Background Papers

CHARACTERIZING DISASTERS
François Grunewald, Agronomist
Groupe Urgence-Rehabilitation-Developpement, France

1. INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE DIVERSITY

One of the sad features of today’s world is that no place on Earth can be said to be 100% free of disaster risk. Disasters have affected the African, Asian, European (Central, and Eastern), south American continents. Most of the agro-ecological zones have been touched, from the arid sub-saharan Northern Mali and Horn of Africa to the humid central Africa and the monsoon belt is Southeast Asia. From the sea side of Sri Lanka and East Timor to the mountainous Hazarat in the Hindhu Kush ranges, from the immense low plains of Congo to the Nil-Zaïre highlands in Rwanda. Countries with various levels and types of development and social organisation have suffered: from manual subsistence agriculture to highly sophisticated mechanised agricultural systems, socialist and market oriented economies alike.

Disaster situations are divers. Disasters of natural origin or cause have reached unprecedented scales, since more and more marginal and risk-prone areas are inhabited and put under cultivation by a population growing by the day. Fragile ecosystems and agrarian systems are under enormous pressures from the globalisation of the world economy.

Internal conflicts and international wars are also causing immense distress for rural populations. Devastated villages, burned houses, destroyed, non harvested or even unplanted crops are common occurances. Displacements of various scales and for variable duration are also some of the results and aggravating factors of these man-made disasters. This is the century-old story of farmers, famines and war. As said by the well-known agronomist René Dumont "war is often peasants’ assassination!". But the end of the Cold war, instead of delivering peace to all, brought about new waves of wars. Internal conflicts, specifically targeting civilian populations, are more than ever on the rise.

Agriculture is for many of the Planet inhabitants at the centre of the daily preoccupations. The recent disastrous floods in China and Bangladesh, the ecological and economical crisis in Indonesia, the still ragging war in post Dayton former Yugoslavia (Kosovo), the never ending conflicts in Angola and Afghanistan, all these events have important consequences on agriculture and life in the rural world. When agriculture is disturbed, food becomes scarce in the rural and urban markets, prices rise and the whole economy is put under jeopardy. Access to means of production, and more specifically to seeds and other planting materials, is often at stake.

But the degree of complexity is even higher. The "simple disaster" does not exist anymore (if it has ever done so). The largest humanitarian crises of the recent years have all been a combination of factors : war and drought (Mozambique in 1992), war and flood (Somalia in 1997-98), war and locust infestation (Ethiopia in 1986-87), massive displacements of populations for dam building and flood, etc.

A very specific complex feature is when the disaster strikes in a situation of transition: transition from war to peace (Mozambique, Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina); transition from dictatorship to democracy (Haïti); transition from socialist central planning to market economy (North and South Caucasus),etc. Then the possible state-related decision makers are often in a weak position to take action, if even they exist. They are often sometimes inexperienced in many subjects and under a lot of pressures, many of them mainly of a pure political nature. Agriculture, restoration of the productive capacity of the farmers, conservation of the national phytogenetic resources are normally not very high in the agenda.

Civil society (local NGO, professional associations, area specific organisation, etc.) has often been partly decimated during the crisis or is hiding underground awaiting for all the carts to be redistributed. These two key players in times of crisis are, therefore, not available, thus jeopardising the chance for a proper identification of the real needs and an appropriate appraisal of the local capacities. This affects all humanitarian intervention, and more specifically the agriculture recovery programmes.

Failure in restoring productive farming systems during conflicts and/or post-conflict or post disaster periods have usually had dramatic negative impacts on human beings and social systems. They have even often affected the chance for a durable solution or/and a protracted peace. Therefore, it is of paramount importance to improve means and methods to properly respond to the agricultural needs of these troubled times in highly complex and heterogeneous contexts.

The approach on which this paper focuses on the recognition that what counts at the end of the day is the understanding of the complexity and of the diversity. Therefore, the reader should not expect the description of "an average disaster situation" with the establishment of "an average best practice". There will be no simple set of synthetic indicators. Thus, the strategy chosen to characterise disaster situations and identify the most useful variables is to go through the establishment of fine-tuned typologies :

Then, these two typologies will be crossed in order see how the two types of factors inter-act (section 4). This exercise, relevant and operational both in terms of analysis/understanding and in terms of prediction, planning and action.

It is only when this identification of the factors of variation has been done, when the interactions are analysed and correlations identified, that appropriate responses can be designed and implemented.

2. DISASTERS: FACTORS OF DIFFERENTIATION

Disasters are very diversified and take many different forms. Equally different are the way these disasters affect rural communities and more specifically their "seed system". Among the key variables, five seem to play a very special role:

First of all, the nature of the disaster will play a very important role. Indeed, natural disasters and man-made disasters may not affect, in the same manner and with the same magnitude, a given context. With a more sophisticated approach, we can also say that the objectives of a war themselves will lead to different types of impacts . International wars aimed at territorial or political gains will not have the same overall repercussions nor will they impact existing farming systems the same way as internal ethnic war where the objective of the fight is to eliminate the "other group", the "different people". In addition, disasters, be they natural or man-made, will have very different consequence whether or not they are followed by large scale and protracted displacements. It is, therefore, of a paramount importance to identify the nature of the disaster, both by its causality and by its external manifestations. The grid presented on the following page (Table 1) lists the main types of disasters, their main characteristics and a set of indicators that can be used to characterise them both from a "causality" (predictive value) and a descriptive point of view.

Unfortunately, as it will be shown below, "simple cause disasters" are very rare. Many factors often interact to transform a crisis that could be dealt with into an "humanitarian disaster". The tools to analyse, characterised and categorise these disasters have to be found in many different disciplines: climatology, vulcanology, geology, political sciences, economy, ethnology, anthropology, biology, ecology, etc. Often, multidisciplinary approaches are needed, due to the complexity of the disasters and of their causes.

Disasters are seldom totally unknown and unexpected factors. They often have occurred at least once in the period that human memory or local traditions can keep track of. Armed with this historical background, neither farmers, nor the local administration (whatever it may be) remain passive actors in front of possible or actual disasters. In risk-prone areas, farmers have often developed sophisticated early warning mechanisms based on the observation of indicators perceived as having an high predictive value. Rural societies have also elaborated complex risk minimisation strategies and disaster mitigation: use of various varieties and crops, spreading of the agricultural activities over a longer period of time, cultivation of different locations within an agro-ecosystem, establishment of multi-years food and seed stocks, etc., are among these strategies.

In the face of climatic events , the agricultural authorities often try their best to establish contingency plans: dams can be filled up with reserves of water ready to be release at the peak of the drought in order to save fish, to make irrigation possible or to restore the soil moisture of zones normally carrying water-receding crops. When confronted with war or related events, farmers try to hide seeds or animal flocks. While most of the observors recorded the high degree of depletion of the herds of the war affected Bar-El Gazhal and Jongley regions of south Sudan, very few have noted the local transversal migrations of the flocks towards Equatoria and the even Kenyan Turkana region.

But even if these national actors are often trying to get ready one way or another when the disaster strikes, the implementation of these measures is unfortunately only possible when there is enough advance notice. When the flood comes in a matter of hours or when the attacks are sudden and unexpected, there is vary little that can be done.

Rural economies are just another system of capitalisation and accumulation of means of production. They can take the form of livestock (many pastoral and agro-pastoral societies), food stocks (Sahelian systems), investment in the labour intensive modification of the agro-ecosystems (terracing in south-east Asia, Hindu Kush and Mediterranean regions) or accumulation of more and more costly equipment. Under the tough pressure of a disaster, these rural economies can be affected by the reverse "decapitalisation" process. The longer the duration of the disaster, the more acute and abrasive is this "decapitalisation", which can at the end lead to total or near total disappearance of the farm and destitution of the farmers. Rwandan experience has shown that the degree of affectation of a system depends heavily on the duration of the direct exposure of this system to the disaster, in that case war hostilities on the one hand, and actual displacements on the other hand. In general, the longer the duration, the more serious is the destitution process. But simultaneously, the more creative

 

Table 1. Determining the nature of disasters : a typology for identification.

Categories

Description

Types of predictive Indicators

Types of descriptive indicators

Means of verification

Remarks

Natural disasters

Drought

Climatic indicators

Climatic indicators,

Nutritional indicators,

Socio-economic indicators

Climatic data

Satellite imagery

For most of these types of disasters, frequency analysis of climatic data and historical review of the possible repercussions of the disaster on the situation can often be pre-established.

 

El Nino is a perfect case of a predictable event with all the signals for early warning being perfectly known.

Floods

Climatic indicators

Climatic indicators,

Nutritional indicators,

Climatic data

Satellite imagery

Volcano eruption

Tectonic indicators

Behaviours of fauna

Seismologic indicators

Agro-ecological indicators

Socio-economic indicators

Geotectonic monitoring

Fauna observation

Satellite imagery

Earth quake

Tectonic indicators

Behaviours of fauna

Seismologic indicators

Agro-ecological indicators

Socio-economic indicators

Geotectonic monitoring

Fauna observation

Typhoons

Climatic indicators

Climatic indicators,

Agro-ecological indicators

Climatic data

Satellite imagery

Tsunami

Tectonic indicators

Climatic indicators

Climatic indicators

Socio-economic indicators

Geotectonic monitoring

Climatic data

Satellite imagery

Locust infestation

Climatic indicators

Dynamics of the locust population

Agro-ecological indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Socio-economic indicators

Climatic data

Satellite imagery,

Ecological surveys

Land slides

Climatic indicators

Tectonic indicators

Agro-ecological indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Socio-economic indicators

Climatic data

Satellite imagery

Geotectonic monitoring

Risk mapping

Large scale outbreak of fire

Climatic indicators

Ecological indicators

Signs of fire

Agro-ecological indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Socio-economic indicators

Climatic data

Satellite imagery,

Ecological surveys

Often linked to combination of natural (El Nino for instance) and socio-economic factors (land availability)

Man made disaster

International war

Geopolitical indicators

Historical indicators

Economic indicators

Demographic indicators

Military indicators,

Surgical indicators,

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Review of history

For most of these disasters, the roots have often to be sough for in the History of the area and of the people inhabiting them.

Political internal war

Geopolitical indicators

Historical indicators

Demographic indicators

Military indicators,

Surgical indicators,

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Ethnic conflict

Political indicators

Historical indicators

Economic indicators

Demographic indicators

Military indicators,

Surgical indicators,

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Review of history

Results of refugee influx

Demographic indicators

Ecological indicators

Military indicators,

Surgical indicators,

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators , Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Often the consequence of one or two other causes (combination of various types of disasters)

Failure of economic policies

Economic indicators

Geopolitical indicators

Historical indicators

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Review of history

Here again most of the systems have been tried in hi

Political sanctions

Political indicators

Historical indicators

Economic indicators

Demographic indicators

Military indicators,

Public health indicators,

Demographic indicators

Socio-economic indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Geopolitical analysis

Economic analysis

Review of history

Technological disaster

Tectonic indicators

Ecological indicators

Climatic indicators

Agro-ecological indicators, Nutritional indicators,

Socio-economic indicators

Technological analysis, Risk analysis/mapping,

Ecological surveys

Either link to out-of date (nuclear for instance) or untested technologies (for instance the OGM)

are the adaptive survival mechanisms. The timing of the point where the destitution line meets the creative survival line varies from one group to another, between and within disasters. This timeframe can make the difference between a human catastrophe and a simple crisis. However, some disasters are just decades long stories. In certain contexts, protracted sufferings and unbalance tend to become the norm rather than the exception. In these contexts, there is no transition from war to peace, but just long lasting grey periods when it is not clear whether the war is on or off, and who won. These never ending crises heavily weight on the existing economic systems in general and on farming systems in particular. The very existence of unaffected seed stocks is sometimes the result of a near miracle, while in many instances it is the result of farmers’s highly elaborate survival mechanisms. The other elements related to "time" will be discussed in a section below.

  • The number of interacting factors :

It is often a "chicken and egg story". Why have the Mozambicans suffered so much from the 1992 drought? Is it because two decades of civil war have affected so much the survival capacities of the population that it cannot cope anymore with a drought? Or is that because the drought brought down the food production and the agricultural cycles that the cumulative effects of the ongoing civil war have reached the maximum level the population can endure without severely encroaching its survival capacity? In specific cases, when famine is used as a weapon, then forced displacements, destruction of crops and burning of stocks of food staple and seeds can bring a population to a state of vulnerability that could turn into a disastrous situation.

Of course, demographic characteristics of an area or of a population can reinforce certain factors and transform them into a disaster-accelerating factor. In areas of Northern Mali, the fragile arid environment can sustain only a certain number of people per km˛. If the density doubles because of events in another region, then the agricultural resources, water, pastures and dry fodder for the livestock and other wild resources (fruits, wood, berries, wild cereals, etc.) will get depleted. This will sow the seeds of the next disaster. In highly populated areas, a limited event leading to only an increase of 10 % of the population can have enormous repercussions.

It has been mentioned that the transition between socialist planned economy to the new mechanisms of the market-driven system is another factor that can interact with arising conflicts. This has been seen in Aizerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Tchetchenia, Tajikistan, etc. Norms and references tend to disappear during these troubled times. If another strata of unbalance, such as a political crisis or even a conflict show up in the picture, then the probability is high to see the whole situation turning into a disaster with incalculable consequences. The rural world is soon affected, and so is the whole agricultural system and, its seed component.

In large parts of Africa, subsistence agriculture is often based on family based production and reproduction of the planting materials (seeds, cuttings, roots, etc.). Farmers are not really depending on the production of these planting materials outside of their farms. Therefore, the supplies do not depend on the functioning of trading lines or mechanisms. On the other hand, when the disaster has totally destroyed local seed stocks, farmers are in a more complicated position to get replenish their seed stockes. In the Caucasus region, or in former Yugoslavia, farmers have been for decades depending on specialised seed production units for their supplies. If the economy does not enable the farmers to access these planting materials or if a frontline replaces what use to be a commercial interface, then these farmers are confronted to a very serious challenge: how can they, in a matter of days or weeks, find an alternative seed supply? How will they become able to start their own seed production? However, in these more sophisticated systems, there is a better likelihood that seeds may be available somewhere, or, at least, that the genetic material at the origin of the commercial varieties is still kept in one or another seed centre.

3. HOW DO DISASTERS AFFECT AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES AND BIODIVERSITY

These various factors and their repercussions in terms of possible strategies will be studied in the following chapters. The way farming systems are affected will be described with more details. There will be an attempt to "zoom" at three levels :

  • Rural economy of the affected area;

  • Functioning of the farming systems and food security systems; and

  • The seed system (keeping, selling, buying procedures).

Agricultural production is an process by which photosynthesis is transform into useful means for the survival of human beings. It requires a certain number of factors of productions (land, manpower, capital) and inputs (seeds, water, tools, inputs coming from the industrial world, etc.) depending on the level reached by the productive forces. Disasters affect the whole agricultural cycle. They affect access to factors and means of production as well as the final results of the productive cycles: food, stocks of raw material for handicraft or other activities, products for the market, etc. This also affects the way farmers and non farmers use natural resources, including food and seeds stored in granaries or still in the fields. They can also put the very existence of natural resources in danger (napal or other chemical weapons in the rain forest, mines in pastoral lands, etc.). Disasters can even jeopardise the reproduction of the fertility of the ecosystems. In Rwanda, the disappearance of a large part of the livestock is causing direct damages on the structure and texture of the sloping fragile soils of the "country of the thousand hills".

A series of factors affects more crucially the agricultural processes:

  • The "time factor";
  • The "resilience factor";
  • The "Global context factor"; and
  • The "Aid factor".

3.1. The time factor

One of the first factors to study is the "time factor" : This time factor has to be subdivided into three components : time of occurrence, duration and frequency.

  • Time of occurrence :

The question to answer is: when did the disaster take place compared with the agricultural, pastoral and non-farming calendars (see example in Table 2)? Indeed, the consequences will be different if it takes place before sowing, while the crops are growing, at harvest time or when the granaries are full.

Table 2. Somalia, the April 1992 war in Baidoa and the central sorghum belt.

Months

F

M

A

M

J

J

A

S

O

N

D

J

Seasons

 

Gu season

 

Dehr season

Sorghum crop calendar

 

Sowing

Weeding

Harvesting

Storing and consuming

Sowing

Weeding

Harvesting

Disaster

 

War

Insecurity

       

Effects and impacts

 

No plantation,

Food and seed stocks destroyed or consumed

The little that was sown could not be weeded and taken care of.

Yield limited or non-existent

stocks

Availability of seed extremely limited

   

One can assess from Table 2 above that war activities would have had a very different effect if they would have taken place at another time of the crop calendar. In each situation, the exercise of establishing the calendar of the various productive and non productive activities and the positioning of the disaster vis-à-vis this calendar should be compulsory as a methodological tools in the diagnosis of the situation and of the planning of any activities. This is unfortunately seldom done. Many setbacks in humanitarian programmes have their origin in the disconnection of aid activities from the local calendar of planting, harvesting, moving the flocks from seasonal pastures to other areas, etc.

The military offensive that took place in the spring 1998 in Afghanistan, together with the earthquake affecting the same year this poor and unlucky country, have both taken place at the time when farmers where preparing for sowing while food stocks were nearing their end (beginning of the lean period). Repercussions would have been less dramatic if the same events had taken place at harvest or post harvest times when people where well nourished and food stocks at their peak.

We could add many examples to this list. Many attacks have taken place in former Yugoslavia just at harvest time. Those who managed to harvest were often not the ones who had planted. Thus, the socio-economic conditions of the planters could only deteriorate since they could not harvest, but also lost all their initial investments, including potato seedlings cautiously set aside during winter, despite enduring hunger all along the cold months of the Bosnian context.

  • Duration :

Another element of the time factor, already partly discussed in an earlier section, is the duration of the disaster. For instance, in the example of Rwanda; areas have been more or less all affected, but some of them just for a few days while other for a long duration, amounting some times more than half a year. In the first case (most of the North and eastern parts of Rwanda), crops in the field, including roots and tubers, were only marginally affected, leading to a high degree of food and planting material availability. Farmers had to hide only a few days in the bananeraies and were quickly back in their rugos to take care of their crops. In the other areas, especially the south and centre of the country, waves and waves of displaced people pillaring the crops in the fields and looting whatever food could be looted have been followed by the establishment of camps for internally displaced people. Since they could not really sustain themselves with the food aid (low quality and monotony of the rations), they took an heavy toll on the local food stocks, e.i. belonging to local residents of the neighbouring hills, therefore affecting the overall food security of the areas with its various components (including the overall availability of seeds and planting material, as well as wood and other cooking energy).

  • Frequency :

The frequency of a crisis of a certain magnitude is at the origin of most of the anti-risk strategies of human groups. In areas where the state of crisis became a norm (sahelian agro-pastoral fringes, etc.) rather than the exception, more complex mechanisms tend to develop. In areas which have been crisis-free for a long period, the population is often less well-equipped to deal with crisis. The degree of development and the sophistication of the anti-risk (prevention) and risk coping (adaptive measures when the disaster finally strikes) strategies and mechanisms are closely linked to the way a whole society (both the collective structure and the individualities its is composed of) perceive the dangers, its magnitude and probability of occurrence.

Analysis of anti-risk strategies in drought-prone areas has shown that there is a direct relation of proportionality between the probability of drought and the number of varieties used per crops. These varieties not only differ in terms of length of their physiological cycle, but also in terms of resistance to the various possible stress. In addition, a few studies of the genetic characteristics of some of these varieties have shown that even the apparently most homogeneous varieties were in fact genetically heterogeneous populations. The higher is the degree of risk, the more numerous are the varieties used. It should be here noted that any analysis of crisis-related phenomenon that would use an evaluative approach through the use of average data will be bound to non-useful and irrelevant results. Indeed, in either climatic or man-made disasters, what counts is the risk, estimated as a probability of occurrence. Only frequency analysis based on the theory of probabilities can be of use. It is therefore also important to try to perceived what are and how are made risk calculation by farmers. This issue of frequency can also be linked to the "duration" factor of a possible disaster. In fact, this link (the probability for a phenomenon not only to occur, but also to last) has been at the origin of most of the traditional food and seed stock strategies.

In Somalia, where climatic uncertainty is more than just an obvious factor but a part of the whole social fabric of the Somali society, storage technologies based on underground pits have enable villages to keep food and seed stocks amounting to more than 5 years of consumption needs and for adequate agricultural activities. This means that the village was able to cope with 5 consecutive years of bad harvest without much harm. In the Sahel, the establishment of collective granaries under the control of the village council had exactly the same purpose: to keep stocks to cope with the "probable unexpected" event such as drought, desert locusts, plant diseases, etc. This can also help to understand the validity of certain indicators and early warning signals used by these populations in their risky environments. This of course applies mainly to drought, flood or pest-related disasters, but experiences in long lasting internal wars (such as Angola or Afghanistan), shows that rural population use the same approach to estimate the risks of attacks.

As much as the form of the clouds or the direction of the wind can inform on climatic events to come, increases in food purchases by soldiers in cantonments have often been associated with soon to come military operations.

3.2. The resilience factor

Crisis and disasters are not an uncommon feature of history. Societies have been able to cope with them or have disappeared. Of course, the above mentioned time factors (timing, duration and frequency) as well as the magnitude and scale of the phenomenon will have specific effects to which these societies and their various components will react more or less appropriately.

  • If the disaster is of a limited scale or duration or if it is a relatively frequent feature which has generated adaptive measures, most societies will resist with only little harm. They have developed over time (and time here means decades, if not centuries) adaptive practices where risk is both minimised and spread over years, crops, seasons and ecological conditions. Although some of the adaptive mechanisms can have negative impacts, including increased destitution of specially vulnerable groups or migration, every one thinks the situation will come back to normal relatively rapidly.

  • When magnitude, scale or duration increase, changes in feeding patterns can be seen as a recorder, as well as the initial phases of selling of assets. The poorest social strata, which of course has the thinnest buffering capacity (capital and assets that can be lost without affecting the overall survival capacity of the family) will often become more specifically affected.

  • Components of the society which are still very close to their natural environment and know and are able to manage these natural resources will be less affected, as time runs on, than groups or populations cut from their natural resource basis. What has been observed in context such as Mozambique is that the more traditional groups (mainly in the RENAMO zones) were less affected than the ones which have been removed from their natural environments and regrouped in artificial settlements (aldeas communais). The later were disconnected from most of the wild foods and traditional varieties and, therefore, were more vulnerable to disasters.

  • When the situation further degrades, what counts then is daily survival. Survival mechanisms, such as reduction of the diet, relying on wild foods (leaves, forests fruits and tubers, etc.) are the last protection against total destitution. In these contexts, characterised by a high (if not total) degree of scarcity, farmers and non-farming community have often had to rely on unsustainable practices: charcoal making leading to deforestation, exhaustion of reserves of wild food, consumption of lactating she-camels, cows or goats, etc. Among these features, which often comes along with large and protracted disasters and their specific post disaster situations, consumption of the last stocks of seeds is also a result.

Here indeed, the fact that human societies are differentiated has to be central to our analysis. The socio-economic stratification of these societies of course differ from one context to another, but it is this phenomenon which will generate various aptitudes and capacities to cope or not with various level of "aggressions" on the "family units" and "societal systems".

The notion of "vulnerable groups", as imperfect as it is, became a key concept for the aid actors. However, the means and methods to identify them, to establish the roots of their vulnerability and to understand their strategies are still to be developed:

  • Who are these vulnerable people?
  • Why are they vulnerable?
  • Are they a group (with rules and structures) or just a constellation of individuals, each of them in his/her own drama?
  • How are they coping with the disaster?
  • Are they taken care of by the rest of society or left aside?
  • How will they manage to restore a minimum productive capacity after the disaster?
  • More specifically, how are they dealing with the "seed issues"?

The tools needed to answer to these questions belong more to the field of social sciences than to agronomic and seed sciences. This explains partly why agronomists with no or little background in social science often have problems understanding what is happening and to relate seed issues with evolving social fabrics of disaster affected societies. A kind of scale of the evolutions for the whole system, for specific groups and, more specifically, to the "seed system" can be drawn up (Table 3).

Table 3. Evolution of the impacts of disasters depending on their magnitude and duration.

Magnitude of the disaster

Duration of the disaster

Impact on social structures

Impact on vulnerable groups

Impact on the "seed system"

Low

Short

 

Nihil.

Limited.

Nihil.

Long

Increased differentiation.

Tend to restrain themselves to mere self- sufficiency.

Focus on local seeds of the most resistant varieties, including tubers and root crops.

Manageable

Short

Nihil.

Are more relying on external jobs.

Nihil or limited.

Long

Increased differentiation.

Apparition of unseasonal practices. Changes if feeding patterns.

Search of seeds in the markets or in non-affected neighbouring areas.

High

Short

Limited.

Changes if feeding patterns. Selling of assets.

First signs of seed consumption. Search of seeds in the markets or in non affected neighbouring areas.

Long

Increased differentiation, Apparition of new types of power structures;

first signs of elimination of the most vulnerable.

Changes if feeding patterns. Selling of assets. Increased reliance on small job and selling of manpower.

Increased signs of seed consumption, together with decapitalisation of the productive system (selling of seeds, tools, animals, etc.).

Very High

Short

Apparition of new types of power structures;

first signs of elimination of the most vulnerable.

Rapid movements of the population.

Increased consumption of seeds. And related risk of disappearance of certain varieties.

Long

Destruction of the social system.

Large scale death and starvation. Movement of the population, not immediately followed by a return.

High risk of disappearance of certain varieties.

One will notice that no difference is made here between natural and man-made disasters. Indeed, at this stage, there is no difference. Bullet injuries set aside, a multi-year drought will affect a population in a similar way to a multi-year internal conflict.

3.3. The "global context factor"

The vulnerability of a rural economy at large, of farming systems more specifically and of access to seed and planting materials as final point of focus depends largely on the overall system existing during "non-crisis times".

For long times, Aid providers and Donors were focusing on the developing world. General and specialised programmes for disaster and post-disaster seed provision were concentrating on subsistence farming systems where farmers have usually been the main producer and keeper of their own seeds. These systems were based on a multitude of cultivars and local varieties, with often very poetic names. The relation between the site specificity (soils, micro-climatic conditions, etc.) and the types of seeds is very tight. On that side of the hill, you use this type of sorghum; on this side, this other type. In the lower part of the valley, farmers will use one variety of rice while the fields just above will be planted with another one. Each family tries to keep seeds of each of these varieties, and if necessary, can always find a neighbour who has manage to keep a small surplus of a specific one. It could become available if a neighbouring family needs extra quantities of a specific cultivar. In most instances, this system works. In parts of Rwanda, Afghanistan or Angola, this has been the key to recovery. However, if the disaster is of a high magnitude beyond what the community can cope with or, more damaging, if it lasts too long, then some of these local varieties can be lost forever, unless a small quantity has been gathered and kept in a genebank somewhere.

In recent years, Europe (especially former-Yugoslavia and Albania) and the former Soviet Union have been incorporated into the list of war-affected countries. Their agricultural systems are much more sophisticated, with specialisation between seed production units and food production units. This specialisation can even be regional. In former-Yugoslavia, most of the seed production areas (for corn, potatoes, vegetable and wheat) where in the Save-Danau fertile plains currently shared between Croatia and Serbia. When the war broke out, many areas, such as Bosnia-Herzegovia or the former United Nations Protected Areas (UNPA) of Krajiana were cut off from seed production zones, and therefore, from seed supplies. The same has been observe in the Caucasus region. Most of the potato and wheat seeds were produced in the Krasnodar region north of the Caucasus mountains. When the Soviet Union collapsed and some of the former internal borders became actual frontlines, farmers where left alone without any seed supply. However, loss in varietal choices would become more difficult since these seed production units always keep either samples of their own varieties, or more generally produce only varieties coming from research centres. For instance, corn varieties grown in Northern Krajina were all coming from the same production units in Croatia. With the war between Croatia and Krajina, these seeds could not come anymore from this centre. However, Croatian seed production units used to get their seeds from a well-known agricultural research station in the Voivodina region. This station also used to supply the agro-combinat of Seme-Sombor in Serbia. Therefore, the seeds of the same varieties could be found from an alternative source through an alternative route.

Systems based on "one agricultural season per year" (such as the Sahel) are much more sensitive than systems based on two or three cropping seasons (because of long rainy seasons or irrigation facilities). Another very specific factor affecting the "robustness" of a farming system against disaster is the types of crops it is based on. The terms of this robustness are based on a series of factors: mono-cropping versus multiple crops, homogenous length of plant cycle versus utilisation of early, medium and late maturing varieties, cereals versus tubers, hybrids versus open pollinated varieties, etc. In each of these different systems, the main element that characterises the conditions during a disaster is "certainty or uncertainty" of the occurrence of certain events that would have been considered as "ascertained" during non-crisis times.

3.4. The "aid factor"

It should be remembered that, in times of disaster and post disaster, the Aid community (donrs and implementing agencies alike) becomes a crucial actor. With its various programmes (food aid, seed and tools distribution programmes, etc.), it can play a complex role, with positive and negative effects on:

  • Overall recovery, at both socio-economic and food security levels;
  • Sustainable seed availability (production, supply, etc.); and
  • Overall preservation of plant genetic bio-diversity.

Experience has shown that, for the sake of doing good, some times a lot of harm can be done. If logistics, which occupy large part of the time of Aid workers is a relatively simple process, supporting agricultural recovery is complex. NGOs have, in the last five to ten years, become numerous in the field of seed distribution. But due to the dominance of logistics-oriented, unprofessional or unprepared staff, a lot of mistakes have been committed. This is especially unfortunate since the process of "greening the ruins" is often carrying with it a lot of hope. There is nothing as sad as a farmer who spent his last resources and energy to plant fields that will yield no harvest.

After decades when the only answer from the International Community has been "food aid", a new feature of relief programmes became more and more frequent - the tendency to, at least theoretically, "link relief with development". This has been on most agency’s agenda since at least five years. This has taken various types of forms, from mere rhetoric (developmental relief) to highly sophisticated recovery programmes. Among these programmes, seed distribution became fashionable within both the humanitarian agencies and the donors. These types of activities were indeed supposed to both limit the scale and duration (and therefore the cost) of food aid programmes (by making people more quickly self-sufficient) and bridging between pure relief and rehabilitation/development programmes. This approach, based on the concept of "continuum" described earlier, suffered a certain number of setbacks. In certain countries, such as Angola, free seed distributions have been organised for more than 10 years without establishing even a minimum of sustainable food security. In countries like Somalia, war affected areas with high scale of destruction and sufferings (including famine) are bordered by peaceful zones, where the full fledge agriculture cycles are still at work and even able to produce surplus. This, which led to the new paradigm of "contiguum", will bear a heavy weight in the chance of preserving local phytogenetic resources and accessing locally known varieties.

Often, diagnosis has been of a limited quality and the approach more of a "pizza delivery" nature. Unappropriate varieties have been purchased. Seeds of a special type were brought to the wrong areas. Delays in the order and delivery brought the seeds too late in the hands of the farmers. The frequent absence of the required "seed protection food ration" led in some instances in high seed consumption rates. Many factors can result into a low performance of the agricultural recovery programmes.

Three key issues have to be given the proper attention:

  • Food aid versus assistance for agricultural recovery;
  • Imported seeds versus local purchases, and
  • Free distribution versus provision on a loan basis.

Although these points will be treated in other papers, it is worth mentioning them here since they shall be given the appropriate consideration in any strategic preparedness plan of action.

4. CROSSING FACTORS: A PRAGMATIC TYPOLOGY

As the diversity of disaster situations has been established, it is then useful to organise this knowledge in an orderly manner. A crucial points is that the same disaster does not affect the same way different types of contexts. Similarly, each of the farming systems can be more or less resilient depending on the type of disaster. On the basis of the key variables related to a simplified classification of disasters and to existing agrarian systems, the following double entry grid has been elaborated. Then one can place in the grid known past or ongoing disasters - a few examples have been positioned in this type of grid in Table 4.

Although this grid is by no way a "miracle recipe", it can help to reference and organise the knowledge about disasters and their impact on farming systems. This approach, therefore, can assist future strategic planning exercices.

5. DISASTERS: GAPS IN INFORMATION FLOWS TO BE FILLED UP

Early Warning Systems have existed now for many years and are becoming more sophisticate. The most sophisticated and reliable ones are, up to now, the ones targeting specifically climatic disasters (droughts, floods, etc.) as well as those with relevance with locust infestations. Early warning signals

Table 4. Grid crossing types of disasters and types of affected contexts.

Types of agrarian systems

 

Characterising
disasters

 

Manual subsistence agriculture where farmers produce and keep their seeds.

Intermediary stages with various level and degrees of dependency on seed supplies external to the production unit.

Highly mechanised systems where farmers buy all their seeds from specialised companies.

Types of disasters

Onset

Duration

 

 

 

 

Natural disasters

Slow onset

Short duration

 

 

 

North Korea since 96

Long duration

Drought in Sahel in 73-74

 

 

 

Rapid onset, unpredictable and unexpected

Short duration

 

Floods in China in 98

 

Landslides in Italy in 98

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Rapid onset and predictable event

Short duration

Locust infestation in East Africa

 

El Nino in 97-98 in South America and Asia

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

 

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Man- made disaster

International war

Slow onset

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

Former-Yugoslavia

Rapid onset, unpredictable and unexpected

Short duration

War between Senegal and Mauritania

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Rapid onset and predictable event

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Other

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Internal conflict

Slow onset

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

Uganda since 96

 

Palestine

Azerbaijan/

Armenia

Rapid onset, unpredictable and unexpected

Short duration

Erithrea/Ethiopia war

 

 

 

Long duration

Rwanda, Burundi

 

 

Afghanistan

Rapid onset and predictable event

Short duration

War in Zaïre 96-97

 

 

Albania

Long duration

South Sudan

 

 

Kosovo

Other

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

High tension leading to socio-economic disturbances

Slow onset

Short duration

 

 

Indoneasia

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Rapid onset, unpredictable and unexpected

Short duration

Guinea-Bissau

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

Rapid onset and predictable event

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

RDC

 

 

 

 

Short duration

 

 

 

 

Long duration

 

 

 

 

related to social upheavals, internal conflicts or international wars also exist. They are, in fact, the basis of intelligence and diplomatic activities since centuries.

However, most of the early warnings issued in the last decades have not been taken seriously, or responded to, by the international community. In many instances, they were totally neglected. More sadly, some of them have been purposely not listen at. Reports on the developing famine in Ethiopia were available and circulated months and months before the situation turned into the most well-known famine of the mid 80's (the WFP/FAO donor conference on Ethiopia had been held without any response until the BBC footages showed the developing horrors at Christmas 1994). When early warnings are related to ethnic or social crisis, they have either not been noticed (Rwanda, in the early nineties a few years before the genocide actually took place) or been followed by inappropriate measures (Kosovo, which was raising a lot of concerns from the "educated observers" since mid-80s was not included in the Dayton agreements). The logical consequence of an early warning, which is a rapid response, has in most instances not materialised.

However, relatively simple cost effective measures could have been taken in terms of setting aside local seeds, and increasing local, national or regional areas under seed production. More important, strategies for in situ protective measures on the bio-diversity could have been implemented in a certain number of cases. In fact, most of these measures should become full fledge parts of any agricultural strategy aimed at promoting sustainable development.

Available information systems relating to disaster situations are plentiful. Yet they are not used properly, i.e. they are rarely listen to. Most of the information required is available, but often political priorities prevent a proper use of them. There is, nevertheless, room for improvements, at least in the way pre-crisis information can be collected and used before the disaster strikes.

6. DISASTER PREPAREDNESS: THE FORGOTTEN PRIORITY

The problem with preparedness measures is that they are an investment which will only pay off if and when the disaster actually strikes. This explains why neither local authorities nor Donors are very keen to finance them. Unfortunately, when disaster strikes, it is often too late. Then costs run high, appropriateness of the response is often limited and suffering reachs peaks that could have been avoided.

There is, however, a lot of confusion behind the term "preparedness". It is often understood only from a logistical angle. Pre-stocking of goods (and in relation to this paper - seeds) and transportation means is of course important. However, preparedness is more a state of mind than a physical process. With this overall acceptation of the concept, preparedness has to do with a few key strategic factors which include, but are not limited to :

Acquiring the knowledge:

In many man-made disasters, there will be no Ministry of Agriculture to deal with, no technical decision makers available for discussion and agricultural recovery. Farmers could be the only source of information. The thoroughness, but also the limitation of this information (site specific, little global view, limited knowledge on either the world seed system) the absence or excess of knowledge of the humanitarian business can lead to very biased assessement. By chance, there is no region on Earth which has not been studied, especially disaster prone areas. How can this information be collected, compiled and made available before the crisis, so that when it occurs, useful information is immediately accessible? Information systems connected to the INTERNET are one of the most recent assets of the international community. More and more, people's groups, NGO, local institutions can get "on the net" to look for required pieces of knowledge they might need. Structures like FAO/GIEWS or specialised centres can insure that this information is available in a "ready to use" form. In addition, trusted and tested solutions often do exist. What counts is the availability of the information about them. Local seed banks have been set up in Western Africa and in India. Trial and error programmes on that subject have already been in place in various areas of the world. There is no need to repeat the same errors, but avoidance of doing so depends largely on whether or not the actors are aware of these lessons, and make use of these lessons learned.

Be ready:

The establishment of seed stocks or lists of useful appropriate seed varieties and seed supply sources requires competent, dedicated and convinced staff. The human resource factor has often been seen as one limiting very much the efficiency of programmes. Training on matters related to seed issues with hands-off sessions for staff already working and specialised modules included into agricultural schools and universities curriculum can easily be organised.

Developing inventories which include a listing of local varieties with their characteristics and site specific adaptability will be crucial. One has to remember that in situ varietial conservation is often more efficient and cost effective that the establishment of costly national or international ex situ conservation systems: national seed banks require not only a sophisticated infrastructure of cold rooms, refrigerators and packaging units, but also agricultural stations for regular regeneration of the seed stocks. These national systems are, however, still necessary, since they could permit national inventories and co-ordination of overall biodiversity conservation.

International systems have also shown their usefulness in certain contexts. Most of the rice varieties of Cambodia were stored at IRRI. During the Khmer Rouge era (1975-78), some important varieties where almost lost (especially floating rice brands). In the mid 80's, IRRI managed to bring back some of these cultivars which then could be re-multiplied. In Angola, the national collection of sorghum, maize and beans was located in the premises of the Huambo National University of Agriculture. The military occupation of this town during the civil war and the destruction of the compound of the university resulted in the destruction of the collection. If some samples of the Angola varieties would have been provided to the regional phytogenetic resources conservation programme, the losses would not have been so detrimental. Now, not only the collection has to be started from scratch, but it is not sure if all of the varieties will ever be recovered. The decades of famines and population movements have taken a high toll on the national phytogenetic heritage.

Establishment of village based seed banks, with the necessary training and social work in order to sensitise the population of the importance for them to keep these banks in good conditions and to use and resupply the stocks is needed, and requires appropriate approaches.

These preparedness measures are especially important when a disaster has been followed by large scale displacements of rural populations. Indeed, when the refugees or internally displaced people go back to their areas of origin, appropriate types of seeds are often not available. Since most of these events (e.i. return and repatriation) are often predictable (this has been the case in most instances, apart of the recent massive return of Rwandan refugees from former Zaire), appropriate establishment of stocks of local seeds could have taken place. In Cambodi, for instance, the repatriation preparation process took more than a year. Alas, only very few people mentioned beforehand the importance of pre-stoking of Khmer traditional rice varieties. When the refugees came back, they only received "modern varieties" often very vulnerable to flood or drought. It did not help the economic re-integration of these returnees nor the establishment of an acceptable level of food security. This is the kind of failure which underlines how weak the international community’s preparedness response has been in recent times.

Think ahead:

With a bit of proactive thinking, many steps can be achieved long before the emergency.

During the post conflict or post disaster period, access to traditional varieties will be crucial to re-establish farmer seed stocks and restore risk minimisation mechanisms based on socially-owned knowledge. Pre-crisis establishment of national seed banks and/or bio-diversity genebanks will be crucial for the post-disaster recovery. Regional co-operation is needed. The connection of national strategies and perspectives with regional ones will help to distribute the risk and share costs. Experience in Angola has shown that this can be done in a cost effective and efficient manner, provided that certain means are available and matched with a real will of local actors.

We also know that, in post-disaster periods, the absence of law and order can facilitate all kind of pillage. Seed companies can jump to collect samples of seeds they will use in their own research work without even mentioning the origin of the genetic material. Will the "protective components" enshrined in the Convention for the Protection of Biodiversity shall be actively defended in post disasters contexts? After all, countries back from the brink should as well be respected and their genetic resources protected.

7. CONCLUSION

Among the many factors contributing to the success of humanitarian disaster response operation in general and of sustainable agricultural recovery through seed distribution, one of the most important is the quality of the diagnosis.

This diagnosis depends, among other factors, primarily on:

  • A proper understanding of the nature of the disaster, of its characteristics;
  • A thorough analysis of the system that prevailed before the disaster took place, including the production processes (in terms of timing, requirements, relations with other sectors, etc.);
  • An in-depth assessment of the way the disaster has affected life in the rural areas, including the agricultural cycles; and
  • An identification and appraisal of the adaptive mechanisms and survival strategies put in place by the affected populations.

8. ADDITIONAL READING:

AUBERTIN, C. 1998. Les enjeux de la biodivisersité. Poche Economica, Paris, 112 p.

BESSET, J.P. 1992. René Dumont: une vie saisie par l’écologie, Collection"au Vif", Stock, Paris, 375 p.

CARBONNIER, G. 1998. Conflict, post war rebuilding and the economy: a critical review of the literature. The war torn societies project. UNRISD, Geneva, 76 p.

FAO. 1996. Conservation and sustainable use of phytogenetic resources for food and agriculture. FAO documents prepared for the World Food Summit, Rome, Italy.

FAO. 1997. Contributions for the development of seed security strategies in Disaster-prone Regions. Proceedings of the Florence International Workshop on seed security for food security, 231 p.

FAO. 1998. La production des semences de qualité déclarée au Rwanda; Kigali/Rome, 83 p.

GARY, J.M. 1995. Ethnobotany: a people and plants’ conservation manual. WWF/UNESCO, Chapman & Hall, 268 p.

GRALL, J. and LEVY, B.R. 1985. La Guerre des semences: quelles moissons, quelles sociétés? Ed Fayard, Paris, 410 p.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1985. Le riz et le sucre: manuel méthodologique pour la recherche développement en agriculture dans le sud-Thaïlande. GRET, Paris, 26 p.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1986. Alarme précoce, aide d'urgence et développement, quelques idées pour une stratégie. Bangkok, Asian Disaster Prepardness Center, 1986, 57 p.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1989. "Stratégies paysannes à la rescousse de l'autosuffisance". In: Affaires Cambodgiennes. Paris, L'Harmattan, ; pp.149-174

GRUNEWALD, F. 1993. "Pêche, forêt et agriculture dans un Cambodge à peine sorti de la guerre civile". In: Revue Tiers Monde, XXXIV, N134.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1993. When the rain will return: emergency assistance, rehabilitation and development. Text presented at the Conference Colloque "Développement, il y a urgence, Lyon", November 1993, 13 p.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1995. "Action before, during and after the crisis: the experience of ICRC in retrospect". In: International Review of the Red Cross; N° 306, May-June 1995; pp. 263- 281

GRUNEWALD, F. 1995. "Protection of biodiversity in times of war and during post conflict periods". Report of the first International Conference, Huambo (Angola) July 1995, ICRC, 25 p.

GRUNEWALD, F. 1996. "The other cost of war: protection biodiversity in times of conflict". In: Plant Talk : plant conservation worldwide, N° 822, Novembre-Décembre 1996; pp. 633-654

GRUNEWALD, F. 1996. "For or against food aid". In: International Review of the red Cross; N° 312, October 1996; p. 15

GRUNEWALD, F. 1997. Au delà de la survie: concepts et pratiques de la réhabilitation agricole au CICR. "Working papers of the Relief Division", Genève, 27 p.

MACRAE, J. and BRADBURY, M. 1998. Aid in the twilight zone: a critical analysis of humanitarian-developement aid linkages in situations of chronic instability. UNICEF, New York, NY. 75 p.

MAZOYER, M. et al. 1998. Histoire des agricultures du monde: du néolitique à la crise contemporaire. Seuil, Paris, 531 p.

ODI. 1997. Fournir des semences pendant et après les situations d’urgence. Programme de semence et de biodiversité. Revue de l’Etat des connaissances N°4, London, 151 p

ORSTOM. 1989. Le risque en Agriculture. Collection: A travers champs, ORSTOM, Paris, 619 p.

SPERLING, L. 1996. Rwanda: Household survey on status of potato crops. Seeds of Hope, ISARD, Kigali, 27 p.

SPERLING, L. 1996. Rwanda: Nation Household survey on status of beans, sorghum and Cassava crops, 1995: the impact of war and varietal erosion, Seeds of Hope, ISARD, Kigali, 60 p.

SPERLING, L. 1996. Executive summary and reflection of the Seeds of Hope socio-economic analysis in Rwanda: the impact of war on agricultural production. Seeds of Hope, ISARD, Kigali, Rwanda. 24 p.

USAID/DESFIL. 1996. Seeds for disaster mitigation and recovery in the Greater Horn of Africa. Chemonics International, Inc. Washington, D.C. 137 p.

 

Notes

  1. The « seed system » comprises all the activities related to seeds : from production to trade through selection, local or industrial processing and storing. The way disasters affect agriculture in general and this seed system in particular will be treated in sections 3 and 4.

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