women have
generally benefited from the increased income to the
household which means that they can withdraw from
agricultural labour. The withdrawal from field work,
however, has often translated into heavier work in the
household compound (for example, cooking for hired
labourers) rather than leisure.
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Adding manure to
enrich the soil in a people's participation project
in Zimbabwe
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Settlement schemes for irrigated rice production, which
attempted to replicate the Green Revolution experience in
Africa, rarely recognized the importance of women's
independent farming and income-generating activities to meet
family food requirements and cash for the purchase of goods
vital to family well-being. Targeted at male household
heads, these schemes introduced land reform and a heavy
focus on cash crops which eroded female rights to land
without easing their responsibility to feed the family or
their need for cash income. The failure to perceive and/or
respond to differential allocation of resources and
responsibilities between men and women in farming households
meant that women's labour requirements for cash crop
production were increased although control of the income
remained in the hands of men. Moreover, women were allocated
small plots of marginal land for food production which
resulted in insufficient food for the family and increased
pressure on fragile environments.
These examples illustrate that most of the negative
effects of agricultural modernization on rural women are
indirect consequences of the introduction of technologies
that are rarely targeted at them or designed specifically
for their needs. Rural women are rarely considered as
clients for agricultural research and development programmes
or users of improved technology. Technical training and
extension programmes are almost exclusively targeted at men
thereby denying women opportunities to improve their skills
and access to important channels of communication and
state-sponsored support services. Moreover, when fed through
traditional systems which limit women's access to resources
and impose a sexual division of labour that allocate to
women the most tedious, labour-intensive and poorly rewarded
work, the introduction of technology has the tendency to
increase the labour burden of some of the poorest rural
women without necessarily increasing their gains. It is
clear from an examination of the gender-related impact of
technological change in agriculture that one needs to bear
in mind intrahousehold allocations of labour, income and
access to land as factors constraining women or affecting
their ability to benefit from change.
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Whose
criteria matter?
The major technological thrust of the Green
Revolution was the development by agricultural
research centres of high-yielding varieties of rice
and wheat which, under favourable conditions,
increase grain yield considerably over indigenous
varieties. But increase in grain yield is not the
only desired criteria of preference for women
farmers who also value biomass and other components
of the crop or plant. To a small producer, rice is
not just grain: it provides straw for thatching and
mat-making, fodder for livestock, bran for fish
ponds and husks for fuel. These products not only
have a role in the domestic economy but are often a
valuable input to other income-generating
enterprises that provide a livelihood for many of
the rural poor, especially women.
Closing the gap between scientists' priorities
and those of women farmers will need to be an
essential strategy for a more equitable and
sustainable Green Revolution in order to design
technologies that match the realities experienced
by the majority of poor producers in non-irrigated,
environmentally fragile areas. This can be brought
about by creating channels of communication through
participatory research and extension so that
farmers can signal their technical requirements to
breeders and breeders can learn from the experience
of farmers in the optimal management of local
varieties under restrictive environmental
conditions.
Agricultural research and technology development
programmes can assure responsiveness to
gender-equality issues by:
- recognizing women farmers as forming a
constituency for agricultural research;
- recording from women the husbandry and
utilization information on indigenous plant
varieties that would provide insight into
performance characteristics;
- giving due attention to the multiple uses of
plants for food and other uses;
- studying domestic processing, storage and
cooking technology and linking them to plant
breeding programmes.
Adapted from J. Jiggins
Gender-related Impacts and the Work of the
International Agricultural Research Centres, World
Bank, Washington, DC, 1986.
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Employment consequences of
technological change in agriculture
One of the most dramatic macrolevel consequences of
modernization in agriculture has been the loss of wage
labour opportunities for poor rural women due to the
introduction of technology that mechanizes tasks they
traditionally perform. The clearest example of this
situation is found in the mechanization of post-harvest
practices, which has reduced the availability of wage work
for women. The introduction of rice mills throughout Asia
has made women labourers who were formerly involved with the
winnowing, threshing and handpounding of rice redundant. In
Bangladesh, where manual dehusking of rice is the most
important source of female wage employment in rural areas,
and often the only source, modern mills employ men. The
introduction of a subsidized scheme for motorized rice
hullers in Java (Indonesia) is estimated to have thrown 1.2
million landless women, who were employed in the
handpounding of rice, out of work.
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