by
Gillett, Preston and Associates Inc.
The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations is undertaking a review of food security issues and challenges in the Asia and Pacific Region. The review aims to identify and analyse the most critical common issues and constraints affecting food security in the region, and draw up recommendations to aid in the establishment of appropriate regional and national policy frameworks.
The present document has been prepared as part of the first stage of this study. It aims to analyse the contribution of the fisheries sector to food security in the Oceania (Pacific Islands, Australia and New Zealand) subregion of the Asia-Pacific region. The report addresses food security issues in terms of both food production and the generation of income, and also recommends possible mechanisms and policies to strengthen the ways in which the contribution of fisheries to these areas might be maintained or increased.
It is anticipated that the present contribution will be combined with both similar studies of the other subregions of Asia and the Pacific and with studies of other food-producing sectors. The output is expected to be a coherent food security strategy for the region.
For the purposes of the present study Oceania is considered to be a distinct geographical subregion of the broader Asia-Pacific region. It includes the developed nations of Australia and New Zealand as well as the 22 smaller island states of the central and western Pacific. Table 1 indicates the political status of its constituent countries.
Country or state |
Political status/affiliation |
American Samoa |
US territory |
Australia |
Independent developed country |
Cook Islands |
New Zealand-affiliated developing country |
Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) |
US-affiliated developing country |
Fiji |
Independent developing country |
French Polynesia |
French territory |
Guam |
US territory |
Kiribati |
Independent developing country |
Marshall Islands |
US-affiliated developing country |
Nauru |
Independent developing country |
New Caledonia |
French territory |
New Zealand |
Independent developed country |
Niue |
New Zealand-affiliated developing country |
Northern Mariana Islands |
US territory |
Palau |
US-affiliated developing country |
Papua New Guinea (PNG) |
Independent developing country |
Pitcairn Islands |
UK territory |
Solomon Islands |
Independent developing country |
Tokelau |
New Zealand territory |
Tonga |
Independent developing country |
Tuvalu |
Independent developing country |
Vanuatu |
Independent developing country |
Wallis and Futuna |
French territory |
Western Samoa |
Independent developing country |
Ethnically, the subregion is usually broken into four major components: Micronesia, comprising the northwestern countries of Palau, Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands and Kiribati; Polynesia, which includes the southeastern countries of Tuvalu, Tokelau, American Samoa and Western Samoa, Niue, Cook Islands, French Polynesia and New Zealand; and Melanesia, which comprises Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, New Caledonia and Fiji (which is a transition point between Melanesia and Polynesia). Australia is the fourth component of the subregion.
Historically, extensive migration has taken place throughout the region, and this continues today in the form of labour movement and economic migration. All but one of the countries of the subregion (Tonga) were colonised by European nations during the 18th century. Some have since become independent states, while others continue to be formally associated in some way with the original colonising nations, or with other nations.
The subregion's ethnic origins, combined with modern-day political affiliations, and the various indigenous and introduced languages now shared among some groups of states, influence the composition of the various political and economic groupings that exist in the subregion. Principal among these is the South Pacific Forum, a political alliance which brings together the independent countries and self-determining states (the latter being the US- and NZ-affiliated developing countries in Table 1) of the subregion, including Australia and New Zealand. Outside the Forum, the various US, French and NZ-affiliated states and territories also have formal political and economic links with their respective `mother' countries.
In regard to the role of fisheries in food security, Australia and New Zealand are quite distinct from the other countries of the subregion, and from each other. Papua New Guinea is also somewhat distinct in that it has more extensive land resources and a greater population than the rest of the developing Pacific combined. Major differences exist within the subregion with respect to degree of development, affluence, ethnic composition, resource endowment, climate, oceanography, the quality of fisheries and economic information available, and the role that fisheries play in the national economies. In some cases, disparities between the countries referred to above and the rest of the subregion are great, and as a result, combining data or making generalisations on a subregional basis may be misleading. This is particularly true in regard to statistics or projections that are made on a per-caput basis, since trends or characteristics prevalent in the larger countries tend to mask important differences in the smaller ones.
In order to compensate for this problem, some effort has been made in the present paper to disaggregate information wherever there appear to be significant differences between countries or areas of the subregion. In some sections of the document information on individual countries, particularly Australia and New Zealand, is highlighted to draw attention to differences between the situations in these countries and the small island states that make up the rest of the subregion.
The Oceania subregion contains 8.5 million km2 of land, but its exclusive economic zones (EEZs) cover an estimated ocean area of 41.7 million km2, equivalent to about 40 percent of the world EEZ area. EEZs collectively cover less than 10 percent of the ocean's surface but contain most of the world's prime fishing grounds (Weber, 1994). The areas of land and sea of each country of the subregion are shown in Table 2, along with estimated 1995 population data.
State/territory |
Land area |
EEZ area1 |
Estimated population (1995)2 |
Pacific Islands area |
|
|
|
American Samoa |
197 |
390 000 |
57 000 |
Cook Islands |
180 |
1 830 000 |
18 100 |
Federated States of Micronesia |
702 |
2 978 000 |
125 100 |
Fiji |
18 376 |
1 290 000 |
768 700 |
French Polynesia |
3 521 |
5 030 000 |
221 300 |
Guam |
549 |
218 000 |
150 000 |
Kiribati |
726 |
3 550 000 |
80 400 |
Marshall Islands |
720 |
2 131 000 |
56 500 |
Nauru |
21 |
320 000 |
10 400 |
New Caledonia |
19 103 |
1 740 000 |
186 800 |
Niue |
258 |
390 000 |
2 200 |
Northern Marianas Islands |
475 |
1 823 000 |
71 800 |
Palau |
500 |
629 000 |
16 900 |
Papua New Guinea (PNG) |
461 690 |
3 120 000 |
4 173 200 |
Pitcairn Islands |
5 |
800 000 |
100 |
Solomon Islands |
29 785 |
1 340 000 |
375 000 |
Tokelau |
12 |
290 000 |
1 600 |
Tonga |
696 |
700 000 |
98 900 |
Tuvalu |
26 |
900 000 |
9 900 |
Vanuatu |
12 189 |
680 000 |
168 300 |
Wallis and Futuna |
124 |
300 000 |
14 700 |
Western Samoa |
2 934 |
120 000 |
163 900 |
Sub-total |
552 789 |
30 569 000 |
6 770 800 |
Australia/ New Zealand area |
|
|
|
Australia |
7 682 300 |
8 900 000 |
17 100 000 |
|
New Zealand |
270 534 |
2 222 400 |
3 400 000 |
|
Sub-total |
7 952 834 |
11 122 400 |
20 500 000 |
|
Total |
8 505 623 |
41 691 400 |
27 270 800 |
1 Where states have not declared EEZs, or where the Fisheries Management Zone does not correspond exactly to the EEZ, data has been
modified or estimated, as appropriate.
2 Australia/ New Zealand population data is from 1990.
The disposition of land in Oceania varies greatly from country to country, with over 90 percent being situated in Australia, and over 83 percent of the Pacific Islands area's land being situated in Papua New Guinea. Population data shows a similar distribution, with 63 percent of the region's population resident in Australia, and 62 percent of the population of the Pacific Islands area resident in Papua New Guinea.
The distribution of EEZ and ocean area follows a somewhat different pattern, however. Although both Australia and New Zealand have very large EEZs, so also do many Pacific Island countries, despite their tiny land areas and populations. In most Pacific Island countries the area of maritime jurisdiction is thousands of times greater than the available land area. Given their isolation and the limited alternative resources available, the fishery resources contained in these vast ocean areas represent not only a means of achieving food security but also the principal hope for economic development and self-reliance in many of these nations.
The 22 countries of the Pacific Island area contain about 200 high islands and 2,500 low islands and atolls. Apart from the Pitcairn group and the southern part of French Polynesia, in the east of the area, all the islands of the area lie in the tropical zone.
In general, the islands increase in size from east to west, with Papua New Guinea at the western-most edge comprising most of the area's land area. In general, the islands rise steeply from the deep ocean floor and have very little underwater shelf area. Coral reefs characteristically surround the islands, either close to the shore (fringing reef) or further offshore (barrier reef), in which case a coastal lagoon is enclosed. The area includes many atolls, which are the remnant barrier reefs of islands that have subsided. Some of the more recent islands in the area lack coral reefs. Mangrove forests often border the inshore waters, especially of the larger islands, and provide habitat for the juveniles of many important food fish.
Because of the relatively small size of most islands, major bodies of fresh water are not widespread in the subregion, with substantial rivers and lakes only being found in some of the larger islands of Melanesia. The small land areas of most islands create limited freshwater and nutrient runoff, resulting in low enrichment of the nearby sea. The ocean waters of the area are usually clear and low in productivity. Upwellings occur in the boundaries between currents and in other localised areas, and have important implications for the harvesting of marine resources.
Annual rainfall generally varies between 2,000 and 3,500 mm, although considerable variation is experienced across the area. Rain is frequently seasonal, but not consistently so across the area: Palau in the west has two periods of heavy rainfall (July/August and December/January) while most of the rain in French Polynesia in the east occurs in November and March. Considerable inter-annual variation in rainfall also occurs and droughts are common, especially on the smaller islands. The windward sides of the larger islands are characteristically much wetter than their leeward sides due to the existence of rain shadows.
In general the larger islands have more fertile soil, resulting in the greater availability of food plants. Conversely, on the small islands, especially the atolls, the poor soil results in limited plant food production. As an extreme example, in Tokelau there were only two species of edible land plants at the time of first European contact. The amount of arable land per person in the Pacific Islands area is relatively small. Kofe (1990) gives estimates of this statistic in Fiji (2.1 ha per person), Solomon Islands (1.4), Tonga (1.8), Vanuatu (1.4), and Western Samoa (3.5).
There are differences in the wind patterns of the area. Those islands in the west are more strongly affected by the Asian land mass (seasonal reversals of the wind pattern), while in the east the southeasterly trade winds dominate for most of the year. Equatorial winds tend to be lighter and more variable, while those of the higher latitudes are stronger and more constant.
Tropical (cyclonic or, in the northern hemisphere, anticyclonic) storms represent the most prevalent natural disaster of the Pacific Islands area, and occur in all but a few of the equatorial countries (notably Kiribati). On average, the northwestern portion of the area (FSM, Palau, Guam) experiences about four times the number of destructive tropical storms as the areas south of the equator. Tropical storms tend to occur at the time of the year when oceanic warmth is at a maximum.
The thermocline, or horizontal layer in the water column within which there is a rapid temperature change from the warm surface to the cool underlying water, tends to be relatively deep in the Pacific Islands area. This has important implications for fishing as a shallow thermocline tends to restrict the vertical movement of tuna schools, making them more vulnerable to capture.
The periodic oceanographic phenomenon known as El Nino can produce major climatic aberrations in the Pacific Islands. At roughly three to seven-year intervals a warm south-flowing current off the west coast of South America changes course and alters the patterns of ocean water temperature across the Pacific Ocean. This can result in major changes in rainfall patterns and other aspects of the weather, including the frequency, intensity and distribution of tropical storms. Another important effect, the raising of the thermocline in the western Pacific, may shift the pattern of distribution of surface tuna schools and result in their becoming more vulnerable to purse seine fishing gear.
Biodiversity tends to be at a maximum in the equatorial region in the west of the Pacific Islands area, and decreases markedly towards the east. For example, the number of naturally occurring species of animals and plants is much greater in the Solomon Islands than in Tahiti. This is also true of the marine environment, where fish and invertebrate species, including corals, are far more numerous in the west of the subregion than in the east. Some commercially valuable fishery species, such as trochus and green snail, have a natural range which is restricted to the western Pacific, and this has resulted in repeated introductions of these species to more easterly islands in order to extend their natural ranges. So far there have been at least 70 recorded international introductions of trochus in the area.
Similarly, the freshwater fauna of the subregion, including even the larger islands in the west, is also characterised by having relatively few species, mainly due to the isolation of these freshwater systems. To increase fishery productivity, intentional introductions of freshwater fishes have been carried out throughout the region. Tilapia has received the most attention in this regard, and has been introduced to every Pacific Island country except Pitcairn. Papua New Guinea has also introduced a wide range of other freshwater species into its river and coastal swamp systems.
The prevalence of ciguatera fish poisoning appears to be greatest where fish species diversity is least; it is increasingly common in the northeast and east of the area and therefore more common in Micronesia and Polynesia. This poisoning, which produces a severe reaction in those that consume the affected fish, has a major implication for the use of fish as food in some of the Pacific Island areas and results in the non-acceptability of many coastal species of finfish.
The two large continental land masses of Australia and New Zealand are bordered by the Indian Ocean to the west, the Timor, Arafura and Coral Seas to the north, the Pacific Ocean to the east, and the Southern Ocean to the south, as well as the Tasman Sea which separates Australia from New Zealand.
Despite their relative proximity to each other, the geography and climate of the two countries are quite different. Australia's large continental land mass spans tropical and sub-tropical zones, while New Zealand's much smaller land area, located further south, is entirely sub-tropical to cool-temperate.
Australia generally has a hot, dry climate, with average summer temperatures in excess of 32°C in some areas, and above 10°C throughout most of the country. Areas of substantial rainfall (more than 1,000 mm/year) are restricted to a narrow zone running around the coast, particularly in the eastern half of the country.
Whereas Australia's climate is essentially continental, New Zealand's is mostly maritime. Although subject to complex weather patterns, westerly winds prevail, with local modifications. Mean annual rainfall varies from less than 400 mm in inland basins to over 6,000 mm in the western mountains. Average summer temperatures rarely exceed 20°C, and snowfall is widespread in alpine areas during winter.
Australia is generally flat and low in relief. It's average altitude is 210 m and the highest summit, Mount Kosciusko, only 2,228 m in elevation, with some extensive inland areas as much as 11 m below sea level. Due to the general dryness of the climate much of Australia is desert, with 64 percent of the land area being devoid of surface water. Immense regions of the central and western parts of the country are drained only by seasonal creeks which run episodically and for short distances. Many areas therefore have sparse natural vegetation. Areas receiving higher levels of rainfall that have not been converted to agriculture still have extensive eucalypt forests or, in the north, tropical rain forests.
New Zealand is more rugged, with hills and mountains occupying three quarters of the land. Although there are no major waterways, many small rivers flow from the mountains, usually discharging towards the east, and much of the plains and lowlands is composed of alluvium washed down from the uplands. A wide range of climate, rocks, slope and vegetation have contributed to a diverse range of New Zealand soils, some of which are naturally quite fertile. The native vegetation includes conifer and broadleaf forests, fernland, scrub, tussock, and sub-alpine and alpine plants.
The distribution of Australia's human population essentially follows the same pattern as that of rainfall, with most of the populace concentrated on the east and southeast coasts. Inland parts of the country are sparsely populated, frequently with less than one inhabitant per km2 New Zealand's population distribution is less constrained by climate and agricultural potential and is more evenly dispersed, although densities are higher in the North Island. As in Australia, many areas of the country have a population density of less than one person per km2.
Because of its long geographical isolation from other countries, the great length of its coastline (over 36,000 km.) and the wide range of habitat types represented, one of the world's most diverse marine faunas has evolved in Australian waters. This includes more than 3,600 species of fish in 303 families, and tens of thousands of species of aquatic molluscs. The Decapoda, which is the most important crustacean order for commercial fisheries, is represented by more than 2,000 species. However, whereas Australian waters have representatives of most marine animal families, by world standards they have few freshwater animal species (Kailola et al, 1993).
New Zealand has a much more restricted marine fauna, with quite different characteristics. Although some 150 fish families are represented, many of these include only two or three members and the total number of marine fish species is estimated at around 700, less than 20 percent of Australia's count. New Zealand is a meeting point for families, genera or species that have their main centres of distribution elsewhere. Being sub-tropical to cool-temperate, the country is too far south to have an extensive tropical fauna, and too far north to support a true sub-polar fauna characterised by very large concentrations of a small number of species. Instead it has something of a mixture, with mostly small resources of numerous sub-tropical species in the north, moderate resources of many warm temperate species on the shelves around the main islands, and large resources of a few cool water species on the extensive plateaux to the southeast and east (Anon, 1981).
The 27.3 million people in the 24 countries and territories of the Oceania subregion are at various stages of development. The two large developed countries of Australia and New Zealand, which together are home to 75 percent of the subregion's inhabitants, have relatively affluent populations and comparatively high standards of living. GNP per caput in 1990 was US$ 12,386, and in New Zealand US$ 9,500 (Coates, 1996b).
In the other 22 island states, socio-economic conditions vary widely. In general, those people living in territories of metropolitan countries (e.g. Guam [USA], New Caledonia and French Polynesia [France]) have better access to goods and services than inhabitants of the independent states or those in free association with metropolitan powers. Throughout the region, urban residents live a more consumerist lifestyle than those in small isolated islands, remote coastal areas, and the interior of large islands, who live a subsistence lifestyle and have a relatively low standard of living.
The socio-economic conditions of the independent Pacific Island countries have recently been summarised in the Pacific Human Development Report (UNDP, 1994). With respect to relative development the report concludes that, based on the Human Development Index (HDI), the Pacific Island countries with the exception of Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu would fall into the category of "medium human development". Globally, of the 173 countries listed in the report, 65 fall into this category. PNG, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are placed in the "low human development" category, amongst 55 countries in this category. Unlike Australia and New Zealand, none of the 13 Pacific Island countries covered by the report is amongst the 53 countries categorised as "high human development".
Information from SPC (1995), UNDP (1994), and Booth and Muthiah (1993) was used to compile the socio-economic data given in Table 3.
|
Country |
Per- caput GDP (US$) |
Aid per caput (US$, 1990) |
Agriculture production (% of GDP) |
Per-caput |
Population |
Population density |
Population growth rate (%) |
|
American Samoa |
5 328 |
1 693 |
- |
- |
57 000 |
273 |
3.7 |
|
Cook Islands |
4 156 |
729 |
18 |
2 286 |
18 100 |
81 |
1.1 |
|
FSM |
2 720 |
- |
25 |
- |
125 100 |
151 |
3.0 |
|
Fiji |
2 172 |
51 |
18 |
580 |
768 700 |
43 |
2.0 |
|
French Polynesia |
15 697 |
|
- |
4 116 |
221 300 |
62 |
2.5 |
|
Guam |
9 884 |
702 |
- |
- |
150 000 |
271 |
2.3 |
|
Kiribati |
480 |
336 |
8 |
554 |
80 400 |
97 |
2.3 |
|
Marshall Islands |
1 596 |
1 108 |
14 |
- |
56 500 |
299 |
4.0 |
|
Nauru |
17 934 |
22 |
- |
- |
10 400 |
505 |
2.9 |
|
New Caledonia |
14 346 |
|
- |
3 741 |
186 800 |
10 |
2.0 |
|
Niue |
3 156 |
3 227 |
16 |
- |
2 200 |
8 |
-2.4 |
|
N. Mariana Islands |
10 352 |
- |
- |
3 002 |
71 800 |
120 |
9.5 |
|
Palau |
3 330 |
725 |
- |
- |
16 900 |
34 |
2.2 |
|
PNG |
1 505 |
102 |
28 |
384 |
3 951 500 |
9 |
2.3 |
|
Pitcairn Islands |
- |
- |
- |
- |
100 |
- |
- |
|
Solomon Islands |
757 |
139 |
27 |
- |
375 000 |
13 |
3.4 |
|
Tokelau |
382 |
3 000 |
- |
- |
1 600 |
150 |
-1.3 |
|
Tonga |
1 452 |
311 |
34 |
287 |
98 900 |
132 |
0.5 |
|
Tuvalu |
1 004 |
555 |
24 |
- |
9 900 |
365 |
1.7 |
|
Vanuatu |
1 342 |
269 |
20 |
403 |
168 300 |
13 |
2.8 |
|
Wallis and Futuna |
- |
75 |
- |
- |
14 700 |
56 |
1.3 |
|
Western Samoa |
1 044 |
106 |
34 |
587 |
163 900 |
56 |
0.5 |
For the Pacific Islands area as a whole, economic growth during the past decade was almost nil (World Bank, 1995). When this is combined with the population, the resulting outlook is gloomy. Between 1970 and 1990 the population of the Pacific Islands area grew by 2,222,000 people, which is equal to an annual growth rate of 2.3 percent, high relative to the world average of 1.8 percent (NCDS, 1994). The resulting situation is arguably the Pacific Islands' greatest long-term problem. UNDP (1994) states that "the combination of low economic growth and high population growth poses a serious threat to the future performance in human development of many Pacific Island countries".
Population growth in Australia and New Zealand is slow relative to other regions of the world (1.4 percent p.a. between 1970 and 1990, with a slight decline in recent years) and is expected to decline to 1.1 percent between 1990 and 2010 (FAO, 1995c). Based on these expected growth rates, the combined population of these two countries is expected to rise from 20.5 million in 1990 to 25.4 million in 1995, of which over 80 percent are resident in Australia.
The economies of most Pacific Island countries are largely based on agriculture, which for statistical purposes often includes fishing. Fiji, FSM, Tonga, American and Western Samoa, Kiribati, Vanuatu, and the Solomon Islands all have agricultural sectors which employ more than 40 percent of the labour force (Booth and Muthiah, 1993). There is a tendency, however, for increasing diversification into the industry and services sectors, especially in the smaller countries.
Despite their differences, both Australia and New Zealand have developed as agricultural countries. Until recent times 75 percent of Australia's exports were agricultural and livestock products, despite the fact that only 7.5 percent of the country receives enough rainfall to be considered cultivable. Much livestock production in Australia is from herds of sheep and cattle which are raised extensively on dry inland areas where forage is sparsely scattered and where drought has frequently resulted in massive livestock mortality. Other main industries in Australia include mining, manufacturing, tourism and service industries.
New Zealand similarly places great reliance on land resources. Economic activity is based mainly on pastoral activities. Production of crops and horticulture is significant and improved grassland covers 34 percent of New Zealand's land area, with sheep farming being spread through both of the main islands. About 25 percent of the labour force is involved in manufacturing and tourist-based, forest-based and extractive industries such as those for coal, natural gas and ironsands are also important.
Tourism is the most important sector in some Pacific Island economies, while in others it is non-existent. SPC (1995) shows that the Northern Mariana Islands, Fiji, and French Polynesia received 536,263, 287,462, and 147,847 overseas visitors respectively in 1994. No data was available for Guam, an important tourist destination. The Cook Islands, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Niue, and Tuvalu recorded fewer than 10,000 visitors each.
A characteristic of Pacific Island countries is the large number of people who derive most of their basic needs from non-monetary subsistence production. The Forum Secretariat (1992) estimated the proportion of the subsistence economy in the Solomon Islands (80 percent of the population), Tuvalu (80 percent), Kiribati (80 percent), Western Samoa (60 percent) and FSM (at least 50 percent).
The term "subsistence affluence" is sometimes used to describe the relatively high quality of life on some of the Pacific Islands. The term refers to a condition of well-being outside the cash economy. Factors contributing to this situation include low population densities, fertile soil, a benevolent climate, effective traditional resource management, and social systems which provide a safety net for disadvantaged members of society. Recently however, high birth rates, unsustainable commercial practices in regard to natural resource use, increasing dependency on the cash economy, labour migration, and the deterioration of traditional authority and social systems, are having a negative impact on the quality of subsistence life on many islands. Nevertheless, the fact that widespread poverty has not emerged in response to the gradually deteriorating economic conditions in most Pacific Island countries gives some indication as to the effectiveness of the traditional social support systems.
Population movement from outer islands or rural areas into towns and cities is a prominent characteristic of most Pacific Island countries. According to the World Bank (1995), the average urbanisation rate across the region was 17 percent in 1970 but had increased to 24 percent in 1990. Crowding in the major cities of each independent island country was studied by Booth and Muthiah (1993) and the results are summarised in table 4.
|
Country |
Urban population as % of total |
Urban annual growth rate (%) |
City with highest density |
Population density of city (people/km2) |
|
Cook Islands |
59 |
2.1 |
Rarotonga |
154 |
|
Palau |
60 |
3.8 |
Koror |
571 |
|
Niue |
n/a |
n/a |
- |
- |
|
Tonga |
23 |
1.6 |
Nuku'alofa |
3 308 |
|
Tuvalu |
43 |
4.8 |
Funafuti |
1 376 |
|
Fiji |
39 |
2.4 |
Suva |
3 418 |
|
Marshall Islands |
67 |
5.7 |
Majuro |
1 510 |
|
PNG |
15 |
3.8 |
Port Moresby |
817 |
|
W. Samoa |
21 |
-0.1 |
Apia |
548 |
|
FSM |
26 |
n/a |
- |
- |
|
Kiribati |
35 |
3.2 |
South Tarawa |
1 610 |
|
Vanuatu |
18 |
2.7 |
Port Vila |
762 |
|
Solomon Islands |
13 |
6.4 |
Honiara |
1 394 |
The problem of low per-caput GDP becomes much more acute as populations become more urbanised. Urban migrants are usually unable to find employment and have no access to land or fishing rights, both of which are usually governed by strict traditional systems. Urban migration generates urban poverty which contrasts starkly with the "subsistence affluence" categorisation, and which is the source of many other social problems, including rising urban crime rates.
The high amount of development assistance received by the region, and remittance income, are two external factors which will tend to mitigate, at least in the short term, the appearance of poverty. Overall the region receives a relatively large US$ 204 of aid per caput (Fairbairn, 1994) which is quite unevenly distributed among the countries (Table 3).
In many countries, particularly Tonga, Western Samoa, and the Cook Islands, cash remittances by relatives living overseas are substantial and may in fact exceed the value of all exports. Remittances from overseas employment are also very important to Kiribati and Tuvalu (a large number of whose citizens work as crew on merchant and fishing vessels and in the Nauru phosphate mining industry), as well as to Vanuatu (fishing vessels), and to a lesser extent Fiji and W. Samoa (various types of vessels).
Both aid and remittances face an uncertain future as the countries which provide aid and the countries which accept Pacific Island immigrants show signs of changing their policies. In addition, although increasing employment of Pacific Islanders aboard foreign fishing vessels is anticipated, the future prospects of employment in Nauru are poor due to the exhaustion of phosphate reserves.
Natural disasters are common in the Pacific Islands. In the period 1960 to 1989 the Cook Islands, Fiji, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Vanuatu, Western Samoa, and Papua New Guinea suffered 15, 34, 14, 15, 32, 10 and 2 tropical cyclones respectively (Chung, 1991). Other types of common disasters are coastal floods, river floods, drought, earthquakes, tsunami, and volcanic eruptions. Table 5 gives information on the vulnerability of the independent Pacific Island countries to these events. Although there is no evidence that the incidence of disasters is increasing, for various reasons the amount of damage from each event and the subsequent disaster relief is growing.
|
Country |
Cyclone |
Coastal flood |
River flood |
Drought |
Earth-quake |
Land-slide |
Tsunami |
Volcanic |
|
Cook Islands |
Med |
Med |
Med |
High |
Low |
Low |
Med |
- |
|
FSM |
Med |
High |
Low |
High |
Low |
Low |
High |
- |
|
Fiji |
High |
High |
High |
Med |
Med |
Med |
High |
- |
|
Kiribati |
Low |
High |
- |
High |
Low |
Low |
Low |
- |
|
Marshall Islands |
Med |
Low |
- |
Med |
Low |
Low |
Low |
- |
|
Niue |
Med |
Low |
- |
High |
Med |
Low |
Low |
- |
|
Palau |
Med |
Med |
- |
Med |
Low |
Low |
High |
- |
|
PNG |
Low |
High |
High |
Med |
High |
High |
High |
High |
|
Solomon Islands |
High |
High |
High |
Low |
High |
High |
High |
High |
|
Tokelau |
Med |
High |
- |
High |
Low |
Low |
Low |
- |
|
Tonga |
High |
Med |
Med |
Med |
High |
Low |
High |
High |
|
Tuvalu |
Low |
High |
- |
Med |
Low |
Low |
- |
- |
|
Vanuatu |
High |
High |
High |
Low |
High |
High |
High |
High |
|
Western Samoa |
Med |
High |
High |
Low |
Med |
High |
High |
Low |
Natural disasters in Australia and New Zealand are somewhat less frequent and, due to the larger size of these two countries, have less national significance or impact on food security. The main threat to food production is drought in Australia, which may cause severe disruption to agriculture production. The northern states of Australia are also prone to cyclones which have in the past caused destruction of fishing fleets and shore-based infrastructure. However, natural disasters have a far less significant impact on the national economies of these two countries than they do in Pacific Island countries.
The socio-economic conditions of fishing communities depend largely on the character of the fishing with which they are involved. One means of examining the situation is to categorise the fishing by scale. Although there is some uncertainty and inconsistency in the use of the terms, three broad categories are generally recognised in the region:
It should be noted, however, that the distinction between the categories is increasingly blurred; fishing in which none of the catch is ever sold is becoming uncommon. The difference between subsistence fishing and recreational fishing is often not readily identifiable. Similarly, the recent rise in the use of relatively small vessels for longlining for tuna may represent an intermediate category between small- and large-scale commercial fishing.
Virtually every coastal village in the Pacific Islands is involved with subsistence fishing activities. Especially on the smaller islands, the socio-economic conditions of subsistence fishing communities are equivalent to the conditions found in most rural villages. Conditions relevant to a study of food security are characterised by:
The fishing activities of the Pacific Islands subsistence communities have been the subject of numerous studies, many of which are listed in Gillett et al. (1993). General characteristics are: specialised knowledge often passed down through generations, labour intensive operations sometimes involving the entire community, sharing of the catch amongst the community, the use of conservation mechanisms which often involve restricted entry into the fishery, social restrictions/prohibitions, and specialisation of activity by gender.
This latter topic deserves special attention. Typically women are involved in inshore fishing activities, such as reef gleaning and invertebrate collection, and the preparation of food from the products of fishing activities. Men are usually involved in the more strenuous work of fishing further offshore for large species of fish, and in diving activities. There are, however, important exceptions to this generalisation. Several observers of the Pacific Island subsistence fisheries situation estimate that fishing activity by women actually results in a greater amount of family food than that which is produced by men.
Although there have been several development projects attempting to commercialise aspects of fishing in subsistence communities, they have usually met with limited success. On the basis of studying the fish marketing situation in many Pacific Island countries Carleton (1983) concluded: "the basic structure of the subsistence sector is not conducive to the regular supply of fish to urban communities in sufficient quantities to satisfy demand".
Communities in which small-scale commercial fishing is a dominant activity are not typical of the Pacific Islands area. Although found in some locations (e.g., South Tarawa in Kiribati), the more normal situation is for a small segment of an urban or semi-urban area population to supply fish to local markets in towns and cities, and some for export. Examples of this are in Papeete in French Polynesia (tuna), Tongatapu in Tonga (snapper), Pohnpei in FSM (tuna), Suva in Fiji (inshore reef fish), Apia in Western Samoa (snapper, tuna), and Rarotonga in the Cook Islands (flying fish).
These commercial operators can be very small-scale (e.g. women in many countries who glean reefs for a few hours and then sell the majority of what they have obtained) or much larger (e.g., Tonga bottom-fish fishermen who are out for week-long trips). In general, the larger the scale, the more likely that the fishers are employees of non-fishermen who own the vessels. Most of the typically small vessels fishing for flying fish in the Cook Islands are operated by their owner, some of the catamarans fishing in Western Samoa are owned by non-fishing businessmen, while most of the active snapper boats in Tonga are not owned by the people that crew them.
Although there have been few economic studies on small-scale commercial fishermen in the Pacific Islands, it appears as though these fishermen in general are not greatly different in socio-economic status from the general community. Their main difficulties in business are typical of other small businesses in the Pacific: insufficient planning, social obligations frequently overriding business concerns, inadequate savings, and poor record keeping. Although Pacific Island governments have dedicated substantial resources to economic work on the industrial fisheries, there are currently no regional efforts to study the economics of small-scale fisheries in the region.
In several Pacific Island countries there is industrial fishing and communities are supported by these operations, either through the fishing itself or the subsequent processing of the catch. About half of the countries have either bases or transshipment points for industrial tuna fishing vessels which are mainly foreign-owned. Three of the countries have tuna canneries.
The economic activity generated by industrial fishing can be substantial. For example, in 1995 Fiji's relatively small tuna cannery exported 920,000 cartons of canned tuna worth about US$ 25 million (Anon, 1996c). On the other hand, these industrial operations can have negative impacts. Several studies including Doumenge (1966) point out that social problems, increased incidence of communicable diseases, increased urbanisation, and pollution are unwanted side-effects.
The large tuna canneries in American Samoa employ nearly 5,000 workers (Gillett, 1994), which is quite substantial considering that the entire population of American Samoa is only about 57,000 people. This staff, however, is predominantly from Western Samoa and to a lesser extent, Tonga. The cannery in Fiji is located away from the urban area, providing much formal employment in an area which otherwise would have few jobs. Similarly, the cannery facilities in the Solomon Islands are situated away from the major urban area. Tuna canneries therefore appear to exert a large influence on the socio-economic situation of the countries in which they are located.
In all the tuna canneries of the region, most of the workers are women. FFA (1995) states: "The region's canneries bring cash incomes to women who would otherwise not have had the opportunity to enter the money economy, and therefore they have had a favourable, if fairly small, effect on the gender distribution of both employment and income." An alternative view on the employment of women in the Fiji cannery has been put forward by Alexander (1995): "Women leave home early in the morning and put in long, tiring days. They have less time and more cash and so tend to buy processed fish rather than catching and processing it themselves. This not only makes women dependent on the market and the fishing industry for a product for which they could presumably be self-sufficient, but will in the long run have deleterious effects on the health of those concerned."
Unlike in Southeast Asia, there is no strong heritage of fish farming in the Pacific Islands. Fish farming communities do not exist in the region, with the possible exception of the outer islands of French Polynesia and the northern Cook Islands where pearl oysters (a non-food item) are cultured. Those communities tend to be economically dominated by aquaculture and the residents are relatively affluent.
Food security means that food is available at all times, that all persons have the means to access it, that it is nutritionally adequate in terms of quantity, quality and variety, and that it is acceptable within a given culture. When all these conditions are in place a population can be considered "food secure". It is not enough for a nation as a whole to be regarded as food secure whilst certain groups within it are chronically insecure.
To achieve food security, the development of a nation or state must be founded on the principles of economic viability, equity, broad participation and sustainable use of natural resources. Food security relies on the production of adequate quantities and types of food, equitable access to food, stability of food supplies and environmental action to preserve the resources from which food is derived.
The two components of the subregion have different perspectives on food security.
Food security issues in the Asia-Pacific Region are often caused by resource constraints, poverty and unfavourable terms of trade for food commodities. The basic causes of under-nutrition and household food insecurity include low production and productivity from primary resources (aggravated by high year-to-year variability), scarcity of employment opportunities, and inadequate and uncertain incomes in both rural and urban areas. These causes are closely inter-related: low productivity from primary resources means insufficient food and income for subsistence use, and inadequate surplus of food to meet the needs of rapidly growing urban populations, both of which may contribute to chronic and deepening food insecurity.
With respect to general food security in the Pacific Islands area, the major issues are:
Anon (1996d) gives the NGO perspective on the food security situation in the Pacific Islands: "The food security situation in the South Pacific Island countries is characterised by dependence on overseas food supplies and food aid, especially in times of natural disasters. Simultaneously, local production of food crops has declined due to the changing focus of our agriculture systems as dictated by respective government policies. Any increases in local food crop production are usually associated with the export market, reflecting the policy of export led growth."
It has been stated that the situation in the Pacific Islands with respect to food security is remarkably different from that in Asia, a geographic area that the Pacific Islands are sometimes linked to for administrative purposes. In Food security situation and issues in Asia and the Pacific (FAO, 1996b) it is stated that "food security for the vast majority of people in the region largely depends on the performance of the cereals sector". This is not true of the Pacific Islands area, where root crops have a much greater importance than cereals. Another major difference is the relatively large importance of fisheries for food security in the Pacific Islands.
In contrast, both Australia and New Zealand are relatively affluent countries which produce large food surpluses and which are well-supplied by a wide range of domestically-produced and imported agricultural products. Per-caput protein consumption is very high and malnutrition or other problems caused by inadequate supply of food, or of certain types of food, are essentially non-existent. Where dietary health problems occur they tend to be related to incorrectly balanced diets or over-consumption of certain types of foodstuffs and associated obesity, diabetes, coronary problems, etc.
Seafood, while currently increasing in importance in the diet of Australians and New Zealanders, still comprises a relatively small part of overall protein supply (7.2 percent in 1992). Cheaper forms of animal protein (such as poultry) are readily available in large quantities in the event that resource-related or economic circumstances result in a reduction in seafood supply.
Fisheries play an important role in many aspects of food security in the Pacific Islands area. The high per-caput consumption of fish (on some islands as high as 250 kg per year) attests to the importance of fish as a source of animal protein. In many cases the most likely alternative is imported food, which would further increase the already large foreign food dependence and hence vulnerability to factors beyond the control of countries in the region. Fisheries contribute in three ways to the food security of the area:
It has been estimated (McCoy 1991) that there are about 25,000 non-motorised and 17,000 motorised fishing vessels operating in the Pacific Islands. Australia has about 10,000 fishing vessels, which is about the same number as in 1965. However the fishing power of the Australian fleet has grown significantly during that period due to an increase in average vessel size: 14 percent of the Australian fishing fleet now comprises vessels over 15m long, as opposed to only 4 percent in 1965 (Kailola et al., 1993). The overall size of the New Zealand domestic fishing fleet increased by 16 percent to 1,766 vessels between 1994 and 1995, after decreasing slightly the previous year. Much of the increase occurred in the under 12-metre class, which numbered 1,185 vessels in 1995, but the number of vessels over 30 m also increased significantly (Peacey, 1996). In contrast, the number of foreign vessels operating under license, charter or joint venture agreements is progressively declining as New Zealand follows its process of fisher domestication.
Commercial fishing is the principal target of almost all government fishery development and management activities in the region, and is the area for which statistics and other forms of factual information exist. Because it makes a direct, visible contribution to the national economy, especially where fishery products are being exported, the development of commercial fisheries is a priority for all Pacific Island countries, and in particular those atoll countries which have few alternative resources.
In the countries of the Pacific Islands area however, subsistence fishery harvesting generally exceeds commercial harvesting of inshore resources by a factor of four or more. Subsistence fishing provides a major source of protein for residents of coastal rural areas and outer islands, and contributes significantly to household food security and dietary health, especially for children, whose protein requirements are high.
Much of the subsistence catch is consumed at home, while some is sold, traded, bartered or forms the subject of customary exchange. In Papua New Guinea, GPNG (1995) estimates that the traded proportion is only about 15 percent of the total, but anecdotal information suggests that the true proportion could be higher, and increasing. Subsistence fisheries are undergoing a gradual transformation to commercial or semi-commercial activity and this sometimes blurs the distinction between what is truly commercial and what should be classed as subsistence.
Increasing commercialisation is not necessarily positive from the viewpoint of food security. Observations in the Pacific so far suggest that much imported food is nutritionally inferior to a diet based on subsistence products, being low in complex carbohydrates and high in salt, sugar and fat. Many lifestyle-related diseases and nutritional disorders, including obesity, diabetes, vitamin A deficiency and, among children, low birth weights, slow growth rates, and anaemia, are directly attributed to a growing dependence on imported, low-quality foodstuffs that, because of their low cost, are progressively replacing local products. The development of commercial fisheries at the expense of subsistence fishing may therefore be detrimental to food security, at least at the household level.
In most countries of the Pacific Islands area a large proportion of the subsistence fishery harvest comprises invertebrates and is gathered almost entirely by women. Fisheries development policies tend not to recognise or acknowledge the importance of subsistence fisheries in general, of inshore invertebrate harvests, or of the role of women in these fisheries. Most fishery development and management attention throughout the region continues to focus on the commercial components of the catch.
Recreational fishing is an important, and perhaps under-estimated source of fish supply in Australia and New Zealand. Recent unofficial estimates are that Australian recreational fishers caught 54,000 mt of fish in 1994, equivalent to about a third of the commercial catch (Roberts, 1995). Recreational fishing and collection of shellfish on the seashore is also widespread in New Zealand. In many cases this might be more correctly classified as subsistence fishing, since most of the catch is consumed at home (or illegally sold).
It is quite difficult to gauge the relative importance of the fisheries sector in the countries of the Pacific Islands. This is sometimes due to the fact that the fisheries sector is combined for administrative and statistical purposes with agriculture. The difficulty of obtaining reliable statistics from small-scale fisheries, especially in the remote locations where fisheries are usually most important, also makes the estimation of the size of the fisheries sector difficult to estimate.
Nevertheless some estimates have been made. UNDP (1996), using a variety of sources, produced the following estimates:
|
Country |
Fisheries employment |
Size of fisheries sector |
Export earnings |
|
Cook Islands |
6.2 |
17.8 |
n/a |
|
Fiji |
2.4* |
1.6 |
7.1 |
|
Kiribati |
23.5* |
0.6 |
31.5 |
|
Marshall Islands |
n/a |
n/a |
n/a |
|
PNG |
39.6* |
26.0 |
0.6 |
|
Solomon Islands |
5.5 |
6.4 |
48.0 |
|
Tonga |
49.1* |
32.2 |
8.1 |
|
Tuvalu |
5.3 |
4.9 |
0.0 |
|
Vanuatu |
n/a |
n/a |
n/a |
|
Western Samoa |
n/a |
29.8* |
n/a |
* Includes agriculture and fishing
The World Bank has made alternative estimates of the size of the fisheries sector in four Pacific Island countries (unpublished information, based on IMF data). These are: Fiji (fisheries is estimated to be 1.2 percent of GDP at factor cost), Marshall Islands (8.2 percent), Solomon Islands (11.0 percent), and Western Samoa (11.0 percent).
There are some anomalies in the above information, such as the extremely low proportion of GDP attributable to fishing in Kiribati, and the extremely high proportion in PNG. These underline the difficulty in accurately determining the importance of the fisheries sector in many Pacific Island countries. It can, however, be seen there is a great difference between countries and that overall, fisheries is an important sector for the Pacific Islands.
In the above data, the contribution of subsistence fisheries may not be fully appreciated. For example, ANZDEC (1995) puts an assigned value of 26 million Kina (MK) on PNG's marine subsistence fishery, based on a nominal value of K 1.00/kg for the 26,000 mt estimated to be taken annually. Assigning the same nominal value for the estimated 13,500 mt of freshwater fishery products harvested by small-scale fishermen results in a total estimated value for subsistence fisheries of some 39.5 MK, more than twice as much as the 16.4 MK currently being generated from domestic commercial fishing. In fact a fairer estimate would place the value of the subsistence fishery at K 2.00-K 2.50/kg, giving it a gross worth of some 80-100 MK, or about 5-6 times the production value of the local commercial fishery.
In terms of fishery production, Australia and New Zealand have several features in common. Fisheries in both countries are highly export-oriented, and promotion of increased export of fishery products is a feature of national fisheries policy in each case. Marine fishery production in both countries is likely to be constrained in future by resource limitations (since most fishery stocks are now thought to be at or close to full utilisation), and by competition for access to wild resources. Freshwater fisheries are insignificant, and aquaculture is in its infancy, but is expanding in both nations. Human populations are small relative to the available land area, and are affluent by world standards, with an average per-caput income of US$ 11,816 in 1990 (FAO, 1995c). Protein consumption is high (116.8 kg/caput/year), with fish comprising a relatively small, but steadily increasing, proportion of total protein intake.
Despite these similarities, there are also significant differences between the fisheries and fishery resources of the two countries. Australia's fisheries are characterised by their multi-species nature: commercial fish markets commonly handle at least 200 species of fish, and the commercial and recreational catch includes more than 60 species of crustacean, 30 species of mollusc and a handful of echinoderms. About 100 species of fish, 26 species of crustacean, 18 species of mollusc and one echinoderm made up 85 percent of the total commercial catch for 1990. Most Australian species may be taken by several types of fishing gear, and are thus caught (and managed) in association with other species. Fisheries such as the rock lobster, scallop, jack mackerel and southern bluefin fisheries, in which the catch is dominated by a single species, are the exception rather than the rule.
New Zealand, on the other hand, has fisheries that are often more typical of temperate-water zones, where catches are greater in volume and are dominated by smaller numbers of species. In 1993 about 41 species of fish and some 13 species of mollusc and crustacean made up almost all of New Zealand's commercial catch (Parker, 1994). New Zealand's waters are more productive than those of Australia, and despite the fact that New Zealand's EEZ is less than a quarter the size of Australia's, the 1992 marine catch of 677,836 mt from New Zealand's EEZ was well over twice the 229,551 mt caught in the Australian zone in the same year (FAO, 1994b).
Commercial fishing is Australia's fifth most important agricultural industry, after meat, wool, wheat and dairying. Over the past decade the gross value of Australian fisheries production has quadrupled to reach A$ 1.6 billion in 1993-1994 (Battaglene and Lancaster, 1995). The total value of production from commercial wild fisheries and aquaculture in Australia has exceeded A$ 1 billion each year since 1988. This high value, which is out of proportion to the quantity of landings, is generated partly because the commercial catch has a large component of highly-priced shellfish species such as abalone, scallops, penaeid prawns and rock lobsters. In 1991-1992 these species comprised 58 percent of the total production value (Kailola et al., 1993).
The production value of Australian fisheries was forecast to increase by a further 2 percent in 1995-1996, based on additional value-adding, increased targeting of high-value overseas markets, aquaculture development and stock enhancement (Battaglene and Lancaster, 1995). However more recent projections now predict a stabilisation or even a slight fall in both the gross value of and the export receipts from Australian fishery products (Battaglene, Standen and Smith, 1996).
In terms of landings, FAO statistics up to 1993 indicate that Australia's capture fishery production has stabilised, but again more recent data indicates that catches are actually falling. Roberts (1995) states that "according to the Bureau of Resource Sciences, Australia's commercial catch fell from 232,286 mt in 1992 to 226,219t in 1993, and 188,363t in 1994 despite improved fishing technology, and that trend looks set to continue". The New Zealand fishing industry produced over 645,000 mt in 1995 (fisheries and aquaculture production combined), an increase of about 10 percent over 1994. The industry is the country's fourth largest export earner (Tierney, 1995) and only about 10 percent of market receipts arise from domestic sales (Peacey, 1996). Despite the increased landings in 1995, however, the industry did not show a parallel growth in market returns, a fact which is attributed partly to the strengthening of the New Zealand dollar, and partly due to poor competitiveness with subsidised fishing industries in other countries.
In 1993, following a period in which industry growth exceeded 10 percent per annum for over a decade, the industry set itself the target of increasing the value of fishery product exports from NZ$ 1.2 billion to NZ$ 2 billion by the year 2000. This was to be achieved through a combination of increased value-added processing, better marketing (including increased targeting of high-value overseas markets), aquaculture, stock enhancement, improved management, and the development of new fishery activities (Parker, 1994). However, given the flat performance of the industry since that time, this goal has been reviewed. It is now considered that, based on the 1994-95 annual growth rate of 6 percent, exports of NZ$ 1.65 billion might be achievable by the year 2000 (Peacey, 1996).
In terms of volume and value, the Pacific Islands area is dominated by the industrial tuna fisheries. About one million mt of tuna was caught in the Pacific Islands area in 1993 and again in 1994. Eighty percent was taken by the 180 purse seiners operating the region, with most of the remainder being caught by pole/line (7 percent) and longline gear (13 percent). The vast majority of the catch is harvested by vessels from Asia and the United States. The catch composition is skipjack (59 percent), yellowfin (32 percent), bigeye (5 percent), and albacore (4 percent). Although preliminary estimates indicate that the catch decreased by 6 percent in 1995 (Lawson, 1996), this does not appear to be indicative of over-fishing.
In June 1993, by region-wide agreement, all purse seine fleets were required to cease transshipment at sea, resulting in reduced catches. Large-scale research on the target species of tuna over the past 20 years does not suggest that a condition of overfishing is occurring. On the contrary, scientists from the South Pacific Commission believe that present yellowfin catches could probably be doubled and skipjack further increased. There is, however, concern in some island countries (e.g. Kiribati) that the large tuna catches of the industrial tuna vessels may adversely impact those of the small-scale troll fishermen.
Although dwarfed in volume by the offshore tuna fisheries, the coastal fisheries provide almost all the non-imported fish supplies to the region and hence have a crucial role in food security. Dalzell and Adams (1994) estimate that, of the 108,242 mt of fish supplied by the coastal fisheries, 76 percent is from the subsistence fisheries, with the remainder from medium and small-scale commercial operations. They indicate that the commercial catch is made up of reef and deep slope fish (43 percent of total weight), coastal pelagics (18 percent), trochus/green snail/pearl shell (9 percent), crustaceans (8 percent), beche-de-mer (7 percent), and estuarine fish (6 percent). Subsistence fisheries in the area generally involve a large variety of species. For example, Zann (1992) reports that in Western Samoa the subsistence fisheries make use of 500 species.
Though they are diverse and occupy one of the world's largest fishing zones, Australia's marine fishery resources are not as abundant or productive as those found in many other parts of the world. This is thought to be because, on average, Australian waters are low in nutrients compared with other regions (Kailola et al., 1993).
In the past, projections of Australia's fisheries potential were optimistic. In 1970, a Food and Agriculture Organization report estimated that Australia's coastal and continental shelf waters could yield a catch of 2.3 million mt annually (Gulland, 1970). Twenty-six years later, however, total Australian capture fishery production has reached only about one tenth of this amount. In terms of total landed weight, Australia's fisheries catch is no longer expected to grow much beyond its present level, and may decrease, at least in the short term. Few areas of the Australian Fishing Zone are still to be explored and, while much remains to be learned about the full effects of fishing on at least half of Australia's fishery resources, only 9 commercially significant species are currently thought to be under-exploited or capable of supporting higher catches without affecting their productive potential. On the other hand, 9 species or groups are thought to be over-exploited, and 22 heavily or fully exploited (Kailola et al., 1993). FAO (1995a) notes that there is no potential for future catch increases in either the Eastern Indian Ocean (statistical area 57) or the Southwest Pacific (statistical area 81), which covers most of Australia's Fisheries Management Zone.
In New Zealand, marine capture fisheries have developed very quickly since the beginning of the 1970s, when total landings were only 143,500 mt (FAO, 1995c). According to the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (1993), most major fish stocks in the New Zealand EEZ are now fully developed. In addition, some major stocks of orange roughy, rock lobster and snapper are below their optimal size. There may be room for modest increases in catches as stocks are fished down or as they are rebuilt. Any large increases in catches from the EEZ will have to come from new stocks or developing fisheries for new commercial species. The probability of finding large, unexploited stocks of existing commercial species in areas that have been traditionally fished are considered slight.
In both countries, increases in capture fishery production may be possible through stock enhancement. Parker (1994) refers to the success of a New Zealand scallop stock enhancement programme based on spat collectors, while enhancement experiments for several species are under way in Australia. In addition, fishery development prospects in areas that have not been thoroughly explored, such as parts of the sub-Antarctic area, are unknown. These potentials have not been demonstrated so far, however, and for the time being most projections assume that fishery production from Australian and New Zealand marine capture fisheries has now peaked at levels of about 0.21 and 0.55 million mt respectively.
From the point of view of food production, inland fisheries are really only important in two countries of the subregion, Papua New Guinea and Fiji. In the rest of the subregion, including Australia and New Zealand, they do not constitute an important sector.
The PNG mainland has several substantial waterways, particularly those of the Sepik/Ramu and Fly/Purari river basins, as well as an extensive system of marshes believed to be one of the largest in the world (NSO, 1994). Inland subsistence fishery harvests in PNG are estimated at around 13,500 mt/year, equal to about half of the marine subsistence catch. Coates (1996a) estimates that PNG's inland waters have the biological potential (after restocking and resource enhancement) to yield at least ten times as much as they presently do, and possibly as much as 400,000 mt/yr. of freshwater fish and invertebrates. An FAO programme of identifying and introducing suitable freshwater species for fishery enhancement has been underway for some years in PNG's highlands provinces. DFMR (1993), however, states that, at present "with the exception of the migratory barramundi, fish resources in most inland waters are not adequate to support commercial fisheries".
In Fiji, a single species of freshwater swan mussel, which is gathered and sold exclusively by women, produces over 1,500 mt annually, and is one of the country's most important small-scale fisheries. Apart from this species, freshwater fishing is restricted mainly to the collection of small quantities of freshwater prawns.
Most other Pacific Island countries have minor subsistence fisheries based on freshwater prawns or fish, but the quantities taken are minuscule. Lack of important inland water bodies means that this sector will probably remain unimportant except for certain specific localities in most countries.
In Australia, inland catches have been stable at about 3,400 mt during recent years (FAO, 1995c). Their economic value is related principally to leisure activities, since recreational fishing is popular. Some infrastructure developments (dams and spillways), as well as pollution and habitat destruction, may have decreased the availability of freshwater fishery resources. In 1985 three species of freshwater fish having commercial value were placed on an Australian endangered species list (Michaelis, 1985).
In New Zealand, inland catches form a very small proportion of total capture fishery production (less than 0.03 percent). Furthermore, most of the species taken in New Zealand's inland fisheries are those which have a freshwater phase and a marine phase in their life cycles, including eels, salmon, and sea trout. Again, the principal interest is as a leisure activity, with recreational fishing being widespread. It is unlikely that inland fisheries will develop any further in Australia and New Zealand, considering the ease of access to the sea and the lack of important inland water resources in the two countries.
Aquaculture does not contribute significantly to food supply in the Pacific Islands area. The most successful operations are for pearl oysters, a non-food species. Prawn culture in Fiji and Tahiti produces about 20 mt and 75 mt respectively for local markets, while New Caledonia produces around 800 mt for local and export markets. Although tilapia culture has been attempted in most countries of the area since the 1950s, it has had mixed success. Tilapia provides substantial food in Papua New Guinea (a majority of the freshwater yield, but from a capture fishery, not aquaculture) and Fiji (over 100 mt recently from aquaculture) but is ignored or considered a pest in many other countries.
The inaccuracy of published FAO aquaculture statistics for the Pacific Islands3 results in this information not being useable. For example, FAO (1996c) gives aquaculture production in Fiji as ranging from 656,300 mt to 204,000 mt in the period 1984 to 1994 (a thousand times greater than that reported for India) when in reality the Fiji production was about 200 mt.
Aquaculture production in Australia and New Zealand, while still small by world standards, has increased more than threefold in less than a decade. The collective 1984 production of 19,400 mt (FAO, 1992) has grown to over 70,000 mt in 1992 (FAO, 1995a).
In 1993 New Zealand's aquacultural production was 51,716 mt, of which New Zealand "Greenshell" mussel was by far the most important product (47,000 mt). Australia's production was somewhat lower at about 18,260 mt in 1993, of which oysters were the most important component, comprising 9,711 mt.
Although unimportant in volume terms, a substantial proportion (about 44 percent in 1993) of the value of Australian aquaculture production (equivalent to A$ 315 million in 1994/95, according to Battaglene and Lancaster, 1995) comprises pearls, a non-food item. Disregarding this component, however, the general trend in both countries is for the production of high-value food species destined for export or for the upper segments of the domestic market.
Both Australia and New Zealand predict strong future growth in this sector and, given the constraints on the expansion of capture fisheries in the subregion, are actively promoting aquaculture development as the only realistic means to substantially increasing the volume of fishery production. Aquaculture is not only a means of increasing production but can also be used to improve returns from capture fisheries through coordinated marketing efforts and possible stock enhancement of some commercially caught species.
One of the elements which makes a significant contribution to food security is trade. Because trade in fishery products does not distinguish between marine, inland or aquaculture production, distribution and trade are discussed collectively.
Table 7 indicates that 1993 exports from countries of the subregion were worth US$ 1,405 million, as opposed to imports of about US$ 503 million in the same year. Note that not all countries in the region are covered by the Table, in particular the US territories which are important exporters of fish.
FAO statistics indicate that, in dollar terms, the region is a net exporter of fishery products. This generalisation arises, however, because there are a handful of major exporters in the region, including Australia and New Zealand, followed by Solomon Islands, Fiji, Papua New Guinea and New Caledonia. Most of the small countries of the region import more fishery products than they export. Many import large quantities of canned fish (Pacific Island area average 10kg/person/year), and export almost no fishery products.
Since most exports from the region are high in value, exports are generally much less than imports when measured in terms of quantity rather than value. The main exception is New Zealand, whose exports include some low-value products (frozen "white fish").
The international distribution figures are somewhat misleading because much importing and exporting of fishery products is actually internal to the region. New Zealand is Australia's second largest supplier of fishery products (after Thailand) and also exports to other countries of the region, including large quantities to Fiji, New Caledonia and Papua New Guinea. Reef fish exports from Pacific Island countries are often destined for Polynesian communities in New Zealand. Considerable trade in reef fish occurs between Micronesian countries, most of which goes unrecorded. Within the larger Asia-Pacific region, much of the production exported from Oceania is destined for markets in SE Asia, including Hong Kong SAR, Singapore, Korea and Taiwan Province of China.
|
State/territory |
Imports |
Exports | ||||
|
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 | |
|
Pacific Islands area |
73 537 |
82 769 |
106 680 |
107 484 |
85 920 |
86 249 |
|
Cook Islands |
589 |
620 |
585 |
- |
- |
- |
|
FSM |
1 261 |
1 647 |
1 140 |
1 158 |
815 |
430 |
|
Fiji |
20 602 |
25 546 |
37 080 |
38 968 |
26 284 |
28 143 |
|
French Polynesia |
6 390 |
8 579 |
8 243 |
- |
- |
- |
|
Kiribati |
235 |
293 |
280 |
235 |
544 |
550 |
|
Marshall Islands |
210 |
230 |
230 |
580 |
530 |
625 |
|
New Caledonia |
4 428 |
4 603 |
5 497 |
8 288 |
8 258 |
7 121 |
|
Northern Marianas |
- |
- |
- |
18 |
22 |
30 |
|
Palau |
- |
- |
190 |
- |
- |
- |
|
Papua New Guinea |
35 400 |
36 200 |
47 800 |
14 163 |
13 817 |
13 880 |
|
Solomon Islands |
179 |
198 |
185 |
42 765 |
33 950 |
33 760 |
|
Tonga |
364 |
333 |
350 |
1 199 |
1 558 |
1 630 |
|
Vanuatu |
579 |
1 020 |
1 140 |
- |
12 |
55 |
|
Western Samoa |
3 300 |
3 500 |
3 960 |
110 |
130 |
25 |
|
ANZ area |
396 893 |
412 504 |
396 528 |
1 134 155 |
1 293 756 |
1 318 686 |
|
Australia |
359 809 |
378 877 |
360 421 |
577 937 |
639 223 |
670 432 |
|
New Zealand |
37 084 |
33 627 |
36 107 |
556 218 |
654 533 |
648 254 |
|
Total |
470 430 |
495 273 |
503 208 |
1 241 639 |
1 379 676 |
1 404 935 |
Australia and New Zealand are committed to the process of agricultural trade liberalisation. Both argue that not all countries or regions have the capacity to produce sufficient food, or a sufficient variety of food, to sustain their expanding populations. Both support the concept of self-reliance in agriculture, but note the difference between this and self-sufficiency which may rely on trade-distorting forms of support for agricultural industries.
Much of the fishery production exported from the island countries of the subregion consists of high-value items (beche-de-mer and shark fin from most countries, aquacultured prawns from New Caledonia, lobsters, barramundi and mud-crabs from Papua New Guinea). Some countries export larger volumes of products, especially the three countries and territories which have tuna canneries. A few countries, especially Fiji and Tonga, have well-established fisheries which export fresh sashimi-grade tunas and deep-water demersal fish. Other countries are also attempting to develop fresh-fish export industries to take advantage of the improved air services that have developed in recent years alongside the tourist industry.
The major market destinations of Pacific Islands fish are Japan (fresh tuna), Thailand (frozen tuna), other Asian countries (shark fin, beche de mer), USA (bottomfish, canned tuna, fresh tuna), and Europe (canned tuna). Many of these destination countries will be implementing the Hazard Analysis Critical Control Points (HACCP)-based seafood inspection schemes, for which the Pacific Island countries are largely unprepared.
The countries of origin of fishery products imported into the region are Thailand, Latin America, Canada, and South Africa for canned fish and New Zealand, USA, and Africa for frozen fish. Japan was formerly a major supplier of canned fish to the area, but has been largely displaced by products from other countries. In 1993 a can of Japanese mackerel in Fiji was almost twice as expensive as the price of a similar product from Latin America or South Africa (FAO 1993).
The future effects of trade liberalisation and globalisation on fishery commodities are not well understood in the region. It has been suggested (FAO, 1996f) that a regional approach should be taken to study the implications of these new arrangements and of membership in the various international trade groupings.
Overall, Australia is a net importer of fishery products, having imported approximately 64 percent of its seafood supply requirements (by weight) in 1990 (Laureti, 1992). Nevertheless, Australian exports are substantial (44 percent of domestic production in 1990) and comprise the highest-value components of the catch. In 1994/95, Australia imported 116,220 mt of seafood worth A$ 598 million, while exporting 51,873 mt worth A$1,143 million, meaning that the unit value of export products was 4.3 times the value of imported products (ABARE, 1996).
Japan, Hong Kong SAR and Taiwan Province of China were the main markets for Australian seafoods during 1992-93 (37 percent by value). Most Australian exports are in unprocessed or lightly processed form. There has been no significant increase in production or export of highly processed seafoods and most value-adding of exports has been because of higher real prices resulting from exchange rate movements, and from targeting of higher-value markets for fresh or live products rather than more "traditional" markets for frozen, canned, cured or other processed fishery product forms (Geen and Battaglene, 1992).
New Zealand, conversely, is a net seafood exporter, and the fishing industry is the country's fourth largest foreign currency earner. New Zealand imported only 8 percent (by weight) of domestic seafood supply requirements while exporting about 54 percent of its total production in 1990 (Laureti, 1992) and about 49 percent in 1995 (Peacey, 1996). In value terms, however, almost 90 percent of fishing industry market receipts in recent years have come from exports (Peacey, 1996).
A large component of New Zealand's exports goes to Australia. The Bureau of Agricultural Economics (1986) notes that in the period 1985-86 New Zealand was the major supplier of Australian fishery product imports, accounting for 18 percent by value of all fishery products and 32 percent by value of fish imports, while in 1995 the NZ$ 131 million of seafood products exported to Australia constituted 11 percent of New Zealand's total fishery export earnings (Peacey, 1996). New Zealand also makes significant exports to other countries of the subregion, especially Fiji, New Caledonia and Papua New Guinea (Peacey, 1996). Conversely, the Bureau of Agricultural Economics (1986) indicates that New Zealand is not an important export destination for Australian fishery products. The same is probably true of other Pacific Island countries.
Some of New Zealand's major fisheries land high volumes of relatively low-value species that are marketed as frozen fillet blocks or used as surimi, and that compete directly with the "white fish" (cod, Alaska pollack, etc.) produced by some of the world's biggest fisheries (Parker, 1994). Australian fisheries land a greater proportion of high-value species which attract their highest values when sold on prime overseas markets with a minimum of processing (Kingston and Brown, 1993).
Both Australia and New Zealand are expecting to benefit from the reduction in tariffs on seafood products that will take place over the next 5 years as a result of the Uruguay round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Smith and Tran, 1994: Parker, 1994), and both are expecting major growth in seafood exports to Hong Kong SAR, Korea, Taiwan Province of China and the People's Republic of China, where rapid economic growth and associated increases in disposable income, as well as geographic proximity, favour seafood producers in Australia and New Zealand.
With regards to inshore and coastal fisheries, Hamnett (1990) estimated there are about 82,000 people involved in small-scale commercial fishing in the Pacific Islands. FAO (1996c) indicates there are about 5,400 Pacific Islanders employed in tuna fishing and processing in the Pacific Islands. The actual figure, however, is probably much greater; nearly 5,000 people are directly employed at the two tuna canneries in American Samoa alone (Gillett, 1994). There is also substantial additional tuna-related employment at the other two canneries in the region, the pole/line fleets in Fiji and the Solomons, the troll fisheries in French Polynesia, Kiribati, and Western Samoa, the locally-based foreign fishing operations in Kiribati, Fiji, Vanuatu, American Samoa, and Guam, and the local longline operations in PNG, Solomons, Fiji, Tonga, Cook Islands, French Polynesia, New Caledonia, Marshall Islands, FSM, and Palau. Tuna transshipment facilities employ Pacific Islanders at several locations in the area. Employment ancillary to the fishing is also significant: work related to food catering, fuelling engineering, crew recreation, catch transportation, port services, gear sales, etc. It is estimated that the tuna fisheries of the Pacific Islands probably support around 15,000 jobs.
UNDP (1994) estimated that there were only 370,000 wage earning job opportunities in the 14 independent Pacific Island countries, out of an economically active population of 1.8 million. Although the methodology of job estimation in the above studies may not be strictly comparable, the general conclusion is that fisheries-related jobs are very important in the economies of the area and therefore to food security.
Although coastal fisheries do not appear to be able to support substantial additional employment in most Pacific Island countries (apart from PNG), the situation is remarkably different for the offshore fisheries. Although there are well over a thousand foreign tuna fishing vessels operating in the region, only a small number employ Pacific Islanders as crew. Initiatives are underway both to estimate the actual amount of employment on these foreign vessels and to identify opportunities and mechanisms for additional employment.
The processing of the tuna catch also represents additional potential employment. In addition to the three countries of the area which have tuna canneries (American Samoa, Fiji, Solomons), additional canneries are being planned or developed in PNG and FSM. Wilson (1994) estimates that for every 30,000-mt tuna cannery, over 1,700 local jobs are created.
Employment opportunities provided in the Government industrial fisheries and processing plants of the area must be reconciled with the economic realities. FFA (1995) points out: "much of the local employment has only been achieved at the great cost of loss-making and continually subsidised Government owned and operated industry. This employment may not be sustained in the long term".
New Zealand's fishing industry employed 10,002 persons in 1995, a record level and one which increased from 8,900 in 1993. Of these 10,002 jobs, 5,100, or just over half, were in the processing sector, the first time that seafood processing employees outnumbered those in the catching sector (Peacey, 1996).
Direct employment in the Australian fishing industry catching sector was estimated at 14,000 in 1990, a small increase from the 1964/65 estimate of 13,000 persons (Kailola et al., 1993). The number of employees in the processing sector is unknown, but is likely to be a much lower proportion than in New Zealand because there is little processing of Australian fishery products.
Employment figures are not readily available for related industries such as vessel construction, maintenance services, and fishing gear and electronic equipment suppliers.
While the numbers of people employed in the Australian and New Zealand fishing industries are larger than in the Pacific Islands area, the relative importance of the fishing industry to the overall labour market is less because of the larger size of these two economies.
To gauge the importance of fisheries as food, different approaches are required in the two main sub-divisions of the Oceania region. The poor quality of the Pacific Islands fisheries information reported to FAO means that this information cannot be used, and alternative ways to obtain production information must be found. Conversely, the fisheries statistics that Australia and New Zealand furnish to FAO appear to be more accurate and can be used for analysis.
The fisheries contribution to food security is intricately connected to questions of overall supply, including that from national production and imports, and to demand, both of which are influenced by a wide range of factors. These are discussed in more detail in the following sections.
Relative to other regions of the world, the estimation of fish production and consumption in the Pacific Islands is difficult. Reported quantities in the region are frequently erroneous. Reasons for this include lack in some countries of mechanisms for estimating catches, low priority given to accurate reporting of known information, inconsistency of inclusion/exclusion of industrial catches, the difficult-to-monitor nature of subsistence fisheries which produces most of the food catch, and the widely dispersed or isolated landing areas. The difficulty of obtaining accurate information on fish imports, especially canned fish, further compounds the difficulties.
Little of the catch from the industrial fisheries enters the food systems of the region4. Of the one million mt of tuna caught in the Pacific Islands area, about a quarter is processed in regional canneries, but only about one percent of the canned product is consumed in the region.
In the prevailing situation in the Pacific Islands, the most accurate method of estimating consumption may be to disregard the offshore industrial catches and obtain the best information available on coastal fisheries and population. Accordingly, in Table 8 population data from SPC (1993) is used in conjunction with information in Dalzell and Adams (1994) who use a variety of annual reports, technical reports, nutritional surveys and knowledge of the region to estimate the coastal fisheries production for the 22 countries in the early 1990s.
|
Country |
Subsistence fisheries production (mt) |
Commercial coastal fisheries production (mt) |
Total coastal fisheries production (mt) |
Early 1990s population |
Early 1990s
per-caput fish supply from coastal fisherie |
|
American Samoa |
215 |
52 |
267 |
47 200 |
5.7 |
|
Cook Islands |
858 |
124 |
982 |
17 000 |
57.8 |
|
FSM |
6 243 |
637 |
6 880 |
108 500 |
63.4 |
|
Fiji |
16 600 |
6 653 |
23 253 |
732 000 |
31.8 |
|
French Polynesia |
3 691 |
2 352 |
6 043 |
196 300 |
30.8 |
|
Guam |
472 |
118 |
591 |
133 900 |
4.4 |
|
Kiribati |
9 084 |
3 240 |
12 324 |
71 800 |
171.6 |
|
Marshall Islands |
2 000 |
369 |
2 369 |
46 200 |
51.3 |
|
Nauru |
98 |
279 |
376 |
9 400 |
40.0 |
|
New Caledonia |
2 500 |
981 |
3 481 |
169 900 |
20.5 |
|
Niue |
103 |
12 |
115 |
2 200 |
52.3 |
|
Northern Marianas |
2 825 |
141 |
2 966 |
44 600 |
66.5 |
|
Palau |
750 |
736 |
1 485 |
15 200 |
97.7 |
|
Papua New Guinea |
20 588 |
4 966 |
25 554 |
3 727 200 |
6.9 |
|
Pitcairn Islands |
8 |
0 |
8 |
100 |
80.0 |
|
Solomon Islands |
10 000 |
1 150 |
11 150 |
320 000 |
34.8 |
|
Tokelau |
191 |
0 |
191 |
1 600 |
119.4 |
|
Tonga |
933 |
1 429 |
2 362 |
94 400 |
24.5 |
|
Tuvalu |
807 |
120 |
927 |
9 000 |
103.0 |
|
Vanuatu |
2 045 |
467 |
2 512 |
147 500 |
17.0 |
|
Wallis and Futuna |
621 |
296 |
917 |
13 700 |
66.9 |
|
Western Samoa |
3 281 |
208 |
3 489 |
160 300 |
21.8 |
|
Total |
83 913 |
24 330 |
108 242 |
6 068 000 |
17.8 |
To obtain per-caput total fish consumption from the above information, allowances must be made for imports, exports, and other factors.
With the exception of beche-de-mer and shells (trochus, pearl-shell, green snail), exports from the coastal fisheries in most countries are small, with the deep-slope bottom fish fishery in Tonga being a special case (approximately 150 mt per year). For the purpose of estimation, it can be assumed that exports from coastal fishery production are less than 5,000 mt per year for the whole region and would therefore be very small on a per-caput basis.
Factors affecting the Pacific Island coastal fishery product supply include the effectiveness of fisheries management, transportation logistics to markets, fisheries development efforts, and subsidy programmes, especially for boat building. Factors affecting offshore tuna production include the licensing conditions for foreign fishing vessels, fishing conditions in other areas of the world, El Nino conditions, and the characteristically high natural variation in tuna abundance.
All countries of the region import substantial amounts of canned fish and some countries import much smaller quantities of frozen whole fish for consumption. Papua New Guinea and Fiji import mackerel for canneries serving the domestic markets. Although it is difficult to determine the amount of fish imports for the region, fish imports for domestic consumption for every Pacific Island country would be greater than exports from the coastal fisheries. National per-caput fish consumption would therefore be in all cases greater than the per-caput production from coastal fisheries given in Table 8.
A recent study (FAO, 1995b) provides detailed information on Fiji and shows that the amount of canned fish consumed is about 9.4 kg/caput/year. In Papua New Guinea, industry sources indicate the amount of canned fish consumed is about twice that of domestic coastal fishery production or about 14.4 kg/caput. The available nutrition literature (summarised in Coyne et al., 1984) suggests that a reasonable approximation of a regional average for imported canned fish consumption would be about 10 kg/caput.
Adding 10 kg to the per-caput coastal production figures in Table 8 could therefore produce a crude estimate of per-caput fish consumption. Disregarding the special cases of American Samoa and Guam5, the per-caput consumption ranges from 16.9 kg for Papua New Guinea to 181.6 kg for Kiribati. Excluding Papua New Guinea which is quite distinctive from the other Pacific Island countries, the regional average is about 45 kg/caput.
Forty-five kg per year is substantially higher than the world average of about 13 kg. The consumption rates of the atoll countries of Kiribati (181.6 kg), Tokelau (129.4 kg), and Tuvalu (113.0 kg) are amongst the highest in the world. According to Laureti (1992), fish protein represents 38.7 percent of the total animal protein intake in the region, which is much greater than the world average of 16.1 percent. On many small Pacific Islands the only source of animal protein is fish.
The South Pacific Commission has published estimates of coastal fisheries production in the region on three occasions. The results are not strictly comparable due to different methodology, but general trends should be valid. The results from these three SPC studies are given in Table 9.
|
Source |
Period |
Coastal fisheries production |
Population of region |
Per-caput fish supply from coastal
fisheries |
|
Van Pel (1961) |
1960 |
31 420 |
3 150 000 |
10.0 |
|
Crossland and Grandperrin (1979) |
Late 1970s |
55 130 |
4 410 000 |
12.5 |
|
Dalzell and Adams (1994) |
Early 1990s |
108 242 |
6 068 000 |
17.8 |
Because fish consumption in the Pacific Islands has a strong relationship to coastal fisheries production, per-caput fish consumption has probably followed a trend similar to that of the per-caput production in Table 9, that is, substantially increasing during the last three decades.
From the above information it can be seen that fish consumption is extremely important for the Pacific Islands area. Passfield (1996) uses an alternative method for gauging the importance of fish as food in the Pacific Islands. On the basis of the cost of purchasing the seafoods which are normally captured/collected by villagers, he calculates that local seafoods are worth US$ 344 per caput in the Verata District of Fiji and US$ 610 on Tongareva Atoll in the Cook Islands. Similarly, the World Bank (1995), using "substitute value method" (valuing subsistence fisheries at the market price of their closest marketed substitute) estimated the value of subsistence fisheries to consumers in selected Pacific Island countries as follows: Fiji US$ 6.3 million, Vanuatu US$ 2.2 million, Solomon Islands US$ 7.8 million, and Western Samoa US$ .5 million.
It should be noted that, with the exception of some pet food produced as a by-product of tuna canning operations, there is almost no fish used for non-food purposes.
Because FAO fisheries statistics for Australia and New Zealand are much more accurate than those for the Pacific Island countries, it is a much more straightforward task to examine amounts and trends in fisheries production.
Table 10 shows data on fish supply, population and per-caput supply (i.e. apparent consumption) in Australia and New Zealand over the past 25 years. The derivation of the net supply data in this table is shown in Table 13.
|
1965 |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1990 | |
|
Australia |
||||||
|
Net supply of fishery products (`000 mt) |
145.7 |
167.3 |
187.2 |
204.4 |
271.8 |
323.0 |
|
New Zealand |
||||||
|
Net supply of fishery products (`000 mt) |
47.9 |
45.0 |
45.4 |
65.3 |
81.1 |
100.3 |
|
Population (million) |
2.6 |
2.8 |
3.1 |
3.1 |
3.3 |
3.4 |
|
Fish supply/caput (kg live weight) |
18.2 |
16.0 |
14.7 |
21.0 |
25.0 |
29.6 |
|
Total |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Net supply of fishery products (`000 mt) |
193.6 |
212.4 |
232.6 |
269.6 |
352.9 |
423.3 |
|
Population (million) |
14.0 |
15.4 |
16.7 |
17.8 |
19.0 |
20.4 |
|
Fish supply/caput (kg live weight) |
13.8 |
13.8 |
13.9 |
15.1 |
18.5 |
20.7 |
The table indicates that there has been a gradual increase in per caput fish consumption over the 25-year period. This is attributed to increased perceptions of fish as a healthy or desirable food, availability of a wider range of product forms, better presentation, packaging and marketing, and a growing per caput income. While still quite low by the standards of most of the developing countries in the Pacific region, fish consumption in Australia and New Zealand is now well above the world average of about 13 kg/caput/year.
Contrary to expectations, the increase in consumption of seafoods has taken place in the face of increasing prices of fishery products. The Bureau of Agricultural Economics (1986) noted that in Australia, "Domestic consumption of fisheries products is unlikely to increase and may decline, given the increase in fish prices relative to the prices of other products, the expected slowdown in economic growth, and the impact of the fringe benefits tax on the restaurant sector." However FAO statistics indicate that seafood consumption, and particularly the consumption of fresh fish, has increased each year since 1985. In 1992 the aggregate increase was about 10 percent over 1985 levels.
In New Zealand also, apparent consumption of seafoods has increased substantially during a period when seafood prices have been rising in real terms. Unlike in Australia, however, the price of meat in New Zealand rose faster than that of seafoods in 1991-1993, while the price of poultry continued to decline.
Statistics in Laureti (1992) give some indication of trends in consumption of various types of seafood products in Australia and New Zealand over the past decade, as shown in Table 11 below.
|
Average |
Average |
% change | |
|
Australia |
|||
|
Fresh/frozen fish |
5.4 |
8.0 |
+48.1 |
|
Fresh/frozen shellfish |
1.2 |
1.2 |
0.0 |
|
Tinned fish/shellfish |
1.8 |
2.0 |
+11.1 |
|
Other |
0.8 |
0.6 |
-25.0 |
|
Total* |
9.2 |
11.8 |
+28.3 |
|
New Zealand |
|
|
|
|
Fresh/frozen fish |
13.6 |
13.6 |
0.0 |
|
Fresh/frozen shellfish |
4.5 |
8.4 |
+86.7 |
|
Tinned fish/shellfish |
1.5 |
2.6 |
+73.3 |
|
Other |
<0.1 |
0.2 |
+260.0 |
|
Total* |
19.6 |
24.8 |
+26.5 |
|
Subregional total |
|
|
|
|
Fresh/frozen fish |
6.9 |
8.9 |
+30.3 |
|
Fresh/frozen shellfish |
1.8 |
2.4 |
+36.1 |
|
Tinned fish/shellfish |
1.8 |
2.1 |
+16.8 |
|
Other |
<0.1 |
<0.1 |
-37.5 |
|
Total* |
11.1 |
13.8 |
+24.9 |
* Because the data is presented as product weight, figures in this table do not agree with the per-caput fish supply information (expressed as live weight) shown in Table 10 above.
Broadly, these data indicate that, for these two countries, per-caput consumption of most forms of fish and shellfish is remaining stable or increasing, in some cases substantially. The trends are somewhat different in the two countries concerned, however. Per-caput consumption of fresh fish and seafood is stable in New Zealand but increasing rapidly in Australia, while consumption of tinned and frozen fish and seafood products is increasing rapidly in New Zealand and less rapidly, or not at all, in Australia. In both countries the consumption of "other" seafood products, which includes cured, pickled and miscellaneous forms, already low, appears to be stable or in decline. (While a very large percentage increase in this category is indicated for New Zealand, the actual product volumes involved are minuscule).
The first direct measure of Australian seafood consumption habits was made in 1976-77, when a survey carried out in the six Australian state capitals indicated that urban Australians consumed 10.1 kg of fish per caput annually, of which 7.8 kg (77 percent) was fin-fish and 2.3 kg (23 percent) other seafood (Fisheries Division, 1978). This estimate is lower than the FAO assessment of consumption (12.8 kg/caput in 1976 and 14.4 kg/caput in 1977) during the same period (Laureti, 1992). The disagreement may be due to several factors: the 1976-77 survey was based on a sample of the Australian population which did not include rural dwellers; the survey involved the assignment of a standard weight to take-away fish portions which may have introduced a bias; there were difficulties experienced during the survey in estimating the exact portion weights of certain product forms; and the FAO estimate is an apparent consumption figure based on dividing total fish supply by the total population of the country, rather than on any direct measure of consumption.
Both sets of figures include fresh, frozen, canned and cured seafoods, as well as some other product forms. The 1976-77 survey indicated that tinned fish was the most frequently consumed form of seafood (28 times per household per year) followed by fresh fish (18 times per year) and cooked fish from take-away outlets (8 times per year). In terms of quantity, however, fresh and frozen fish and seafood made up the largest component of consumption (36 percent), followed by tinned products (19 percent), and food served at take-away outlets (16 percent). Prawns were by far the most popular type of non-fish seafood consumed. While three quarters of all fish was prepared and cooked at home, only one third of non-fish seafood was prepared and cooked at home, the remainder being consumed in restaurants, clubs, bars, take-away outlets or the homes of friends and relatives.
A more recent Australian survey, carried out in 1992, confirms that seafood demand in Australia has continued to show strong growth since 1977 (P+A Consulting Group Ltd., 1992). The survey estimated that Australian consumption of all seafoods was about 175,600 mt (meat weight) in 1990-91, excluding institutional seafood use by non-household residents (prisons, etc.). If this rate of growth were to continue, the survey projects that domestic consumption would rise to around 220,000 mt total by the year 2001, after accounting for population growth. This represents an increase of nearly 25 percent on 1991 levels of consumption estimated by the survey. (Note that while the projected future increase in consumption is consistent with the trends indicated by the FAO data, the actual figures do not agree with FAO estimates).
Detailed information on seafood consumption in New Zealand is less readily available. The annual Household Income and Expenditure Survey carried out by the New Zealand Statistics Department indicates that household expenditure on fish and seafoods declined slightly in 1992 and 1993 after peaking in 1991, but no data is given on the quantities or types of seafoods consumed.
Over the past three decades fish has increased in importance as a component of animal protein intake in Australia and New Zealand, as shown in Table 12 below.
|
1965 |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1990 | |
|
Australia |
4.2 |
4.7 |
4.4 |
5.1 |
5.8 |
6.5 |
|
New Zealand |
5.6 |
4.6 |
3.3 |
6.7 |
8.0 |
10.6 |
|
Total |
4.5 |
4.7 |
4.2 |
5.4 |
6.2 |
7.2 |
While increasing in importance, fish and seafoods still play a far less important role in satisfying protein demand in Australia and New Zealand than other forms of animal produce, in particular poultry and various forms of meat, the supply of which in 1990 averaged 116.8 kg/caput/year in the two countries. In general, seafoods continue to be viewed as a desirable but sometimes expensive alternative form of protein which is eaten occasionally or irregularly as a flavour alternative, a luxury item, or because of a growing awareness of dietary health. As noted earlier, a substantial amount of seafood consumption is associated with restaurant or take-away dining rather than with home-prepared meals.
Table 13 provides summary statistics on fish supply in Australia and New Zealand over the past 25 years.
Substantial increases in production from the region have taken place in recent years, due in particular to massive increases in New Zealand's marine capture fisheries. These have been compensated for to some extent by a net rise in exports such that the increase in fishery products available as food supply to Australia and New Zealand, while still substantial, has been less dramatic. There is considerable trade in fishery products between Australia and New Zealand, hence the regional totals for import and export figures may be somewhat misleading, since some imports/exports are actually internal to the region.
The principal factors influencing the supply of fishery products to the subregion (other than the potentials for increased production) will be the overall economics of fishing, aquaculture and fishery product trade, and in particular the profitability of seafood exports. These factors will themselves hinge on large-scale features of the global economy such as global currency movements, trends in the major US, European and especially Asian markets for Australia and New Zealand seafoods, and domestic economic and political issues that impinge on fisheries.
|
Quantity (`000 mt) |
1965 |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1990 |
|
Australia |
||||||
|
Production |
78.9 |
102.4 |
108.4 |
132.0 |
161.0 |
210.4 |
|
Imports |
86.5 |
102.0 |
124.6 |
143.2 |
195.8 |
210.8 |
|
Exports |
18.6 |
36.0 |
43.8 |
80.4 |
78.4 |
92.9 |
|
Net supply |
146.8 |
168.3 |
189.2 |
206.6 |
277.8 |
328.3 |
|
Non-food use |
1.1 |
1.0 |
2.0 |
2.2 |
6.0 |
5.3 |
|
Food supply* |
145.7 |
167.3 |
187.2 |
204.4 |
271.8 |
323.0 |
|
New Zealand |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Production |
48.4 |
59.3 |
63.5 |
215.0 |
304.8 |
565.4 |
|
Imports |
5.8 |
6.7 |
7.5 |
9.2 |
14.5 |
24.1 |
|
Exports |
6.3 |
17.5 |
23.5 |
148.7 |
215.2 |
303.5 |
|
Net supply |
47.9 |
48.5 |
47.5 |
75.5 |
104.1 |
285.8 |
|
Non-food use |
0.0 |
3.5 |
2.1 |
10.2 |
23.0 |
185.8 |
|
Food supply* |
47.9 |
45.0 |
45.4 |
65.3 |
81.1 |
100.3 |
|
Area total |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Production |
127.3 |
161.7 |
171.9 |
346.9 |
465.7 |
775.8 |
|
Imports |
92.3 |
108.7 |
132.1 |
152.4 |
210.3 |
234.9 |
|
Exports |
24.9 |
53.5 |
67.3 |
229.1 |
293.6 |
396.4 |
|
Net supply |
194.7 |
216.9 |
236.7 |
282.0 |
381.9 |
614.3 |
|
Non-food use |
1.1 |
4.5 |
4.1 |
12.4 |
29.0 |
191.0 |
|
Food supply* |
193.6 |
212.4 |
232.6 |
269.6 |
352.9 |
423.3 |
* In theory, food supply = ([production + imports] - [exports + non-food uses]). However, some data also includes a correction for changes in inventories, hence the totals may not tally completely.
At a more "local" or tangible level, factors that directly influence fishery product supply will include fisheries management measures aimed at reducing exploitation, increasing competition for access to limited natural resources, environmental issues, and questions of improved catch utilization. Considerations on these factors are detailed below.
Fisheries management. Several marine fishery stocks currently being fished in Australia and New Zealand are being exploited at levels beyond what is thought to be sustainable in the long-term. An example is orange roughy, which is currently reaching the end of its "fish-down" phase (the period at the start of a new fishery when accumulated or virgin biomass is removed). About 50 percent of Australia's fin-fish (as opposed to seafood) exports in the early 1990's were derived from the sale of this species to the USA. Landings of orange roughy in Australia are expected to decline in the remainder of the 1990s (Geen and Battaglene, 1992), while in New Zealand the quota management system for this species is becoming increasingly more restrictive in order to reduce levels of exploitation (Parker, 1995). This is one of the more important fisheries in both countries, and its reduction, along with management restrictions on other species, may lead to declines in both the volume and value of landings.
Competition for access. The growing importance of recreational fisheries in Australia and New Zealand will almost certainly lead to future fishery management measures that restrict the activities of both commercial and recreational fishermen targeting the same fish stocks (Lal, Holland and Power, 1992). The net result may be a shift of landings out of the commercial and into the recreational/subsistence sector, resulting in an apparent (or in some cases real) drop in fishery production.
Another form of competition for access to marine resources has also arisen in New Zealand recently as a result of the recognition by the Government of the special circumstances of indigenous peoples. Maori claims to control of fisheries and fishing rights were recently addressed by the passing of the Treaty of Waitangi Settlement Act, which has seen Maori communities become the largest fish quota owners in New Zealand. Nearly 40 percent of all quotas are now exclusively owned by Maoris (Tierney, 1995), and while these are for the most part still available to the commercial fishing industry through joint ventures and other arrangements, there is no guarantee that arrangements will not change in the future, possibly altering patterns of fish supply. The Waitangi Settlement Act also supplemented existing customary fishing rights with provisions for local Maori communities to assume responsibility for managing fisheries within coastal areas of traditional significance, again possibly impacting on commercial fishing activities.
By-Catch Utilisation. Several fisheries operating in the subregion take substantial quantities of unwanted "trash" fish which, apart from the odd species of value, are usually discarded immediately at sea. Bottom-trawl fisheries in particular tend to have high levels of by-catch, with some Australian prawn fisheries showing a by-catch:target species ratio (by weight) of 8:1. Some research effort is being aimed at reducing levels of by-catch, but in many fisheries it will not be possible to completely eliminate incidental catches. Development of improved methods of utilising or adding value to by-catch species could result in the processing of some of these species becoming economic, leading to increased fish supply.
There has been a substantial increase in the use of fish for non-food purposes (manufacture of fish-meal, pet food, stock feeds, etc.) in the subregion during the past five years, as shown in Table 14.
|
1965 |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1990 | |
|
Australia |
1.4 |
1.0 |
1.8 |
1.7 |
3.7 |
2.5 |
|
New Zealand |
0.0 |
5.9 |
3.3 |
4.7 |
7.5 |
32.9 |
|
Total |
0.9 |
2.8 |
2.4 |
3.6 |
6.2 |
24.6 |
All of the increase in non-food use of fishery landings in the subregion is attributable to changing practices in New Zealand. According to FAO (1994), this is almost entirely due to reduction of certain components of the catch to fish-meal, a feature which is associated with the increased landings of high-volume, low-value fish species in recent years. In future, changes in patterns of world fishery supply and demand may make it economic to process some of this catch for human consumption, a practice which could technically increase supply from the subregion by up to some 190,000 mt.
Environmental issues. As in many developed countries, public awareness of environmental issues has become heightened in recent years, and this has impacted on fisheries, where unsustainable marine resource exploitation and fishing practices that result in waste or habitat destruction have become the object of public censure and Government regulatory attention. Incidental takes of endangered species such as turtles and seals, or discarding of by-catch species (which in some Australian fisheries include corals), are becoming important issues in some fisheries. Pressure to discontinue fishing practices perceived by the public as being undesirable may ultimately result in management measures that restrict fishing activities for some target species.
According to Geen and Battaglene (1992), "Declining catch rates, changing market conditions, growth in recreational fishing and the increasing environmental awareness of Australian society as a whole are all factors putting pressure on fishermen to adjust their fishing and marketing activities. The medium-term outlook for the profitability of the fishing industry is highly dependent on how well the industry responds to these and other adjustment pressures".
The impact of global climate change on fisheries production in Australia cannot be fully predicted, but a preliminary examination of possible impacts proposed that climate change was likely to affect prawn stocks through changes in critical coastal habitats, western rock lobster stocks through changes in oceanic circulation, and some of the southeastern fisheries species through ocean temperature rises (Kailola et al., 1993).
Major factors influencing demand for fish are population, urbanisation, real income, price, dietary preference, and natural disasters. As most of the fish is consumed on a subsistence basis, population is by far the largest determinant of fish demand. Between 1970 and 1990 the population of the region grew by 2,222,000 people which is equal to an annual growth rate of 2.3 percent, high relative to the world average of 1.8 percent.
A population movement from the outer islands to towns and cities is a dominant feature in most Pacific Island countries. According to World Bank data, the average urbanisation rate across the region was 17 percent in 1970 but had increased to 24 percent in 1990. Although city dwellers have more difficult access to fishery resources, urbanisation does not necessarily decrease fish demand, but rather shifts demand to the products of commercial fisheries, especially imports. For example, a dietary study in the Solomon Islands (Jansen and Wilmott, 1973) showed that the overall intake of fish products did not change substantially with movement from the outer islands to the capital, but the canned fish component significantly increased. Increased consumption of canned fish in urban areas may also be a reflection of the convenience nature of cans; in the urban environment with increasing demands on time due to paid employment, precooked, ready-to-eat canned fish is a time-saver.
Another important factor in the demand for fish, especially in the urban environment, is real income and the price of fish relative to this income. World Bank/IMF data shows that the per-caput GDP, a measure of real income, actually decreased in the region by 0.3 percent between 1970 and 1990.
In general, Pacific Islanders have a strong tradition of eating fish, and this preference for fish often dominates economic considerations, especially in Micronesia and Polynesia. Fresh fish will frequently be purchased even though it is more expensive than the alternatives, often imported mutton flaps, turkey tails, or canned meat.
Natural disasters in the Pacific Islands, most often tropical cyclones, characteristically create a greater dependence on imported food, much of which is canned fish.The high incidence of cyclones in Fiji in 1985 is thought to be responsible for canned fish imports increasing 22 percent over the previous year.
Smith and Tran (1994) note that demographic factors (population growth, ethnic mix and changes in the population age structure), taste factors, the tourist market for seafood, and relative prices are among the principal determinants of domestic demand for seafood in Australia. These considerations also apply in large part to New Zealand.
Demographic factors. Seafood consumption varies among people of different ethnic origin. The Fisheries Division (1978) noted that country of origin had no discernible effect on the overall amount of fish and seafood consumed but had a marked influence on the types preferred. Families of Italian, Greek and other Mediterranean origins ate almost twice as much fresh fish as families of British origin, who ate more fish fingers, packaged frozen and tinned fish, and more cooked fish outside the home.
In recent years immigration into the region has continued to be a major component of population growth, especially in Australia, where it has been responsible for 40 percent of total growth over the past two years (Smith and Tran, 1994). The highest growth has been in the proportion of Asian-origin immigrants, which grew from 1.3 percent of the population in 1981 to 3.8 percent in 1991. This continuing change is expected to result in increasing demand for seafood, particularly non-traditional types.
The changing age structure of the population of Australia and New Zealand may also result in a strengthening of the demand for seafood because of the relationship between seafood consumption and age. The populations of both countries are aging, with people over 20 years of age comprising 69.8 percent of the total Australian population in 1991, as opposed to 66.3 percent ten years earlier. Australian consumer surveys have shown low seafood consumption among younger age groups, with increasing consumption among older age groups based on perceived health advantages of seafood products, higher levels of disposable income, and a higher proportion of meals eaten outside the home (P+A Consulting Group Ltd., 1992). In New Zealand, consumers aged over 40 are responsible for 68 percent of total expenditure on seafoods (Parker, 1994).
Taste factors. Australian and New Zealand consumers tend to have positive attitudes towards seafood, based on the perceived healthiness of these products. However, they also have a range of concerns in relation to the products and their marketing, including the freshness of the product, misrepresentation by traders who sell lower grades of fish as more valuable species, and product safety issues. Many consumers are concerned at the impact of marine pollution on seafood, and the health aspects of seafood may be further eroded by competitive promotion of the health advantages of other potential substitute products (Smith and Tran, 1994).
An example of the importance of health-related issues to seafood consumption occurred when a major outbreak of biotoxicity ("red tide") took place in New Zealand early in 1993 (the first such event in that country) and caused paralytic shellfish poisoning in consumers of mussels and other molluscs. As a result of the incident, consumption of locally-harvested molluscan shellfish in New Zealand effectively ceased and over 1,000 jobs in the seafood processing industry were temporarily lost. Only at the end of 1993, after the fishing industry and the New Zealand Government had spent over NZ$ 1 million on a major seafood promotion campaign and a further NZ$ 4 million on a long-term research programme to investigate biotoxicity, did consumer confidence return and seafood consumption reach the same levels as earlier in the year.
Tourism may also be a source of growth in demand for seafood, especially in Australia, which has one of the fastest growth rates in the number of short-term visitors of any OECD country, (an increase of 10 percent per year from 1981 to 1991), with the number of short-term visitors in 1991 estimated at 2.37 million (Bureau of Tourism Research, 1992). Tourists, and especially overseas visitors, have a high per caput expenditure and a high propensity to consume meals in restaurants. Smith and Tran (1994) estimate that tourists consumed about 3,000 mt of seafood in Australia during 1991, and that this demand will probably increase to at least 6,800 mt (edible weight) by the year 2001.
Prices and the availability of disposable income can clearly be expected to have an effect on demand for seafood. Referring to a survey of consumer attitudes towards seafood, Kitson (1992) states that "When respondents were asked what actions taken by the fishing industry would encourage greater consumption in their household, almost a third sought reasonable/cheaper prices". Greater availability of fresh fish and seafood was also a common response. Smith and Tran (1994) note that "Prices of fisheries products on the Australian market appear likely to strengthen further in the medium term as a result of continued high export demand, a continued weak Australian dollar (which boosts import prices) and little prospect of significant increase in domestic supplies. This will be expected to reduce the quantity of fish and seafood demanded in comparison with other products, but the impact will vary between sectors depending on the substitutes available".
As noted earlier, however, the relationship between seafood price and demand may not be simple. In the past, seafood consumption in the subregion has risen despite real price increases, a factor which is thought to be largely attributable to positive consumer perceptions of seafood products. The populations of both Australia and New Zealand are relatively affluent, with 1990 per-caput gross domestic product (GDP) estimated to be US$ 11,816 at 1980 constant prices. The average annual GDP growth rate during the period 1970-1990 was estimated to be 1.4 percent, while for the period 1990-2010 GDP in the subregion is projected to rise by an annual average of 1.9 percent (FAO, 1995c). In view of the resultant increased affluence of the population, other factors, such as continued positive perceptions of seafood products, may prove more important than price increases in determining future demand for fish and fishery products.
Because the demand for fish in the Pacific Islands is strongly linked to population, changes in population should correspond to some extent to changes in demand. According to SPC (1993), between 1990 and 2010 the population of the region will increase from 6,068,000 to 8,871,060 or 46 percent. This would result in a demand for fish of 166,776 mt in 2010, or 58,535 mt more than at present.
This demand increase will be tempered to some degree by real income and price, especially for that portion of the population living in urban areas. World Bank/IMF data suggests that the annual growth of GDP per caput in the period from 1990 to 2010 will be a modest 1.7 percent. NCDS (1994) predicts that urbanisation will occur in the region at an increasingly rapid rate. For example, in Papua New Guinea the urban population will increase from the present 16 percent to 48 percent in 2010. During the same period in the Solomon Islands the proportion of people living in cities and towns will double to 32 percent.
Major increases in food supplies accessible to medium and small-scale fisheries are unlikely due to the fully exploited nature of most of the accessible resources, tuna being a prominent exception. Due to the nature of tuna fishing, the yields from medium and small- scale tuna fishing have not been great. The situation could change if, for example, developments occur affecting fish aggregation devices (FADs) or small scale longlining.
On the other hand, there is the possibility that, with high international prices, exports of fish from coastal fisheries could increase. It is likely that, with lack of effective management, destructive fishing, and coastal zone degradation, the yields from coastal fisheries in many areas could actually decrease between now and 2010. The coastal resources in Papua New Guinea are quite distinct from those in the region in this regard. It appears as though they are substantially underexploited and yields many times the present 25,000 mt could be possible.
There is the possibility that aquaculture could contribute substantially to the future food supply of the countries in the region, but if future potential is related to past performance, the probability of this occurring is not great.
In view of the population increases expected and the limited coastal resources of most of the countries, the most likely situation is that fish consumption per caput from coastal resources will decline. If this occurs there are two consequences: either there will be greater consumption of non-coastal fish resources (tuna or imports) or total fish per-caput consumption will decline.
Indications of the ability of Pacific Island countries to pay for increased fish imports are not promising. The World Bank (1995) states "Past patterns of growth and development in the Pacific Island Member Countries do not appear to be sufficient to provide a progressive improvement in living standards in the future." Similarly, NCDS (1994) concludes "Rapid population growth is not a cause for concern if it is matched by similar levels of economic growth. But for most of the Pacific island countries real per-caput income declined in the 1980s and if low rates of economic growth continue, they could decline in the next two decades."
The most probable scenario is that an increasing dependency on non-local foods and a decreasing diet quality will cause the food security situation in the Pacific Islands region to deteriorate.
In order to project future demand for fishery products, some basic assumptions are needed. Here it is assumed that per-caput seafood demand over the next 20 years will continue to grow as it has in the past 20, due to the range of demographic and economic factors outlined above which will, on the whole, tend to lead to increased demand for fishery products. A projected increase of this scale, which represents the maximum likely to be experienced, would lead to a per-caput consumption of 27.6 kg/ annum.
If the area's population increase is as projected by FAO (1995) then the total population of the subregion will be 25,401,000 in 2010, and total seafood demand at this time will be in the order of 700,000 mt.
Capture fisheries are considered fully exploited in Australia and New Zealand. While newly-discovered resources or improved management systems may lead to small increases in landings, these may be compensated for by reduced access to resources by commercial harvesters, environmental degradation, or other forms of marine resource management and conservation. The greatest potential to increase the actual volume of production from capture fisheries appears to be by diverting fish landings that are being used to manufacture non-food products into the human food supply. In recent years, however, the actual trend has been the reverse, with a growing percentage of landings being used for non-food purposes. For the purposes of projection, therefore, it will be assumed that food supply based on landings from capture fisheries will be static, at about 750,000 mt.
There is potential for increased production from aquaculture in both countries. However, as current levels of production are small (67,000 mt), much more increases would be needed before aquaculture could make the same level of contribution to food supply as capture fisheries currently do. In fact, if aquaculture production for food continues to increase at the same rate as in the last eight years, production in the year 2010 will reach approximately 160,000 mt, or about 20 percent of production from capture fisheries.
Under this scenario, therefore, total commercial fish and seafood production from the region will be about 910,000 mt, of which slightly less than 18 percent will come from aquaculture, and the remainder from capture fisheries, mostly marine. No allowance is made for the recreational/subsistence catch, but this is likely to be of the order of an additional few percent, bringing the total up to somewhere around 1,000,000 mt.
Based on the above seafood demand and supply considerations, the following scenario might be envisaged in the year 2010:
There will be a continued drive to increase exports from the region, especially high-value products to lucrative established or developing overseas markets in Asia. There will also be an increase in imports, probably of lower-value canned and frozen products, to satisfy the growing domestic seafood demand within Australia and New Zealand.
Gradually increasing per-caput income in the region, as well as a domestic supply that nominally exceeds demand, will both act to support a continuation of the current trend towards increased per-caput seafood consumption, which might reach a maximum of about 27.6 kg/caput/year by 2010.
Irrespective of seafood product supply and demand considerations in the future, the implications for food security in Australia and New Zealand are not significant. The major concern from a food security viewpoint may be that a reduction in seafood consumption in Australia and New Zealand may lead to a gradually increasing incidence of coronary and other non-communicable diseases that seafood apparently plays a role in combating.
Government intervention in the fisheries sector has historically consisted of fisheries development efforts. More recently in some of the Pacific Island countries the emphasis has shifted to fisheries management.
Past efforts in fisheries development have included: resource surveys (e.g. bottom fish exploratory fishing in most Pacific Island countries), gear development (fish aggregation device engineering, fishing craft development), species introductions (many international transplantations of trochus), facilitation of marketing (major fish markets in Tonga, Tuvalu, Western Samoa, and Vanuatu), improvements in fish handling (regional fish handling workshops), and promotion of women's involvement in fisheries. Aquaculture trials, sometimes extensive, have also been undertaken in most Pacific Island countries.
As commercial fishing pressure on coastal resources increased, especially on the high-value sedentary species, signs of over-exploitation in many countries led to attempts by central government authorities to manage the fishing effort using conventional legislated regulations such as gear restrictions, minimum sizes, closed seasons, and closed areas. In general, these efforts were not successful. This was due to the lack of involvement and understanding on the part of local communities and the inability of the central governments to enforce the regulations, especially in remote locations.
Traditional management regimes for coastal resources were widespread in the Pacific Islands area before the colonial period and commonly relied on limiting access to the fishing grounds, usually by excluding outsiders. Recently there has been some degree of recognition on the part of government fisheries officials that those regimes were effective and that one of the main reasons is that the management was an integral part of the local community. Based on these perceptions of success, attempts have lately been made in several Pacific Island countries to formally recognise traditional management regimes where they are still functional and to set up community-based management where it no longer exists. In some countries there is, however, a reluctance to devolve fisheries management control to lower levels of government. In some of the crucial areas for coastal fisheries management, namely the fishing grounds around urban areas, social structures for community-based management may not exist.
The situation is much different for the offshore fishery resources. With respect to management intervention, three characteristics are important:
Government intervention has historically been oriented to extracting from foreign fleets the highest level of access fees possible. Recently, there has been greater government intervention focused on increasing Pacific Island participation in the fishery and ancillary industries.
Another area in which there has been substantial government fisheries intervention is in national fishing companies. Because the large amounts of capital required for industrial tuna fishing are largely absent in the Pacific Islands, one solution has been the establishment of government fishing companies. Countries in which this has occurred include Solomon Islands, Fiji, Tonga, Tuvalu, Nauru, Kiribati, Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. Although there may have been some benefits (e.g. increased employment), few, if any, of the government fishing companies have been financially successful.
Political commitment for fisheries management is much easier to obtain for the offshore fisheries where the participants in the fishery and subjects of management are mainly foreign (e.g. the regional solidarity over banning driftnets). The placement of restrictive management measures on a country's own citizens has proven much more difficult.
With respect to management, there are two areas of special concern: the prevention of excess fishing effort and the degradation of coastal marine environments by destructive fishing, mangrove removal, shoreline development, siltation from logging, pesticides, and sewage. Both of these types of threats to sustainable fisheries are likely to grow in severity as the population increases.
With the increasing pressure on inshore resources and subsequent drop in yield, the need for fisheries management and the requisite political commitment to do so will increase. Awareness of the severity of the problem and its implications for food security are not widespread in the Pacific, creating difficulties for the generation of adequate political will. In some countries measures which may have doubtful effectiveness, such as hatchery rearing of juveniles of some species for reef restocking, have been a politically appealing alternative to restrictive management.
Various government bodies in Australia and New Zealand provide development assistance to the fishing industry through the provision of grants for exploratory fishing and product processing trials by the private sector, and through the conduct of overseas market evaluations, sponsoring of trade missions, etc. However in both countries the government's main involvement in fisheries is in relation to management and control.
In Australia, fisheries management is a complex mix of Commonwealth and state responsibilities. For management purposes fisheries resources are usually described and managed in units called a `fishery', which is defined by a combination of the species caught (one or several), the gear and/or fishing methods used, and the area of operation. The various state and territory governments are responsible for managing those fisheries occurring within three miles of the coast, while the Commonwealth (Federal) Government has responsibility for those outside three miles, and up to the 200-mile EEZ. Since many stocks straddle these two areas of jurisdiction, there is also a third class of fishery management arrangements, called Offshore Constitutional Settlements, under which state and Commonwealth Governments have entered into agreements to transfer jurisdiction over particular fisheries to one or other party or to a joint authority.
About 70 fisheries were defined in Commonwealth and State Government legislation in 1991 (Kailola et al., 1993). Defined fisheries do not always cover the full extent of inter-breeding populations of each species, and single populations may be managed as several different fisheries (e.g. the shark fisheries of southern Australia, which involve two main species, are managed under the Fisheries Acts of the Commonwealth and four different states).
Overall, the states and territories manage wild fisheries which account for about 58 percent of Australia's fishery production, and also have management responsibility for aquaculture, which accounts for a further 18 percent of production (Kailola et al., 1993). The agency responsible for managing commonwealth fisheries, which account for the remaining approximately 20 percent of production value, is the Australian Fisheries Management Agency, AFMA, which was formed in 1992. The establishment of AFMA took place as a result of new Australian legislation and the passing of the Fisheries Management Act of 1991. Under the Act, the Government now manages fisheries under the principles of ecologically sustainable development.
A trend in recent years in Australia has been to increase consultation with the fishing industry and other resource user groups in the development of fishery management regimes. There is increasing acknowledgment by all involved - industry, scientists and managers - that "we are in this together", and the level of communication between these groups is increasing.
To improve the liaison, greater collaboration between fishers and scientists, and in particular more participation in research programmes by the fishing industry, is also being actively encouraged. The aim is for better management through better information, so as to ensure the long-term profitability and efficiency of the fishing industry (McCloughlin, 1992).
The Government plays a similar role in managing New Zealand's fisheries, but without the complications of state and national-level fisheries management systems. New Zealand's fishery management regime has undergone a major overhaul in recent years and this led to the recent introduction of new fishery legislation with the passing of the Fisheries Act of 1996. The provisions of the Act will be implemented over the next 3-5 years. The new Act incorporates objectives related to sustainable resource management and environmental protection. These include maintaining the long-term viability of species which are associated with or dependent upon the harvested species, maintaining the biological diversity of the aquatic environment, and protecting habitats that are of significance to fisheries management (Ministry of Fisheries, 1996a).
Most of New Zealand's fisheries are now managed under a comprehensive system of individual transferable quotas (ITQs), and it is intended that all commercial species will ultimately be managed in this way. Under the ITQ system fishery resources are no longer open-access but are owned by the quota holders. Once issued, quotas can be bought and sold as tradeable assets among fishermen or others. The system is intended to eliminate the tendency to over-exploitation and industry over-capitalisation that usually characterise open-access systems, or those managed through input controls (such as limits on vessel numbers).
Recent moves to recognise the traditional fishing rights of indigenous (Maori) New Zealanders have led to the allocation of quotas in certain fisheries to Maori groups, and also to the declaration of specific "local fisheries" where special management regulations favourable to Maori communities may be put in place (Anon, 1996a).
The subregion has a strong history of "regionalism", which derives from several considerations: the fact that many countries share problems which justify a collaborative search for common solutions; the small size and limited human and financial resources of most countries, which constrains their ability to fully address the wide range of economic development problems they face; and the colonial history of the area, during which the main metropolitan powers established mechanisms for dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation, some of which persist today.
Fisheries cooperation among Pacific Island countries, fostered by the regional organisations, is a striking feature of the region. The region has two organisations with major involvement in fisheries matters and several others with peripheral involvement:
In addition to the SPC and FFA, there are regional programmes relative to fisheries at the University of the South Pacific (located in Fiji), the South Pacific Regional Environment Programme (Western Samoa), and the South Pacific Applied Geo-Science Commission (Fiji).
On a larger, global, scale, Australia and New Zealand have been instrumental in the promotion and development of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference, PECC, which acts as a vehicle for the promotion of economic cooperation among Pacific rim and island countries, and which has 18 member countries including the USA, Canada, Japan, the People's Republic of China, and several Asian and Latin American nations. Several Pacific Island nations are participants or observers at PECC. In addition, eight Pacific Island countries are members of the African-Caribbean-Pacific group of countries which have been signatory to a series of economic cooperation arrangements (the Lomé Conventions) with the European Union. Australia, New Zealand, PNG, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, Tonga, Western Samoa, and the Cook Islands are members of FAO.
The private sector in Pacific Island fisheries is characterised by local companies being involved in small- and medium-scale activities, while firms involved in offshore fishing and large scale processing are predominantly foreign-owned. Section 5.1 indicates that government-owned fishing companies were common in the region, but their lack of viability is a major concern. Joint venture operations between local and foreign partners may be an alternative to wholly-owned government fishing companies.
The Australian and New Zealand private sectors are more extensive than their Pacific Island counterparts, and include well developed fishing fleets, shore-based processing and other infrastructure, and distribution and transport systems.
A few Australian fisheries are characterised by a significant amount of investment from larger companies, but for the most part the catching sector of the Australian fishing industry demonstrates a high degree of private ownership and involves many owner-operated vessels. The involvement of large companies in New Zealand fisheries is more extensive but private ownership and operation of smaller vessels is still common. The Governments of these two countries no longer operate commercial fishing vessels, although they have in the past.
Fish export activities out of Australia and New Zealand are carried out by private enterprise under prescribed conditions. Domestic handling and distribution of fishery products is also handled by the private sector, with state and territory governments in Australia, and national Government in New Zealand, providing the legislative framework for product standards and reporting. Major wholesale markets exist in each major city and these are managed either by the municipal (or, in Australia, state) authorities or by commercial interests.
New Zealand has actively and effectively promoted its seafood both on overseas markets and domestically through well-organised promotional campaigns run by the New Zealand Fishing Industry Board and by other private-sector producer organisations. The marketing of Australian seafood products is not coordinated on a national basis in this way (although marketing of many other primary products is). Some `generic' promotion of seafood is done through state fisheries authorities, while for export markets the larger catching and processing companies undertake their own market research and promotion, often using agents or brokers in importing countries (Kailola et al., 1993).
Local non-government fisheries-related organisations are primarily involved with environmental, women's, and village-level development. Experience has shown that these NGOs can be more effective than Government departments in such activities as awareness and participatory planning. They also may be able to access funding not available to government departments. International NGOs with active involvement in fisheries in the Pacific Islands include The Nature Conservancy, Worldwide Fund for Nature, and Greenpeace. The two former organisations tend to have long-range activities, whereas Greenpeace appears to be campaign/issue oriented.
The major fishery donors in the Pacific Islands are the Governments of Japan, Australia, and New Zealand. The European Union and the United Nations Development Programme also have major commitments to fisheries projects. FFA (1989) lists 38 donor agencies active in the Pacific Islands fisheries sector. The number of agencies has since declined, with the withdrawal of the United States Agency for International Development being a notable example.
Associations of fishermen exist in many Pacific Island countries. Some of these associations have proven quite effective in assuring that government interventions in the fisheries sector are relevant to the needs of the fishing industry. In PNG the Fishing Industry Association, which represents commercial fishing interests, has a seat on the Management Board of the National Fisheries Authority.
Food and nutrition committees exist in many countries, with the membership frequently being those public servants with involvement in public health. Kofe (1990) gives the details of the committees set up in 10 Pacific Island countries. A main role of these committees is to assist the Government in the establishment of food and nutrition policies.
In Australia and New Zealand, numerous special interest groups, including fishermen's and seafood processors associations, recreational fishermen's clubs, and other affected or interested groups, are widely and increasingly involved in the management of fisheries. Management decisions relating to specific fisheries or localities are generally drawn up only after discussions with major industry or other resource user groups and a formal public consultation process.
In both these countries, community groups are also being encouraged to become involved in fishery management and conservation. In New Zealand the recently-introduced Fisheries Act provides mechanisms for Maori communities to make major inputs into the management of fishery resources in their localities, a process which is subject to formal public consultations. In Australia the Commonwealth, in cooperation with the state and territory governments, has established the National Fishcare Programme which aims to rebuild Australia's fisheries to more sustainable levels through raising community awareness of fishery issues and encouraging community participation in activities to improve fisheries ecosystems (Anon., 1995)
Based on the foregoing discussions, the following paragraphs identify several major policy issues relating to fisheries and food security in the subregion, and suggest possible actions that may be taken at the regional or national level in order to address these issues.
It should be emphasised that, while these issues are generally applicable across the subregion, not all are equally applicable to all countries. In particular, the large developed nations of Australia and New Zealand have rather different fishery policy problems than the Pacific Island countries, which relate more to the management and control of existing fisheries and industries, rather than to their development. These nations also have more extensive human and other resources with which to address their problems, and both countries have recently enacted new legislation and introduced new management systems to this end. They therefore require less external advice on policy matters relating to fisheries and/or food security.
As a result, most of the following policy issues and action items focus on the situation in Pacific Island countries.
Although the coastal fisheries provide the vast majority of food for Pacific Islanders, their sustainability is uncertain due to several threats, the main ones being overfishing and habitat degradation. Overfishing is occurring from increased population as well as increased commercial pressures. Habitat degradation is occurring from destructive fishing practices, urbanisation, siltation from mining/logging, and competing uses of the coastal zone. Although these factors adversely affecting production from coastal fisheries are well known to fisheries and planning officials, effective corrective action has been limited. In many countries there is a feeling of complacency about the situation; the threats have been present for a considerable amount of time but the conditions with respect to the productivity of fisheries have somehow managed to continue and the consequences have been gradual rather than drastic. As a result, there is a lack of political will in many countries to institute the required fisheries management. The situation is, however, deteriorating at an increasing rate and the ability of the system to absorb the changes may be diminishing. Consider: (a) In general, increased fisheries production from the inshore/coastal areas close to population centres cannot be expected; (b) population increases, in some cases among the highest in the world, will increase fishing pressure, leading to decreased yields; (c) the per-caput consumption may be less because of the increased number of consumers utilising an amount of fish that is not growing; (d) as urbanisation is increasing at an ever-faster rate, the fish production in areas near cities where fish demand is greatest will suffer the greatest drop in yields; and (e) the ability of Pacific islanders to purchase fish supplies from overseas will probably be less in the future because of stagnant/declining economies, reduced aid, and likely decrease in remittance income.
The required fisheries management is well-known in most countries of the region. This has been summarised in many documents and fora, such as FAO (1996c) which includes the following actions:
Unless governments attach greater priority to such fisheries management than in the past, it is quite likely that the fisheries contribution to food security, and subsequently food security in general, will sharply deteriorate. In addition to fisheries-oriented action, the following approaches outside the fisheries sector should be considered:
Fisheries makes a major contribution to food security in the Pacific Islands. The per-caput consumption of fish is quite large, especially on the smaller islands where the annual consumption ranks among the highest in the world. The contribution of fisheries to the economy is similarly large; the sector supports a substantial number of jobs which enable those workers to purchase food. In short, the food security situation would be very much worse without the contribution of fisheries. This contribution may not be fully appreciated in some countries. An extreme example is Kiribati. In that country the best available information indicates that the annual per-caput consumption of fish is 181.6 kg, notable when compared to FAO data (Westlund, 1995) which indicates that Maldives with a per-caput consumption of 132.6 kg has the highest consumption in the world. Fishing is also the most important source of employment on some of the islands in Kiribati. Mitchell (1994) shows that on several islands of Kiribati over 30 percent of households derive most of their income from fishing. Despite this enormous importance of fisheries to food security, a report on household food security in Kiribati (Deo, undated a) makes almost no mention of fisheries. Similarly, the situation analysis of household food security in Vanuatu (Foy 1991), the household food security report on Tuvalu (Deo, undated b), and a study of household food security in eight selected Pacific Island countries (Kofe 1990) contain very little reference to fisheries.
Despite a large amount of external development assistance over several decades, aquaculture does not make a large contribution to the food supplies of the region. It should be recognised that the situation in the Pacific Islands is much different from areas of the world where aquaculture has enjoyed considerable success, and that models for aquaculture development from those areas are not necessarily applicable to the Pacific Islands. It should also be noted that, considering much of the initiative for aquaculture is from outside donor agencies, those agencies may not have the institutional memory combined with the necessary technical expertise to learn from past failures. Furthermore, the conditions conducive to successful aquaculture vary greatly between countries of the area.
Although coastal fishery landings appear to have reached a "production plateau" in many Pacific Island countries, the actual situation is that there are difficulties in transporting the catch from the lightly exploited outer islands and remote areas to urban centres. Kofe (1990) states that "except for Fiji, one of the greatest constraints to small-holder agriculture and fishing is the lack of transportation and market outlets for produce". Inadequate fishery product transport and distribution systems are widely recognised as a major constraint to coastal fishery development in most Pacific Island countries, and even in the remote areas of Australia.
Much of the past fisheries development effort has been oriented to export products. With the increased global demand for fishery products and subsequent price rise, the incentive to export will increase. In general, export of high-value fishery products makes good economic sense if it permits a country to import larger quantities of cheaper but equally nutritious fishery products such as frozen or canned fish. However, some of the export-oriented fisheries have interfered with traditional sources of food (e.g., giant clam exports) and have even been destructive (live fish trade to Asia). In some cases the benefits of export fisheries are concentrated into a few individuals, while the adverse side-effects are experienced by many (e.g. the export of live coral). Information on the quantity of exported fishery products is often insufficient to gauge the benefits of the fishery or assess the sustainability of these export fisheries.
The following should be considered: (a) although a million mt of tuna is caught annually in the Pacific Islands area, little of this enters the domestic food supply; (b) a substantial portion of the catch is discarded at sea due to being undesirable species or the tuna being too small; (c) most of the tuna fisheries of the Pacific Islands appear capable of supporting additional fishing effort; and (d) the catch is harvested almost entirely by foreign fishing vessels who employ few Pacific Islanders. This situation appears incongruous when considered in the context of the almost-inevitable decline in per-caput supplies of fish for Pacific Islanders and massive unemployment in the area.
Although it is widely recognised that the private sector is inherently better than government at fisheries food production and fisheries job creation, the growth of the fisheries-oriented private sector has been slow for several reasons. These include: lack of input into government initiatives from the private sector, lack of responsiveness from government fisheries agencies to needs of the private sector, lack of relevance of government fisheries interventions to the private sector, and direct government involvement in commercial activities leading to competition with the private sector. There also appears to be a reluctance on the part of government fisheries agencies to divest themselves of activities which may best be carried out by the private sector (e.g. boat building, fish markets).
Although the government's capability in fisheries is critically important in assuring sustainability, many national fisheries agencies are deficient in various areas. These include technical capability, productivity incentives, structure of the agency, and responsiveness. Despite the multitude of training opportunities provided to the staff of government fisheries agencies, there is considerable concern over the relevance of the training and its impact on attaining established goals.
Considering that the Pacific Islands area has some of the smallest countries in the world, the economy of scale works against countries in the region in their ability to carry out many crucial functions including stock assessment, effective negotiations with distant water fishing nations for access rights, surveillance of the EEZs, marketing intelligence, gear development, exploratory fishing, legislation improvement, and access to outside technology.
Poor fishery management results in over-capitalisation, over-fishing and reduced profitability of fishing fleets world-wide. Many countries respond to this situation by providing direct or indirect subsidies to fishing fleets and other segments of the fishing industry, rather than taking the politically more difficult path of instituting better management systems. This is a characteristic of open-access fishery management systems, and is compounded in situations such as high-seas fisheries or shared stocks, where no one country or authority has jurisdiction to manage the resource. Subsidies to fishing operations or other aspects of the fishing industry allow some fishing nations to continue to market fishery products at prices which would not be economic if the fishery were unsubsidised. This in turn reduces the competitiveness of exports from countries of the Oceania subregion, where fishing is largely unsubsidised, and may be reducing the license fees and other benefits that accrue to Pacific Island countries who license access to their fishing zones in terms of a percentage of catch value. This is an issue which is directly related to food security and which requires action at the international and global level to supplement national and regional initiatives.
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3 More correctly, national aquaculture statistics as reported to FAO.
4 Notable exceptions to this would be in the Solomon Islands where local sales of frozen tuna from the industrial pole/line fleet are significant and amount to about 2.4 kg per caput. It should also be noted that unofficial "leakage" from the industrial fishery to domestic consumption is difficult to estimate but probably substantial at transshipment points and canneries.
5 American Samoa is the location of two very large tuna canneries resulting in a large per-caput consumption of canned food which Coyne et al. (1984) estimated be 56.6 kg/year in the 1970s. Guam is a United States territory and has a large military and tourist population It is therefore likely that the per-caput imports of fishery products are many times greater than the assumed 10 kg regional average.