Gender in policy and
planning
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Women
in Zambia read market price data published
in a local newspaper
FAO/17821
/A. Conti
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Often the most fundamental problem in policy and
planning for the food and agriculture sector is to
get those in decision-making positions to agree
that there is a gender issue. Decision-makers
either consider that 'gender' is not a useful
category for the purpose of economic policy and
planning or refer to the lack of
gender-disaggregated information and data as
preventing the incorporation of gender in
analytical work.
Increasing attention has been paid to the
negative impact of structural adjustment policies
(SAPs) on rural women. Under SAPs large-scale
farming and commercial crop production are
promoted, and the subsistence sector is neglected.
As a consequence, resources - land, labour, inputs
- have been reallocated from subsistence production
to the production of export crops. The implications
of this shift are numerous, especially for women
who are concentrated in the subsistence sector.
SAPs focus on the reduction of public spending and
price supports, liberalization of markets,
reduction and elimination of agricultural and food
subsidies and the elimination of marketing and
transportation controls. A reduction of government
involvement, in such areas such as marketing and
pricing subsistence agriculture, leaves farmers
responsible for areas in which they have no
experience or training. In addition, SAPs generally
involve reduced government expenditures on social
services such as education, health and rural
infrastructure, which means that further demands
are made on women's time and energy to make up for
shortcomings in these areas.
Why gender in policy
analysis?
Yet, there is a growing body of evidence and
experience that warrant bringing in a gender
perspective to policy analysis, both in terms of
equity and economic efficiency. For example:
Women's ability to reallocate their time to
other activities in response to changes in market
opportunities ( such as increased producer prices
or job openings) may be hampered by the societal
norms that delineate different economic and social
roles for men and women, thus restricting the
substitution of male and female labour time.
The household economy, with its asymmetry in the
control over income, may make impossible the
transmission of changing price an incentive to
women.
Reductions in export taxation combined with
exchange rate devaluation provide incentives to
increase cash crop production at the expense of
subsistence crops, often a non-tradable good, in
most cases under the responsibility of women. The
increased commercialization of agriculture may
result in increased demand for family labour,
thereby lowering the benefits of education relative
to the benefits of using child labour (even more so
for girls). In addition, it may increase women's
responsibilities in the 'unrecognized economy',
i.e. household management (production of more
household goods 'in-house', purchase of less
prepared, more time-intensive foods). This may have
negative effects on human resources in the long
run.
Government expenditure policies involving the
reduction of social infrastructure, such as health
care and sanitation, may imply a transfer of the
costs of care from the paid economy to the
unrecognized economy of the household and in
particular to women.
Gender in decentralized rural development
planning?
Within a national context that favours economic,
legal and regulatory policies to equalize women's
access to productive resources and to labour and
capital markets, planning at the area or district
level has the most potential to translate such
policies in projects and programmes that can
integrate a gender perspective. For a number of
reasons:
- First, the district is the most appropriate
level to obtain detailed information of the
area, the community, the households and to
incorporate this information into project or
programme design. Staff at district level
generally have a reasonably good knowledge of
local conditions and, if the information needed
is not immediately available, they can find ways
of obtaining it relatively easily; conversely,
it is the level where communities or pressure
groups can voice their opinions.
- Second, it is at the area-district level
that projects and programmes are implemented and
where, therefore, implementation problems
related to gender can be identified and
rectified.
- Third, the district is the appropriate level
for a participatory approach to planning,
enabling local governments and organized
communities and pressure groups to interact for
the allocation of public resources. In many
cases attempts to improve women's access to
resources begin as organized pressure groups
composed primarily or entirely of women.
Government officials may become involved,
usually at the final stage of planning exercises
conducted autonomously by such groups.
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