3. THE SOUTH PACIFIC FOREST RESOURCES

3.1 Landuse in the South Pacific

Landuse patterns in the South Pacific are immensely varied between the various groups of countries. However, countries of similar size and with a similar degree of development tend to exhibit similar patterns in their broad landuse. Table 3 describes landuse in broad terms for the South Pacific.

The large developed countries, Australia and New Zealand, have both cleared substantial areas of natural forest to establish pastoral agricultural systems. The Australian Resource Assessment Commission (1991) notes that since European settlement approximately half Australia's forests have been cleared or severely modified, while New Zealand has cleared one-third of its forests in the same period, and a further third in the preceding millennium of Maori settlement. In terms of proportion of total land area in forest or woodland, on a global scale, both Australia and New Zealand are at best moderately forested; comparable with countries such as the United States, France and Germany. In terms of actual forest area, Australia, due to its large arid interior, is relatively unforested. However, on a per capita basis both have well in excess of 2 hectares of forest per head of population; comparable with Brazil and Sweden. Both also have plantation resources in excess of a million hectares.

The Melanesian countries are all heavily forested. Table 3 shows wooded land cover in Melanesia ranging from Fiji at 47 percent to Papua New Guinea with 93 percent. On a per capita basis Melanesia is well endowed with forests. With the exception of Fiji, which has only slightly more than one hectare per head of population, the other Melanesian countries have between five and ten hectares of forest per head. However, with the exception of Papua New Guinea, the Melanesian land area is relatively small. While Papua New Guinea is similar in size to Spain, the remaining Melanesian islands collectively have a land area only slightly larger than Ireland. As a consequence, even short run departures from sustainable management forest regimes can have significant long run impacts on forests.

Table 3: Landuse in the South Pacific

Source: Forest Resource Assessment 1990 (* except where noted)

The larger Melanesian islands in common share mountainous interiors which generally preclude economic commercial logging. While the total Melanesian woodland resource comprises 475 000 km², less than 20 percent of this area is considered commercially exploitable. The remainder seems likely to suffer small-scale incursions in the form of shifting cultivation and other agricultural conversions, but, for the foreseeable future should remain largely intact. The story is likely to be markedly different for the accessible lowland forests. In Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, despite the absence of unimpeachable data, it seems clear that at best harvesting is being carried out in a fine margin of sustainability. The reality is likely to be significantly worse. For instance, there are a number of references in the literature to the Solomon Islands exploitable forest being cut out around the turn of the century, although available statistics appear to indicate the resource will have greater longevity. Vanuatu, which in 1994 relaxed plans to limit annual allowable cut to 25 000 m³ and ban log exports, may find itself moving down a similar path. As the lowlands are cleared it is conceivable that some areas will be left to regenerate to forest while other land may be planted in plantation species. However, it is inevitable that pressures of increasing population and demand for arable land will see at least some of the forest land converted to agricultural purposes.

Fiji is presently the only Melanesian country with a significant plantation estate. Fiji has 4.2 percent of its land area under plantation forest.

The islands of Polynesia comprise two main types, those which are volcanic in origin which tend to be larger, more fertile and more heavily vegetated, and those which are coral based which are uniformly, low-lying with infertile sandy soils and generally with small land areas. Western Samoa is the only Polynesian nation with significant forest resources, and these are rapidly being depleted. The FAO Forest Resources Assessment 1990 notes it as being the only forested Polynesian country though Niue, Tonga, French Polynesia and Norfolk Island all report small forested areas, elsewhere.

In general the small islands and atolls have only small and scattered patches of bush and scrub. For many of the smaller islands coconut comprises the most important wood resource in addition to its more direct role in the production of coconuts, copra and palm oil. Coconut trees tend to be used in agro-forestry systems providing shelter and shade to crops and gardens, while providing both a nut crop and a wood and fibre source of themselves. This system seems to hold the most promising prospects as the most appropriate landuse system for atoll nations. However, information on the extent of coconut resources from a forestry perspective is sketchy at best. Table 4 attempts to estimate coconut wood resources based on coconut production.

Table 4: Estimated Area under Coconut in the South Pacific

Source (1) FAO (2) Author

Table 4 extrapolates from coconut production to estimate the potential coconut wood resource in the South Pacific¹. While the simple extrapolation technique is far from perfect it can be seen that the estimated coconut land coverage is at least feasible and (with the probable exceptions of Nauru and Tokelau) generally meets reasonable expectations. It is notable that the small unforested Pacific Islands appear to have significant proportions of coconut landcover. As noted, the basis for extrapolation is 1982 Tongan data. It seems reasonable to expect that, allowing for a country's "developedness", for countries smaller than Tonga the extrapolation will overstate coconut coverage since pressures will be higher to manage land more intensively. For countries larger than Tonga the reverse is likely to be the case.

It is interesting to note that in Tonga itself traditional farming system crops are grown under the canopy of trees (predominantly coconut). However, shifting practices from traditional to commercial farming has notably reduced the number of trees on Tonga (easily seen by comparing the 1982 and 1994 nut production levels) due to; increased mechanisation requiring wider tree spacing, farmers on leased lands not being interested in tree planting, and intensive cultivation not allowing trees and shrubs to become established.

3.2 Land Ownership and Tenure Systems

Land and its ownership is a vital and integral part of the societies in the South Pacific. In almost every country land ownership, or controversy surrounding ownership, has had a significant impact on the development of the forestry sector in that country.

Crocombe (1987) notes that, "The Direction and extent of change in tenure has paralleled closely the relative numbers and powers of immigrant as opposed to indigenous people". Consequently changes to traditional systems have been greatest in Australia and New Zealand, with Fiji and New Caledonia in an intermediate stage of change, and countries such as Tokelau and Tuvalu, with almost no immigrant population, retaining traditional systems with little change.

Australia has, until recently, been relatively unaffected by questions of land tenure. However, in June 1992 the High Court of Australia held, for the first time, that the common law of Australia recognised the prior land rights of Australian Aboriginal people. The decision (Mabo v Queensland (1992) 175 CLR 1) overturned a judgement of 21 years earlier, that Aboriginal title to land had not survived British settlement of the continent. The decision recognises that although the British Crown acquired sovereignty over territory which is now part of Australia, it did not acquire the universal and absolute ownership of all the land. The decision recognises a form of native title which reflects the entitlement of the indigenous inhabitants, in accordance with their laws or customs, to their traditional lands.

The Federal Government passed the Native Title Act in 1993 to give effect to the principles of the Mabo decision. The Act provides a regime for determining whether native title exists over particular areas of land or waters, for validating certain past acts of government and for regulating future acts which may affect Aboriginal rights in land. Claims for compensation are also provided for by the legislation which is administered by the National Native Title Tribunal. The Tribunal is essentially a negotiating and mediating body. It can be assumed that where forest lands are under dispute there is potential for forests to be returned from government ownership to aboriginal tribal ownership. New Zealand is working through similar colonial repercussions and has a similar mechanism.

The other former British territories in the South Pacific were much less colonised and consequently land has generally remained more closely aligned to traditional tenure systems. Much of the land in the Pacific islands is under customary ownership i.e. owned by tribes, clans, families or other native groups, rather than individuals. Under such systems members of a tribe generally have free use of the land owned by their tribe. The land generally cannot be sold or can only be sold to other customary groups or to the Government. The land can generally be leased to non-natives for use under various conditions. Ownership is not always clear-cut and resolution of disputes can be difficult, protracted and not always final.

In view of the relatively low populations in most of the countries, this form of land tenure may serve to protect the ownership of the land for future generations who may otherwise face the possibility of being dispossessed of the land. However, although customary land has been leased for plantation or other commercial development e.g. Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the customary ownership system is generally considered to be an impediment to commercial land development. In fact, Government agencies often restrict their activities to Government owned land thus reflecting the sensitive nature of the land tenure issue.

The major problem with communally, as opposed to individually, held land is the dampening effect on individual entreprenuership. Where the benefits of one individual's efforts, labour and investment are shared by all owners there is little incentive to work or invest above the norm. A second difficulty, which relates more directly to long term landuses such as forestry, is the need to gain communal agreement to a landuse. Where there is disagreement in the landowning group it is often impossible for projects to proceed or productivity is lessened. A common problem is the not unnatural reluctance to allow customary land to be used for reforestation in view of the long term withdrawal of such land from customary usage. With problems of absentee stakeholders and disputable property rights a laissez-faire attitude may often predominate. For instance on Niue the government is implementing a forest establishment scheme which requires Government to lease land or enter into joint venture partnerships with landowners. The Niuean report to the 1992 Heads of Forestry meeting noted that effectively all the land available for reforestation is privately owned (i.e. on customary land). Since the Government owns no land all land must be acquired from landowners through either lease or joint venture. A major problem is that these arrangements require that the land is titled and surveyed and this process can be difficult and take much time to resolve. Many families prefer not to have their land surveyed because of the disputes that arise.

Similarly on forested land customary ownership may present barriers to commercial exploitation of the forest. For example, 87 percent of the total land area of the Solomons is under customary ownership and this is constantly increasing as Government relinquishes some of its titles. Hence the development of the forest resources must take into account the primary rights and ownership of the customary landowner. Disputes over ownership are common during logging. Kuki and Thorpe, reporting on their individual experience of chainsaw milling in the Solomon Islands to the 1992 Pacific Islands' Heads of Forestry meeting, noted an example where a foreign company commenced felling on Kuki's land with permission from a man who was not a real landowner.

A further difficulty in land development may occur when the system of tenure is individualised but the inheritance system either fragments physical parcels of land, or fragments ownership rights. Crocombe (1987) notes this second problem is particularly prevalent in the Society, and Cook Islands and in New Zealand. "It is not uncommon to find that pieces of land too small to support a single family have a hundred or more legal owners. (Similar provisions in the Republic of Nauru have resulted in fifty or more shareholders in many one-quarter acre sections...)". This effectively converts individually owned land to a communal system and the attendant problems discussed above.

The tenure systems in Kiribati and Tonga appear more susceptible to physical fragmentation. Land ownership in Kiribati is individualised. The head of the household is usually the landowner and all lands belonging to him are jointly used by the members of the family including those who have married and established their own households. Land is usually shared out among the children at the death of the landowner and thus a new cycle begins. As population pressures increase it is easy to envisage the individual landholdings becoming gradually smaller. Similarly, in Tonga, all male taxpayers are entitled to an 8 acre allotment. In 1984 63 percent of Tonga's land was held in allotments. Such a system appears to limit forestry development to only small scattered woodlots probably for only personal use. It is difficult to see the potential for commercial forest development. Change to this system is likely to occur in the future, however, as the government has very limited land remaining to distribute.

There are numerous variations on the land tenure systems outlined above. A separate final example worth noting is New Caledonia. Oliver (1992) proposes that land ownership in New Caledonia is arguably even more complex than elsewhere in the South Pacific. In the Eastland Province the vast majority is held in customary ownership, as it is elsewhere. Private ownership is concentrated, often in large holdings, in the western savannah of Grande Terre. Officially, all lands not in private ownership on Grande Terre are held by the French State. Nevertheless if the provincial departments wish to acquire land for tree planting it is prudent to seek the agreement of the local tribes, the de facto landowners (as primary landusers). In addition to the usual difficulty of getting within tribe consensus, conflicting land claims abound among tribes because they have often been displaced one or more times by the French State. Agreements consist of making arrangements for a local labour force to plant and tend the trees. Since the tribes are not official landowners no rental payments or royalties are given. (Not surprisingly, Chandrasekharan (1977) reports instances of newly established plantations being burned in the 1970's).

3.3 Influence of Overseas Interests

Possibly the most controversial issue in South Pacific forestry is the influence of overseas interests in the exploitation of resources and the development of processing industries. This is an issue mainly affecting those countries with commercially viable timber resources and, notwithstanding New Zealand's privatisation programme, primarily of significance to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu.

The forestry sector in these three countries, particularly, is firmly caught in a conservation versus development debate. On the one hand the countries see the forest resource as a means of financing an improved standard of living, better education, healthcare and infrastructure; on the other hand conservation interests recognise ecologically precious areas of unique and virgin rainforest. The debate is further fuelled in that the countries do not have a sufficiently strong forestry industry to enable them to utilise the resource themselves. Consequently logging rights are sold to foreign companies which to date have exported unprocessed logs as opposed to investing in processing facilities which might further contribute to their host country's development..

These overseas companies have been widely criticised in the environmental press as being pillagers of the forests. There are two main thrusts to this criticism. Firstly, that the concession-holders do not pay a fair price for the timber they extract; and secondly, that the companies do not invest in further processing in-country.

In a pure free market situation it would be difficult to see these arguments holding water. Where concessions are openly sold then it is reasonable to expect that natural competition will ensure a fair payment for the standing value of the timber. However, if the market is constrained because of lack of information on behalf of the sellers, because of a lack of willing buyers, or because of a corruption of the market, then a lower price can be achieved. Generally, some protection against lack of price information is offered to resource owners by requiring government approval of harvesting. However, rural poverty and widespread ignorance of legal frameworks have been conducive to exploitation. There are also numerous allegations of both physical dissuasion of competitors and of bribery and corruption in the allocation of timber concessions.

While there are few proven instances of corruption against the overseas loggers and a large proportion of the forestry business carried out is doubtless legitimate there is no doubt that, at a global level at least, the public relations aspects of logging in Melanesia are generally a disaster. Historically, at least, logging companies have used landowner information deficiencies to act as arbitrageurs. Equally, insensitivities toward the local population have seen deals entered into which make it difficult for the loggers to be seen as good corporate citizens. For example, in April 1995 the Solomon Islands Government had to send security forces to Pavuvu Island to quell protests by islanders resisting a compulsory resettlement scheme which the Government had agreed to implement as part of a logging rights sale agreement with a foreign company (though the complexity of landuse issues in the island countries is highlighted by noting that the Pavuvu Island community were also split over the Malaysian forestry proposal. The New Zealand Imported Tropical Timber Group had in fact already negotiated with them to run a sustainable portable sawmilling operation). Similarly, a current refusal by logging companies to pay increased timber royalties in Papua New Guinea is unlikely to enhance their image. Public confrontation of a host government will engender neither sympathy nor respect for the loggers.

As regards investment in further processing, it is trivial to note that companies will generally only invest if it is economic to do so. In Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands the exploitable forest resource may be too limited and geographically dispersed to encourage the establishment of competitive international scale mills. In all three countries the less-developed infrastructure and business environment will limit the competitiveness of such mills relative to, for example, hi-tech Japanese processors. There is, consequently, the usual chicken and egg situation for developing countries eager to attract foreign investment.

While conservation groups appear to have captured the moral high-ground at a grass roots level their campaign is also viewed with some hostility. Dolman (1996), in describing the impacts of new forestry regulations in Papua New Guinea notes that Papua New Guineans do not necessarily view the conservationists as a benevolent overseas influence.

"While donors, development agencies, the concerned public, and environmental groups continue to rejoice at all the checks and balances, most Papua New Guineans are livid. They see forests as their window for leaving the stone age and moving into education, health clinics and the shop window. They know that timber is now worth real money and do not appreciate being told to keep their hands in their pockets. These are customary landowners - they are losing patience, and with some justification. Only one new timber permit has been issued in the past three years, and even that is now being crucified by outsiders who have gained locus through the new transparency and participatory approach.

In seeking to regain lost opportunities, village big-men, local and national leaders have joined hands in resisting the Forestry Act which they have come to see as consonant with conservation but against development. Out of this rumble has emerged a new respectability for the game of "find the loophole", and the legal profession is having a field day.

In this game the winner takes all (timber) by disguising logging within a bogus oil palm or infrastructure project. No-one seems to mind oil palm, even though it requires wholesale forest destruction."

Dolman argues that,

"for the most part the need is for a more moderate and considered approach from conservation interests. All those who wish to play a role must accept the inevitability of new development. The pragmatist will now shift focus towards ensuring that new timber projects are good projects. Only by working with this process may we hope to guide it".

3.4 Natural Forest Resources

---

Forest Resource data for the countries of the South Pacific is poorly documented. It is generally neither recent, consistent, nor inspiring of confidence in its accuracy. Consequently the data in Table X should be approached with caution and probably trepidation. Significant variation between estimates of the total forest resource areas for several countries is indicative of the uncertainty which surrounds resource assessment. Similarly, estimation of the merchantable forest area is dependent on good base data, but also a large degree of judgement on behalf of the assessor. It should be noted that definitions of merchantable forest differ among the statistics quoted here. For some, the definition relates to commercial accessibility, for others legislative restrictions are more important. Estimated harvest rates are generally based on a best estimate of total roundwood harvest converted to represent the amount of forest which would need to be clearfelled to achieve that harvest. Consequently, the estimation scenarios represent fully stocked forest areas rather than dealing with larger, but more subtle, areas of degraded forests. Where merchantable forest areas do not decline over time it is assumed these countries are operating under sustainable yield regimes.

Australia and Papua New Guinea dominate the natural forest resources of the South Pacific. These two countries have 87 percent of the natural forest resource. New Zealand and the Solomon Islands contribute a further 10 percent of the total resource.

Australia will publish a National Forest Inventory in late-1996 which will provide a clearer picture of the size and structure of the Australian forests. Australia has, in addition to 40 million hectares of natural forests, an additional 100 million hectares of other wooded lands which could provide a valuable fibre source. Australia, with a substantial plantation estate, is expected to manage its natural forests in a sustainable manner for the foreseeable future. There is a similar expectation of New Zealand. Regenerating natural forest in these countries is assumed will form part of the protected forest estate.

Papua New Guinea is well-forested with 78 percent of the land area dominated by natural forests. However, the PNG Forest Authority estimates only 42 percent of the forests could be harvested using conventional techniques. The merchantable forest area is estimated from a recent Rapid Resource Appraisal project. The more difficult assessment is the size of the current harvest. As noted below there is a significant portable sawmilling industry in PNG which, coupled with ongoing allegations of illegal logging make it difficult to assess the extent of timber industry extractions from the forest. There are also few indications of a settled forest policy on which future extrapolations can be based. Nonetheless, the available data appears to indicate that commercial logging in Papua New Guinea is not far from operating on a sustainable yield basis. Agricultural incursion onto logged land preventing regeneration may be a factor in failing to meet this objective. Consequently the merchantable forest area is assumed to decline modestly over the forecast horizon.

The Solomon Islands National Forest Resource Inventory (SINFRA) estimates a natural forest resource of 2 626 375 hectares. Of this, almost 400 000 hectares has been logged or otherwise degraded. A large proportion of the forest (77 percent) is considered non-merchantable because of its inaccessibility or level of degradation.

Similarly to Papua New Guinea, considerable doubts exist over current logging rates in the Solomons. Other country log import data does, however, indicate the Solomon Islands is operating above the sustainable limits of its merchantable forest area. Even modest harvest assumptions in Table 5 show the merchantable forest area declining from almost 600 000 hectares to 470 000. However, the SINFRA recommends almost half of this merchantable area should not be logged for ecological or social reasons. If the SINFRA's recommended logging area is used as a base for the harvest path scenario in Table 5 then in 2010 the remaining area of recommended merchantable forest in 2010 will be 153 321 hectares. A problem the Solomons shares with all smaller resource holders is susceptibility to long-run repercussions from short run actions. Significant proportions of the Solomons forest resource can be logged in a very short-time. Consequently, if the current level of harvest is sustained it seems evident that by 2010 the Solomon Islands merchantable forest will be gone.

Vanuatu retains a similar susceptibility to logging but is less dependent than the Solomon Islands on forests as a source of export revenues. Vanuatu's forests are less commercially productive than those of it Melanesian neighbours and consequently the large differences in the total forest area estimates for Vanuatu in Table 5 are probably a result of differing classification of woodlands. A similar explanation probably holds for New Caledonia. Vanuatu completed a forest inventory in 1994 however this has not been obtainable in its entirety and without the complete set of data there is difficulty in relating the assessed annual sustainable yield estimate of 51 700 m³ with the reported commercially available forest area (20 percent of total forest). Recent harvest data from Vanuatu from the 1996 Report to Heads of Forestry meeting reveals that the Vanuatuan harvest has varied between 20 000 cubic metres and 44 000 cubic metres per annum during the past 5 years (below the assessed sustainable yield). The assumption modelled in Table 5 is that while the Vanuatuan harvest is below its total sustainable yield, the area of commercially viable forest is declining. The Report to Heads of Forestry meeting also notes, that current Timber licences

authorise a maximum annual cut of 226 000 cubic metres though obviously this capacity is not presently being exploited (nor is it envisaged).

New Caledonia has a large forest resource much of which, as noted earlier, is protected from commercial logging. The merchantable forest presently appears to be cut at well below its sustainable level and is presumably less economic to harvest than importing timber.

The exploitation of the Western Samoan forests is a recent occurrence. Thaman and Whistler (1995) report for Western Samoa that although there were valuable stands of indigenous timber, mainly on Savai'i, these were not heavily exploited until between 1974 and 1987 when timber exports ranged between $288 500 and $1 207 000 per year. Over the past 15 years about 50 percent of the merchantable and about 30 percent of the non-merchantable forest has been cleared. Forest clearance is assumed to continue into the future though at a markedly slower rate.

Of the remaining Pacific Islands only Niue and the Cook Islands (and possibly Tonga) have any substantive commercial forestry. On Niue, most forest clearing can be directly attributed to subsistence gardening activities. Soils that occur under forest are acknowledged as giving a superior crop yield. Bulldozers have been used in recent years for land clearing but increasing costs have resulted in a return to traditional slash and burn methods of land clearing. Forestry is a new concept to most Niueans and particularly the matua (elders) who control the land. While trees are valued for traditional uses, generally speaking, forest is something that is cleared away so that food crops can be grown. Between 1966-1981 it is estimated logging accounted for only around 16 hectares of land clearance per annum out of an average of 250 hectares cleared annually (The Natural Forest of Niue Island 1990).

Data on the Cook Islands forest resource is poor and only very rough estimates are provided in Table 5. Judging by the size of the current harvest relative to the estimated area of forest cover it seems likely that the harvest is above its sustainable level and this is the extrapolation shown. No information was located on the extent of the French Polynesian forest resource.

For the atoll islands lack of space and poor soils preclude natural forest development. For example, Thaman and Whistler (1995) note the indigenous floras of both Kiribati and Tuvalu are extremely poor. Terrestrial vegetation associations are limited to coastal strand vegetation, small areas of mangroves and coastal marsh, relict stands of inland forest, often on uninhabited islets, and escarpment vegetation on Banaba Island.

3.5 Plantation Forest Resources

Plantation forestry is widely accepted in the South Pacific as a means of supplementing wood supplies from natural forests. Almost all countries with any substantive land area have some plantation forestry. Table 6 provides estimates of current plantation areas and, based on proposed planting schedules, estimates scenarios for future plantation establishment in the South Pacific countries.

Table 6: Scenarios For Plantation Establishment (hectares)

New Zealand and Australia have easily the largest plantation forest resources in the region and both are important plantation producers at the global scale. Radiata pine forms the bulk of both countries planted forest estate, with eucalyptus species comprising a smaller hardwood estate in Australia. Australia is presently establishing around 25 000 hectares of plantations each year. The scenario presented in Table 6 assumes this trend continues.

Fiji is the third largest plantation producer in the region with its current resource around 100 000 hectares. The Fijian planted forest is divided approximately equally between hardwood and softwood species. Fiji plans to expand the plantation forest by around 7 000 hectares per annum with a target in excess of 160 000 hectares by around 2000. The hardwood forests are expected to form a source of quality sawn timber. The softwood pinus caribbaea is most likely to form a source of export pulpwood.

Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands both recognise the potential for plantation forests to provide a substitute to natural forest production. However, neither country has successfully implemented a sustained plantation establishment programme. Consequently, the plantation estates in these two countries have relatively uneven age classes and are of variable quality. In Papua New Guinea plantations have been planted in areas where there are few alternative wood supplies such as near the plywood mill in Bulolo and the swamps near Mt Hagen. In the Solomon islands plantations comprise the significant reforestation effort for logged areas. Plantations have not, however, kept pace with the loggers and consequently the plantations do not yet approach the potential to provide a long term substitute for the natural forest industry.

Vanuatu has established very little in the way of plantation forests. However, the 1995 Draft Forest Policy for Vanuatu notes an initial target of 20,000 hectares of plantations which, if predominantly whitewood, would provide a conservative volume of 5 million cubic metres on a 25 year rotation - a sustainable yield of 160 000 cubic metres per annum. Planting is recommended to be carried out at 800 hectares per annum. The draft Policy recommends the Government require logging companies to establish these plantations as part of their licence agreement. The scenario shown for Vanuatu in Table 6 shows a continuation of the current 200 hectares per annum forest programme.

New Caledonia's plantation forests were established for domestic consumption, mostly for construction timber and transmission poles. Oliver (1992) notes that operational planting began in 1965 but due to internal political strife planting was virtually halted between 1984 and 1990 leaving a significant disparity in age-class distribution. Planting to 1992 has resulted in 8 000 hectares of pinus caribaea and pinus elliottii plus an additional 2000 hectares of private woodlots. The current planting programme is around 120 hectares per annum with 300-500 hectares estimated as being required for self sufficiency on a 40 year rotation. Land acquisition is the major constraint. The scenario shown in Table 6 is for a continuation of the present planting programme.

Western Samoa's efforts to establish a viable plantation estate have been greatly hindered by cyclone damage. In January 1990 Western Samoa's plantation estate stood at 4 392 hectares. Cyclone's Ofa and Val (along with stands which were written of due to poor establishment) destroyed 92 percent of this area. At September 1995 only 350 hectares of the original plantings remained. However, since 1990 2 100 hectares of new planting has occurred leaving Western Samoa with a plantation estate of 2453 hectares in September 1995, 70 percent of which is Mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla).

The Tongan Forestry Department has targeted a 1500 hectare estate to be established by the turn of the century and a final estate of around 2000 hectares.. In 1992 the estate totalled 579 hectares with large scale plantings having commenced in 1984. Most of the plantings are Pinus caribaea on 'Eua Island. Annual planting is targeted at between 80 and 120 hectares per annum which will yield an estate of around 2000 hectares by 2010 as shown an Table 6.

Plantation forests are primarily established on the Cook Islands for soil and watershed conservation. Around 1700 hectares of fernland has been identified as requiring protection and a planting rate in excess of 100 hectares per annum has been targeted. The planted forests will, however, also yield a valuable timber source when mature. Presently planting is of Pinus caribaea, Acacia mangium, and Casuarina equisetifolia.

Niue Island aims to establish a 4 000 hectare estate over a 40 year period planting at 100 hectares per annum. to date this planting rate has proved optimistic, however, significant efforts are being made to promote the plantation programme and community participation has played an important role in plantations established to date. Swietenia macrophylla and Toona australis are the main species planted.

There have been limited plantation species trials in most other countries of the Pacific. For example on Wallis Island around 200 hectares of Pinus Caribaea has been planted in the north of the Island

1 The estimates are derived from Tonga's 1982 coconut production (93,000MT) from an estimated coconut tree population of 5 million. Production of 1 MT of coconuts is thus assumed to require 53.76 coconut trees. The land area extrapolation assumes a stocking of 200 trees per hectare.

2 Source: DPIE 1995

3 Source: NZMOF 1995

4 Source: PNG Forest Authority 1992

5 Source: Oliver 1992

6 Source: Fiji Forestry Department 1994

7 Source: FAO Forest Resource Assessment 1990

8 Source: Thaman and Whistler 1995

9 Source: Foran 1992

10 Source: Europa 1996