3. Principal causes of forest cover change – general conclusions

There are several components of forest cover change. On the negative side there is deforestation and degradation of natural forests. On the positive side, afforestation and reforestation can take place, either naturally or by planting. This document summarises the analyses and findings of professionals at both the global and national level on the causes of forest cover change.

Books and articles addressing the problem at the global level were reviewed and are summarised in Appendix 1. Country information was collected and interviews conducted with national experts at the local level and organised into an annotated bibliography (main document). Findings and conclusions are summarised in this section. The bibliographic references that support the conclusions or points of view are listed at the conclusion of each section.

There was no general agreement on the causes of forest cover change, but most of the documents and interviews referred to the conflict and competition that exist between the agriculture and forestry sectors and agricultural versus forest land use. There also seems to be a tendency to identify differing causes during different periods of time. For example, during the 1975 to 1980 period cattle raising and the conversion of forest land to pasture seemed to be most frequently identified as a principle cause of deforestation. During the 1980 to 1990 period population growth, poverty and unsustainable technology were popular. During the late 1990’s there is major emphasis on the use of market options as an incentive to prevent deforestation and recover forest cover. Only a few documents analyse forest cover change in a historical sequence and attempt to link causes and effects over time. Most documents concentrate on a particular issue, location or time period.

The information presented below highlights the principal causes of forest cover change as reported by the documents reviewed and the professionals interviewed.

Forest policy has changed at least three times during the last 20 years. However, during the entire period the Forestry Institute (Instituto Nacional Forestal – INAFOR) has remained under the mandate of the Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Alimentación (MAGA).

For several years, forestry policy and agricultural policy were antagonistic (see also Agriculture Sector). During agrarian reform in the 1950’s, forested areas were considered "useless". Property rights were established by converting forested areas into agriculture land or cattle ranches.

INAFOR was a very weak institution and their mandate was to "safeguard" the forest areas, especially in southern Guatemala. In northern Guatemala, where the largest areas of forest are located, the Fomento y Desarrollo del Petén (FYDEP, a military organisation) controlled the forested areas and land distribution.

During the late 1980's forestry policies changed. The Consejo Nacional de Areas Protegidas (CONAP) was established and was given control of the protected areas in the country. FYDEP was eliminated. INAFOR was transformed into the Dirección General de Bosques (DIGEBOS). However, the distribution of duties and responsibility between CONAP and DIGEBOS was unclear.

During this period there were many environmental movements in the country promoting forest preservation. These groups questioned forest management practices and it was difficult to get approval of management plans by DIGEBOS and CONAP in the buffer zones around protected areas. As a consequence, forest areas were not protected and illegal logging activities took place both inside and outside protected areas. Also during this period, conservation debt swaps were promoted as a source of income for the country, but with little result.

During the 1990's, with the establishment of the Plan de Acción Forestal Tropical para Guatemala (PAFT-G), a new process was undertaken. Negotiation among forest stakeholders began. Forest industry, indigenous groups, forest professionals, universities, non-governmental organisations and women’s groups were convoked in several meetings to present their perceptions on how to give the forest and trees real value.

In 1996, forest policy changed again. DIGEBOS disappeared with the creation of Instituto Nacional de Bosques (INAB). The legal figure of "institute" gives INAB a certain level of autonomy in relation to MAGA, which is important to fund-raising actions, decision making processes and implementation of activities. This new policy also establishes formal arrangements and supporting actions between INAB and CONAP, avoiding ambiguity between these institutions. It also establishes a strategy to work with the agriculture sector. No agriculture incentives are to be given for cultivation in areas that strictly have potential forestry use. Communal and industrial concessions are promoted in National Forest areas and buffer zones of protected areas as a mechanism to better use and monitor the forest.

A major effort to make forestry a competitive industrial sector and to reach global markets is now taking place. The government now gives forestry incentives for plantations. New options for the national economy such as CO₂ sequestration programmes are also being explored as a source of foreign exchange.

National experts mentioned that radical environmental movements had a negative impact on the forestry sector. Because of their emphasis on strict preservation, these groups make it extremely difficult and expensive for companies to obtain licenses to harvest trees. Therefore, even though timber has market high value as an end product, especially for such things as high quality furniture, its value in the forest is low. This situation (high product value but low intrinsic value as standing timber) encourages illegal harvesting.

INAB is promoting the forestry sector and forest industry as a source of development for the country. If forested areas are well managed they can be a source of rural employment and income that can reduce the level of dependency of communities on crop production (and decrease the competition between forest and agricultural land).

Sound and stable forestry policy, laws and regulations need to be established as a prerequisite to promoting forestry production for international markets. The development and approval of forest management plans should be an easy process so that communal organisations and industries can have legal rights and benefit economically from their operations.

References: 3, 6, 9, 12, 14, 17 18 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35.

Fuelwood is the main source of energy for 82% of the population in Guatemala and has been identified as one of the main sources of forest degradation. There are some data that establishes the amount of fuelwood collected and the CO₂ production from this practice, but there is no information on the impact on forest degradation.

Most of the people that depend on fuelwood are landless or owners of very small pieces of land, and have low income. They basically depend on their own crop production for their survival. National forests are their source of fuelwood. In some cases people plant natural fences that they use as fuelwood and fodder, often around their home areas in order to avoid shading their agriculture land. Fuelwood from mangrove areas has also been used for the production of salt.

Even though the need for fuelwood is very high, there are no plantations established for this purpose. The argument has been that plantation are costly and time-consuming to establish and, with the need for high prices to offset the cost,. the market for the wood would be small.

Research in Guatemala has established that when natural resources are scarce and people depended on them there is a tendency to get organised and established norms and regulations to manage them in an appropriate way. Scarcity could be related to either insufficiency or lack of access to resources.

References: 1, 7, 9, 12, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 27, 29, 31, 34; opposing argument, 11.

Expansion of agricultural land has been identified as a major factor that affects forest cover. Previously, agriculture and cattle production policies were contradictory and antagonistic to the forestry sector. To understanding agrarian policies and their relationship to forestry, it is necessary to divide the agriculture and cattle production sector into three categories; (a) production for export, (b) production for internal markets and (c) subsistence production.

Problems with the agriculture sector began with land distribution during the Spanish colonial period. Most of the agricultural land was appropriated by few families (latifundio), obliging the Mayan indigenous people to move to the highlands of the country, into what was basically forest land.

Agricultural land in southern Guatemala has been used for the production of export crops, especially sugar cane, cotton and cattle. During the land reform of the 1950's the remaining forest areas were considered "useless" and therefore open to distribution. "Using" the land was a mechanism to assure property rights. Landowners allowed indigenous people and campesinos to clear the forest and plant their own crops for a period of time. After a time, the landowners would introduce commercial crops and cattle and the campesinos and indigenous people would move on to another farm and repeat the process. There is no estimate of the forest cover lost during this period as a consequence of the agrarian reform policy. The land problem was not solved by this reform, but forest cover was seriously depleted.

The production of market crops and cattle has been a major source of foreign market exchange, and therefore was supported and promoted by the MAGA as being in the national interest. Subsidies, training programmes, market facilities and good prices have been promoted. Rules and regulations are clear and the commercial transactions are efficient. Agriculture production has increased not just because of its efficiency but also because the area of land in agriculture and cattle production has also increased.

In a broad sense, the highlands can be divided in two types, areas with agro-forestry potential and those with forestry potential. In agro-forestry areas, food production for internal markets takes place. Modern technology and green revolution crops were applied to farming in these areas, with a large negative impact on soil productivity and loss of biodiversity. Appropriate technologies and soil conservation programmes are now required to re-establish soil fertility and allow crop production. Non traditional crops like flowers and vegetables have been promoted by the MAGA in these areas.

Communal forests still exist and are managed by indigenous authorities, municipalities, and local groups. With the adoption of a private system, much of the communal land was distributed in parcels. Subsequently, owners distributed their own "parcelas" among the family members and originate "minifundios". Farmers, especially indigenous people, have used the traditional milpa system. When a piece of land gets to be very small, there is competition between trees and crop or cattle production. When the land loses its productive capacity, or the family increases, people encroach onto adjacent land, especially National Forest areas.

Contrasting opinions were expressed during interviews. Some professionals argue that agricultural land is still expanding due to spontaneous colonisation and shifting cultivation practices. Others say that stability has now been achieved because people are re-using land that has already been cleared and are not expanding into new forest areas. However, there is no formal data that can support the latter argument.

The agrarian problem originated because of the small amount of agricultural land available for distribution and the few alternatives for indigenous people and campesinos to earn income outside the agriculture sector. Converting National Forest land into agriculture land is the only alternative for these people to grow their own food.

Protected areas and regulations on their use (hunting and collection of plants) and management exacerbates the problem. It forces the campesinos to encroach upon and cultivate forest areas that have not been declared protected and to migrate to other forestlands that are poorly managed or not managed at all.

However, during the civil war in the 1980's, cattle production was reduced, land prices in the rural areas decreased, and large areas of land were abandoned. This reduced the rate of deforestation, especially in Peten, Franja Trasversas del Norte, Alta Verapaz and Izabal Departments.

To summarise, forestry and agriculture policies are now based on the National Forestry and Agriculture Management Plan and the potential use of the land. Sustainable agriculture is promoted in areas that have a potential for it. There are incentives for forest plantations. The system of protected areas is supported by the INAB. Concessions, both communal and industrial, are promoted, supported and monitored by INAB. Forest products are being promoted as another source of foreign income. The objective of the policy is to give the forestry sector enough capability to compete in the global marketplace and provide social and economic benefits to the country.

References: 2, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35.

Market systems in Guatemala traditionally supported agricultural cash crops (coffee, bananas, sugar and cotton) and beef production which give quick returns from a small investment. Up until now, forestry has not played a significant role in the national economy. When it has taken place, logging has not been done on the basis of sustainable management of the resource but rather for a quick return. Illegal logging, especially in Peten, has been reported as a cause of deforestation.

During the last 20 years, forestry policy and law did not support appropriate forest management. The process to apply for a license was too difficult that it was easier to cut illegally. Corruption was also a problem and difficult to control.

The environmental benefits of forests are undervalued by existing market systems, although there has been some improvement with the use of "conservation for debt" swaps and concern over CO₂ sequestration and certification of sustainable forest management.

With the new forest management policies, a big effort is taking place to promote sustainable management of forest areas, including communal lands and industrial concessions. Forestry is being promoted as a competitive industry, both for wood production and for the secondary manufacture of products such as furniture. Forestry and the marketing of forestry products are now considered an interesting investment. It is estimated that wood prices are now 150% higher that of sugar. Prices for meat, coffee and bananas also have decreased, making forestry more competitive. An incentive policy for plantations has also been implemented. The programme targets land owners of more that two hectares of land because this sector has traditionally invested in agriculture production. Through this incentive, INAB is promoting investment in forestry. Forest industry could open new job opportunities in rural areas and reduce the dependence of people on subsistence agriculture.

References: (8) (11) (12) (13) (17) (18) (22) (23) (24) (27) (28) (35) (36).

Encroachment (agarradas) and colonisation process

Spontaneous settlement refers to "illegal" encroachment into forest areas while colonisation processes are settlements that have been promoted and organised by the government.

Encroachment or "'agarradas"' are associated with the agrarian reform problems described above, basically due to the limited agriculture land, loss of soil productivity and few job alternatives outside the agriculture sector. Agarradas still exist and are socially accepted. Families claim land by the establishment of their "milpa" (maize) system. However, there is no guarantee of title to the users of the land, and thus property rights are ambiguous. Usually the area encroached upon is National Forest.

The colonisation process in Peten was carried out under a government policy to reduce the pressure of land requests by campesinos and indigenous people, especially in the southern territory (latifundios). The government facilitated migration to the north and the right to property was established by clearing the land of forest. However, the soils in Peten are not appropriated for agriculture and shifting cultivation is taking place.

A new colonisation process took place after the civil war. More that 300 000 refugees that had fled to Mexico came back to Guatemala. A large number of these colonised forest areas in Peten and the Franja Transversal del Norte. The impact on forest cover is still unknown.

Colonisation processes are also promoted by the mining and petrol exploration and extraction industries. These industries have recognised and adopted environmental mitigation as part of their operations, but. many times people migrate to areas where these activities are taking place with the expectation of obtaining jobs. The migration is largely uncontrolled and without the provision of basic services.

References: (6) (7) (12) (16) (17) (19) (32).

Information is lacking on forest condition and change. Forest inventories have been carried out only on plantations. Estimates have been made of the quantity and condition of natural forest, but reliable information is unavailable. Deterioration has been difficult to monitor, especially that due to fuelwood collection (branch collection) and the use of forests as shade for coffee plantations.

There is also a lack of knowledge about the interaction of people with the natural forests. Human actions need to be better understood because these are the ones that produce the greatest impact (both positive and negative) on forest condition.

There is also difficulty in understanding existing data. Methods that were used to conduct inventories have been lost and there are contradictions in the definitions and data. Periodic and systematic methods that allow monitoring forest conditions and trends over time have not been used.

Since the 1980's, there have been some efforts to monitoring biodiversity and protected areas, mostly associated with co-operative international projects such as the Mayan Biosphere Reserve (CONAP-AID), South of Peten (PROSELVA- German co-operation), and the Sierra de la Minas Biosphere Reserve (Defensores de la Naturaleza, The Nature Conservancy and Conservation International ).

References: (5) (6) (7) (12) (17) (18).

Alternative employment outside the agriculture sector is difficult to find in rural areas, especially those that are not connected by road to markets and government services. When people cannot support themselves with food production from their land, they encroach into adjacent forest areas or migrate to the cities.

The new forestry policy is oriented to opening alternative jobs in forestry in the countryside. The 37% of the agriculture producers that own 3% of the agriculture land have access to 40% of the forest area through communal forests, "astilleros" and municipal forests. The forestry sector should provide alternative jobs and income in rural areas. By strengthening forestry industry, rural groups will find job opportunities and this will reduce their dependence on agricultural production.

References: (2) (7) (14) (16) (18).

Human activity is the main factor contributing to forest cover change (both positive and negative), as opposed to natural disasters. In fact, human efforts to control natural disasters, especially fires, are very important.

Population growth by itself is not a major factor in forest cover change. This change is more directly related to problems associated with the agriculture and cattle-raising industries, basically controlled by 2.2% of the Guatemalan people.

Use of population growth per se as an indicator of forest cover change thus could lead to a misunderstanding of the situation. Instead, population dynamics such as migration, colonisation and dependency are more important and need to be considered in forest planning.

References: (2) (12) (16) (20) (32).

Some reports say that use of inappropriate technology and management strategies have had an impact on the quantity and quality of the forest cover. Shifting cultivation without the use of rotation, extensive cattle production, use of green revolution crops and farming practices (including the inappropriate use of herbicides), inappropriate extractive techniques and spontaneous colonisation are all practices related to poor management strategies

Industries such as mining and petrol production as well as increased urbanisation and the development of infrastructure such as roads will continue. Their impact on forest cover will depend on the technology and management strategies used.

Appropriate management techniques, appropriate knowledge, good information systems and appropriate monitoring systems all contribute to better management of natural resources.

References: (7) (14) (18) (19) (32).

CONAP, INAB and several NGO’s and international organisations have supported appropriate management of the protected area system. Of the total Guatemalan territory, 25.37% is in proclaimed protected areas. Some professionals estimate that forest cover would reach a point of stability with appropriate management of these protected areas. Others say that several of the protected areas are not appropriately managed and that encroachment is still taking place.

CONAP has only a limited number of trained personnel to develop management plans and manage the protected areas. Several protected areas are managed by the University or by national NGO's supported by international grants.

There are national and regional incentives to support the SINAP through the CO₂ sequestration programme and the enrolment of the private sector in the declaration and management of protected areas.

Some professionals stated that preservationist movements have a negative impact on practical forest management practices. They say that it is easier to promote the appropriate use of forests in rural areas where the preservationist movements do not exist. Strict preservation is inappropriate because a market for wood exists (especially in urban areas) and good forest management practices need to be established.

Trees outside the forest are increasing in value. Urban forestry projects and plantations are being established and promoted by the urban municipalities, especially in the capital city.

References: (4) (5) (12) (14) (23) (28) opposite argument (2) (33).

Central America is an area that is susceptible to natural catastrophes, especially earthquakes, fires and hurricanes. During the last several years the countries of the region were affected by hurricane Mitch and by forest fires. Several publications report on the extent and economic implications of forest fires. Strategies to prevent and control fires have been established as well as procedures to manage other natural catastrophes.

References: (12) (17) (20) (27) (32).

There is a shortage of forestry professionals to manage the protected areas of the country. One reason for this is that training programmes are relatively new. Those that have the technical knowledge have so much work to do that they cannot respond to all the needs and requests for assistance. There is little money available for training outside the country or to pay for international consultants.

References: (12) (17) (20).

This is a controversial argument in relation to forest cover change. Some authors say that private land promotes forest investment by guaranteeing that the owner maintains control of the land, its resources and its benefits. National Forests are converted to the land of "no-one" because the national government does not have any presence or control over them. Encroachment, illegal felling and fuelwood collection take place in these areas.

Concessions with a long-term commitment (either communal or industrial) are seen as a good alternative to National Forest management. There are still some difficulties, especially with communal concessions, because of the dependency that local people have on NGO's to support the development and approval of the management plans and the marketing of forest products.

Communal lands (astilleros, municipality) are managed and controlled by the communities. These areas have traditionally been used by indigenous people and are located in western Guatemala. Some authors argue that the quality of these areas is high because dependency and scarcity of forest resources obliged the people to protect and better manage their natural resources. Others say that on private land there is a tendency to use the area to get easy revenue with little investment, and therefore a tendency to cut the forest and then use the land for other purposes.

The declaration of private protected areas is a legal mechanism that landowners use to guarantee their property rights and avoid encroachment or refugee camps, and is an incentive for protection.

References: (4) (12) (17) (18); opposite viewpoint (10).

There are two main arguments about the relationship of the violent period in Guatemala to forest change. One argument is that during the crisis guerrillas used forested areas for refuge and the landowners abandoned the land. Deforestation was thus reduced during this period (14), especially because of reduced cattle production.

The opposing argument is that, due to instability during this period, people migrated to other areas and shifting cultivation took place in other forested areas. Also, resettlement and refugee programmes utilised national forest areas.

References: (14), opposite argument (17) (20).