By U. Tietze
This chapter gives an overview of the socioeconomic and occupational characteristics of coastal fishing communities in the six countries studied based on the findings of the household surveys carried out by the Project. It describes general characteristics of fishing and farming villages, perceptions of the status and management of fisheries resources, occupational status, intergenerational and geographic mobility, income, savings, debts, educational status, housing and infrastructure, political participation, and perception of change in social status.
The Philippines
General characteristics of villages
The five coastal fishing villages or “barangays” and the five neighbouring farming villages studied in the Philippines were randomly selected from 22 coastal barangays in the municipality of Miag-ao in the llo-ilo province on Panay island, in the central Visayas of the Philippines.
All five villages were located within eight kilometers from the town of Miag-ao and were accessible by an all-weather road. Their population ranges from 600 to 1 710. The fisherfolk studied were all Catholic. Residents of the five barangays had easy access to public institutions and services such as schools, hospitals, health centres and public markets. Fishing and farming were the main occupations in the villages and some residents, mostly with college degrees, also worked abroad.
Status and management of fisheries resources
Fishers perceived the fisheries resources as fully or over-exploited and noted that the catch per fisherman as well as the variety and the average size of fish caught were decreasing. They also observed that their income from fishing had declined. The fishers clearly perceived three reasons for the overexploitation of fisheries resources. The most important were the increase in their own numbers over the years, the use of illegal fishing methods, such as dynamite fishing, the encroachment of commercial fishing vessels in inshore areas, and the pollution of the sea resulting from industrial and household waste together with the disposal of waste and oil residues from ships.
Following new legislation in the Philippines in support of the conservation, rehabilitation and sustainable management of fisheries resources and coastal environment, Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management Councils (FARMCs) were being or were established in the villages. None of the five FARMCs was yet in a position to control and prevent illegal fishing in municipal waters. Fishers felt that they needed training and support from Government authorities to be able to monitor fishing activities in municipal waters, and to assist in the enforcement of existing regulations.
Occupational status, inter-generational occupational and geographic mobility
The occupational status of male household members of reproductive age in fishing and farming households was clearly determined by fishing and farming as the main economic activities. Subsidiary occupations were equally common among fishers and farmers. About 42 percent were involved in farming in the fishing villages, and cattle herding and fishing in the agricultural villages.
Few women of reproductive age were involved in income earning activities, both in fishing and farming villages. About nine percent of the women in fishing villages were involved in fishing or fish marketing, while another five percent were involved in retailing, services and cattle herding. In the farming villages only four percent of the women were involved in income-generating activities: farming, services or fish marketing.
Half of the fisherfolk households owned fishing boats, while another eight percent shared boats with other households, generally planked canoes and outrigger boats with or without outboard motors. Six percent owned planked canoes with inboard motors. A total of 79 percent of all fisherfolk households owned fishing gear, most commonly handlines, beach seines, pelagic longlines and gillnets. The main fishing seasons were January-May and October-December. During the typhoon season, which lasts from June to September, fishing is also carried out, but on a reduced scale.
The vast majority of fishers (72 percent) and farmers (80 percent) were uncertain as to the future prospects of their profession. However, more fishers (23 percent) than farmers (16 percent) had a positive outlook. Few fishers and farmers (about four percent in both cases) had explicitly negative outlooks. When asked whether they would advise their children to take up the same profession as their fathers, 43 percent of the fishers and 38 percent of the farmers responded by the negative. Only 30 and 32 percent, respectively, would advise their sons to take up their profession.
Inter-generational occupational mobility can be assessed by comparing the respondents' occupations with that of their fathers. It is interesting to note that while 66 percent of the male household members of reproductive age were presently involved in fishing as a full or part-time activity, only 48 percent of their fathers were involved. While other economic activities in the field of agriculture, services, etc. presently hardly played any role, 20 percent of the fathers of the male household members interviewed had been involved in farming as a full-time or part-time activity.
These findings bring forth two significant developments, namely (1) that in the fishing villages studied, the importance of fishing as compared to farming has certainly increased as an economic activity, and (2) that there has also been an occupational shift from farming into fishing. In comparison, no such occupational shift can be observed in the farming villages.
Geographic mobility was a significant factor in the communities studied. This was the case in both fishing and farming villages. There did not seem to be any significant differences between fishing and farming villages, although the percentages were slightly higher for respondents in farming villages. In both cases more than three fourths of all male household members grew up in the same municipality where they presently live. Eighty percent of all male household members of reproductive age in fishing villages, and 83 percent in farming villages, had grown up in the same province, while the balance had migrated there from other provinces.
The geographic mobility of the female household members of reproductive age in both fishing and agricultural villages was even greater than the mobility of the male household members. Significantly, fewer women than men had grown up in their present villages of residence, because when women marry, they usually leave their homes to reside with their husbands.
Income, savings, debt
Fisherfolk households in the municipality of Miag-ao were significantly better off financially than farming households. The findings show that fisherfolk households perceived their financial situation as superior to farming households. However, only 53 percent of fisherfolk households considered their financial situation adequate, compared to 33 percent of farming households.
The above assessment reflects the differences between the total household incomes of fisherfolk and farming households. The most common annual income bracket (31 percent of fisherfolk households) was that between 20 000 and 30 000 Pesos (P.), followed by that between P.10 000 to 20 000. About 10 percent of the fisherfolk households fell into the higher and lower income brackets of P.30 000 to 40 000 and P.1 000 to 10 000, respectively. The income of farming households was considerably lower: 32 percent earned P.1 000 to 10 000, 27 percent P.10 000 to 20 000, and 17 percent P.20 000 to 30 000.
Nineteen percent of fisherfolk households regularly saved money, only slightly higher than farming households, with 17 percent. The amounts saved, however, were significantly higher in fishing than in farming households.
There was only a small difference between the percentage of debt in fisherfolk households (62 percent) and farming households (66 percent). The amount of money borrowed over the last 12 months, however, seems to be higher in farming villages than in fishing villages.
Educational status
Rates of school enrolment were similarly high in fishing and farming villages. In fishing villages, 98 and 99 percent of males and females of reproductive age had attended school. In farming villages, 96 percent of the men and 100 percent of the women interviewed had attended school.
Women in both types of villages attained a higher level of education than men. Women in farming villages had a significantly higher level of education than in fishing villages, while there was hardly any difference between male fishers and farmers. In farming villages, almost a quarter of women of reproductive age had a college degree and 56 percent had completed secondary education. In fishing villages, 11 percent of women of reproductive age had a college degree and 47 percent had completed secondary education. In fishing and farming villages 13 and 11 percent of the men, respectively, of reproductive age had a college degree, and 29 and 31 percent had completed secondary education.
Housing and infrastructure
Almost all the households in the fishing and farming villages studied, i.e. 95 and 96 percent, respectively, owned the houses in which they lived. The farmers' houses seemed to be larger, however, than the fishers'. Many of the farmers had houses that were also more solidly built than the fishers', with cement walls and floors and metal roofing. Fishers' houses frequently had wooden walls with thatched and clay roofs and earthen floors.
Infrastructure and facilities, such as water supply, electricity, roads, public transport and medical services can be considered satisfactory: there were no major differences between fishing and farming villages. More than half of the households had a piped-in water supply; the second most important source of water were tube wells. Wood was generally used for cooking.
Political participation
In all the fishing villages surveyed, fishermen and women were actively involved in social and religious groups, professional associations and political parties. These included fishers and milk fish fry catchers' associations, multi-purpose cooperatives, Catholic women's organizations, fisheries and aquatic resources management councils, small fishers' associations, credit cooperatives, various social groups and various political parties. Farmers were equally involved in social and religious groups, professional associations and political parties.
Fisherfolk and farmers kept themselves regularly informed through mass media such as television, radio and newspapers, radio being the most popular. Ninety-four percent of the men and 98 percent of the women in fishing villages listened to the radio regularly, as well as 86 percent of the men and 99 percent of the women in farming villages. Television came in second: between 80 percent and 86 percent of the women and men in the fishing and farming communities regularly watched TV. Daily newspapers were regularly read by between 42 percent and 63 percent of the women and men in the fishing and farming communities.
Perception of change of socioeconomic status
The focus group discussions conducted by the Project showed significant inter-generational differences, while hardly any gender difference could be found in the perception of whether and how the socioeconomic status of fisherfolk has changed over past decades.
Older fishers (55–65 years) perceived a significant overall improvement of their socioeconomic status brought about through higher incomes. This included ownership of durable consumer goods such as radios, television sets, video cassette players, electric fans, refrigerators etc., more durable and improved standards of housing, better health services and social security, greater participation in political decision making and better and more diversified employment opportunities. Women of the same age group perceived the same positive changes as their male counterparts. The women added to the above the improvement in nutrition and food, attributes that people today also understand better.
Younger fishers (25–35 years) also saw an improvement in income and in employment opportunities, observing that people today live more comfortable lives than in the past. Unlike the older generation, however, they also perceived negative changes. These included the observation that the cost of living has considerably increased over the years and that fishing as the sole occupation can no longer meet these costs. Young fishers point out, for example, that in the past wood was used for building houses and boats or as fuel and it was available free or at low cost. Today, this is no longer true. Materials for house construction and fuel had to be purchased and, in order to meet higher expenditures, fishers were forced to take up secondary occupations or change their occupation altogether. Their wives also had to engage in income earning activities. Young women of the same age group perceived the same changes as their male counterparts. They stressed that those who engage in income earning activities do this at their owned volition; their preferred economic activities were the running of a small grocery store (“sari-sari”) and fish marketing.
Malaysia
General characteristics of villages
The five fishing and five neighbouring farming villages or “kampungs” studied in Malaysia were located in the state of Kedah on the northeastern coast. Two of the villages were in northern Kedah, in the district of Kubang Pasu and two were in the southern administrative district of Kota Setar. The remaining six were in the more densely populated central area of Malaysia, in Kuala Kedah. All the villages were well served by roads and transportation systems and, according to key informants, health and family planning services were widely available.
The population of the fishing villages ranged from 200 to 1 800 and that of the agricultural villages from 200 to 1 000. All the villages were established more than 50 years ago. All fisherfolk households selected for the study in Malaysia were Muslim.
The distance from the fishing villages to the nearest town ranged from 1 to four kilometers. The distance from the agricultural villages to the nearest town ranged from one to seven kilometers. All the villages could be reached by an all-weather road and had public transport, i.e. bus and taxi services. With the exception of one agricultural village, all the villages had primary and secondary schools within three kilometers or less. Medical services were also within reach.
Status and management of fisheries resources
The opinions of fishers on the status of fisheries resources and on the coastal environment seemed divided. About half of the fishers interviewed were satisfied with the state of the coastal environment, the other half were not. More than half (57 percent) of the fishers agreed that the seawater quality has seriously deteriorated owing to pollution caused by ships, industrial waste, sewage and household waste. It is interesting to note that many more women than men recognized a pollution problem.
In assessing fish stocks, the largest subgroup (45 percent) was undecided. More than a third of the fishers (36 percent) were satisfied, while only less than a fifth (19 percent) were dissatisfied. A similar pattern emerged in response to the question of whether the state of fisheries resources has deteriorated because of an increasing number of fishers and fishing boats. Slightly less and slightly more than half of the fishers interviewed, respectively, agreed with the assertion that the total catch and the variety of fish caught had seriously declined, owing to the increasing number of fishers and fishing boats.
As in the appraisal of seawater pollution, women were more critical in their evaluation of the state of fisheries resources. Respectively, 61 and 58 percent, agreed that the total catch and the variety of fish caught had seriously declined owing to an increasing number of fishers and fishing boats.
Regarding the management and conservation of fisheries resources and the coastal environment, more than four fifths of both fishers and women agreed that strict rules should be introduced to regulate the fishing effort. It is interesting to note that only 56 percent of both the men and women thought that adequate steps had been taken by the Government for the conservation and protection of the coastal environment.
Occupational status, inter-generational occupational and geographic mobility
Fishing is clearly the main economic activity in the five fishing villages studied and other economic activities only contributed in minor part to the total household income. The reverse was true in the five agricultural villages where farming is the dominant economic activity.
Ninety-seven percent of the heads of households in the fishing villages were involved in fishing. Considering the occupations of all individual household members of reproductive age, more than two thirds (69 percent) of the male household members fished as a main occupation while 19 percent were unemployed. Only less then 10 percent of the male household members of reproductive age had a main occupation besides fishing.
Secondary occupations were not very common in fishing villages. Less than one fifth of all the male household members of reproductive age were involved in secondary occupations. Seven percent of male household members of reproductive age were involved in farming as a secondary occupation and only one percent, in retailing. The remaining 11 percent were involved in unspecified, often transitory secondary occupations.
While none of the female household members of reproductive age in the five fishing villages had fishing as her main occupation, 15 percent only were employed outside the fisheries sector. The vast majority was unemployed.
In terms of employment, the five agricultural villages studied in Malaysia were less homogenous than the fishing villages. The percentage of the male household members whose main occupation lay outside farming or who were unemployed was considerably higher than in the fishing villages. Significantly, more male household members were involved in secondary occupations outside farming, mostly in unspecified and often transitory activities, followed by fishing, retailing and fish marketing.
Unemployment of women of reproductive age in agricultural villages was slightly lower than in fishing villages. Women were also more frequently involved in secondary occupations.
In fishing villages, less than half of the households (40 percent) owned a fishing boat. Another four percent owned a boat jointly with other households. The remaining households provided crew members for fishing boats owned by other households. Gillnetting was the most common fishing method practiced in the fishing villages, followed by trawling, purse seining, beach seining and stake net fishing. The boats owned by fishers consisted of planked canoes, purse seiners and trawlers.
Fishermen and women were rather pessimistic regarding the future of their occupation. None of the various subgroups (older and younger fishermen, older and younger fisherwomen) wanted their children to become fishers. Fishermen and women indicated the risks and hardships associated with fishing and saw their occupation as unrewarding economically when compared with other employment opportunities.
There were, however, differences between older and younger fishers and between men and women in their views on the present situation. Younger fishers between 25 to 35 years of age were generally satisfied with their occupation believing their relatively low level of education limited their access to other employment opportunities. Their occupational aspirations were to own their fishing craft and gear. The younger women in the fishing communities in Malaysia, however, did not share the satisfaction of the younger fishermen with their occupation and stressed the risks, hardship and relatively low income associated with fishing.
Fishers aged 55 years or older saw their situation more negatively. They compared it with their past when catches, income and socioeconomic status were higher than other social groups in rural Malaysia. Women 55 or older, on the other hand, accepted fishing as the principal occupation of their families as it has traditionally provided income and employment. They realized, however, that once educated, their children preferred occupations outside fisheries.
Information collected on inter-generational occupational mobility suggests two significant developments, namely (1) that in the fishing villages studied, the importance of fishing as compared with farming has decreased as an economic activity and (2) that there has also been an occupational shift from fishing to other economic activities. While 69 percent of the men of reproductive age in fishing villages were involved in fishing, 80 percent of their fathers were fishers. It may be noted that the trend observed in Malaysia is just the opposite of that found in the Philippines, where over the last generation people have moved into fishing from other occupations.
The trend of inter-generational occupational mobility out of traditional occupations in the primary sector into non-traditional occupations in other sectors of the economy is even more pronounced in the agricultural villages studied. Only 55 percent of the men of reproductive age in the agricultural villages were involved in farming, against 93 percent of their fathers.
Income, savings, debt
More than 80 percent of fisherfolk and farmers perceived their financial situation as sufficient while 19 and 17 percent, respectively, perceived their situation as barely sufficient or insufficient. There were no major differences of perception between fisherfolk and farmers although four percent of the respondents in fisherfolk households perceived their financial situation as more than sufficient, while none of the farmers holds this view.
The findings suggest that the actual average annual income is significantly higher in farming households (Ringits 11 546) than in fisherfolk households (Ringits 6 438). The higher incomes of farmers was also apparent in the more frequent ownership of durable household goods and communication facilities, such as refrigerators, telephones, television sets, generators, etc.
The relative affluence of farmers compared to fishers is also apparent in their savings and borrowing practices. While there is little difference in the percentage of households that saved (20 percent in fishing villages and 22 percent in agricultural villages), there were big differences in the amounts saved. Farmers saved considerably more than fisherfolk. The main motives for the savings both in fisherfolk and farmers' households were to provide social security and for the children's education.
Educational status
The educational status of fisherfolk is generally lower than that of farmers in the Malaysian villages studied. There were also gender-specific differences. In fishing villages women showed slightly higher educational achievement than men. It was the other way around in agricultural villages, where men showed higher educational achievement than the women.
In agricultural villages, 59 percent of men and 57 percent of women of reproductive age completed secondary education. The corresponding figures for fishing villages were 45 percent and 49 percent, respectively. Fifty-two percent of the men and 45 percent of the women in fishing villages and 30 percent of men and 34 percent of women in agricultural villages only had completed primary education.
College or university degrees were obtained by as many as six percent of the men and four percent of the women in farming villages, and only three percent of the women and one percent of the men in fishing villages. The case of not having attended school at all was rare. However, absence of schooling concerned four percent of women and two percent of men in farming villages, and one percent of women and men in fishing villages.
Housing and infrastructure
With the exception of three fishers households, all fishers and farmer households owned the houses in which they lived. Farmers' houses, however, were more solidly built than fishers' houses. Most fisherfolk houses had wooden walls and floors (64 percent), while most farmers' houses had brick walls (43 percent) or cement (28 percent). Fisherfolk houses were usually built on wooden stilts close to rivers and the sea.
Regarding facilities and infrastructure such as sources of water and energy, hygiene, public infrastructure and transport, medical services, etc., there were no major differences between the houses of fishers and those of farmers in the Malaysian villages. More than 92 percent of the households used gas for cooking, and more than 98 percent of houses had indoor plumbing.
Political participation
A number of social and professional organizations operated in the fishing villages. All the fishing villages had fishers' associations with membership ranging from 100 to 800 members. Two villages also had fishers' cooperatives with membership from five to 100 fishers. Four fishing villages had welfare associations with membership from 50 to 800 members, and one fishing village had a youth organization. Agricultural villages had fewer professional and community organizations than fishing villages.
Fisherfolk in the villages studied kept themselves regularly informed through mass media. Almost all households in both fishing and farming villages read daily newspapers and had radios. More than half of all fisherfolk and farmer households owned television sets. Others watched television in their neighbours' houses or in coffee shops and eating stalls.
The community development agency (Kemajuan Masyarakat) carried out various youth and adult education programmes in the villages focusing on handicrafts, tailoring and cooking. The family planning associations and population development board carried out programmes in the field of health and childcare and family planning.
Membership in political parties was more common in fishing villages than in agricultural villages. All the fishing villages and most of the farming villages contained branch offices of the main political parties. More than half of the fisherfolk in all fishing villages were members of political parties. In one agricultural village, no one belonged to a political party, while in the other agricultural villages, the membership ranged between 10 to 50 percent.
Perception of change in socioeconomic status
Both women and men belonging to the older and younger generation in fishing as well as in farming villages saw definite improvements over the years in their socioeconomic status, level of education, public services, health services and facilities, social security etc.
There were no major generational or gender differences between the perceptions of the men and women and both fishing and farming communities observed that although incomes had increased, inflation and the higher cost of living and production had partly eroded the gains.
Bangladesh
General characteristics of villages
Bangladesh has a coastline of almost 500 kilometers in length. Administratively, the coastline is divided into five so-called “greater districts”: Khulna, Patuakali, Barishal, Noakhali and Chittagong. Of the total marine fisherfolk population, more than three fourths live in the latter two districts and of these, the majority is settled in Chittagong.
Four fishing and four neighbouring farming villages were selected from the greater Chittagong district in the eastern part of the country. The first village is located in the northern part of the district, the second and third were in the central part, and the fourth village is in the southern part of the district. The fifth fishing and farming villages were located in the Noakhali district in south-central Bangladesh.
The majority of the households selected for the study were Hindus of the Jaladas (Sudhra) caste, one of the lowest ones. A few were Sunni Muslims.
The fishing and farming villages studied in Bangladesh were located within 10 kilometers from their administrative, i.e. “thana” headquarters, where there were facilities such as hospitals. All-weather roads connect all the villages and the thana headquarters can be reached by bus or other public transport within an hour. Educational institutions such as primary and secondary schools, post offices, maternity and child health centres, village markets and bus stops were within half an hour by foot from the villages.
In each thana there was one hospital and in each “union” there was one Maternity and Child Health (MCH) centre. Villages within unions were served by village level workers, known as “Family welfare assistants of the department of family planning”. In addition to the traditional birth attendants (TBAs), these people take care of primary health services and in most places supply oral contraception and condoms free of charge and readily available to (married) villagers. The practice of traditional means of contraception was almost non-existent in the communities studied.
Three of the fishing villages studied were quite small with a population of between 225 and 355 inhabitants. The other two were larger, having a population of 1 200 and 2 500. Most farming villages had larger populations than fishing villages. Three farming villages had populations of between 600 and 650 inhabitants, and the other two had 1 200 and 2 167 inhabitants. All villages were established more than 50 years ago.
Fishing and farming, respectively, were the predominant economic activities. Secondary occupations and diversification of employment were more frequently found in farming than in fishing villages.
Status and management of fisheries resources
The overwhelming majority (between 82 and 89 percent) of male and female fisherfolk in Bangladesh was aware that because of an increasing number of fishers and fishing boats over the last few years, the total catch had seriously declined and the variety and size of fish caught had decreased. More than two thirds also held the view that over the last few years the quality of the seawater had seriously deteriorated owing to industrial waste, household waste and sewage and because of pollution from ships.
While more than four fifths of the fisherfolk supported the view that strict rules should be introduced to regulate fishing effort, only a minority was convinced that the Government took adequate steps for the conservation and protection of fisheries resources and the coastal environment.
Occupational status and inter-generational occupational mobility
Fishing and farming were clearly the dominating economic activities in the fishing and farming villages, respectively, studied in Bangladesh. Ninety-eight percent of the male household members of reproductive age in fishing villages, and 97 percent of their counterparts in agricultural villages were involved in fishing and farming as the principal economic activity, respectively. Secondary occupations were more common in farming than in fishing villages and included salaried employment, small businesses and farming. Few female household members of reproductive age were involved in income-generating activities: only 10 percent in fishing villages and six percent in farming villages.
While almost all male household members of reproductive age in fishing villages and farming villages were involved in fishing and farming as the major income earning activity, this was true of only about 80 percent of their fathers in fishing households and about 70 percent in farming households. The figures suggest that in the coastal areas studied in Bangladesh, there has been an occupational shift into fishing and farming over the last generation.
Regarding the ownership of production assets, less then half of all the households studied (44 percent) owned one or, in some cases, two fishing boats. In addition to the boats they owned, these households also leased fishing boats. Of the remaining 56 percent of the fishing households, several had a share in a boat owned by another household. More than two thirds of the households owned fishing gear. Less than one third of the households owned neither fishing boats nor gear and worked exclusively as fishing crew.
The fishing methods employed included gillnet fishing, trawling, purse seining, beach seining, lift net fishing, scoop net fishing, trolling, bottom long line fishing and handlining. A wide variety of fishing boats was used: log rafts; outrigger boats; planked canoes with inboard or outboard motors and sails; and trawlers.
Fishing was carried out in the open sea as well as close to the shore and in estuaries. Marine capture fisheries were usually practiced from October to April while estuarine fishing was practiced during the remaining part of the year. There are three fishing seasons: the peak season from July to October, the normal season from November to February and the lean season from March to June.
Concerning the future prospects of their industry, most fisherfolk had a rather negative outlook. This was related to the overexploitation of fisheries resources as well as to the fact that marine fisherfolk in Bangladesh, because of their religion and culture, were isolated from the mainstream of society and also do not participate in local politics. They felt particularly disadvantaged, indicating that local fish merchants who dominate the marketing of fish give them very low prices. Most fishers interviewed stated that they would like to leave the fisheries sector, but there are no other employment opportunities. This is also because of their low levels of education.
Income, savings, debt
Comparing fishing and agricultural villages, it is interesting to note that the income of fisherfolk in Bangladesh was significantly higher than the income of farmers living in neighbouring villages. The average per capita annual income in fisherfolk households was Taka 9 408, while the average per capita annual income in farming households was only Taka 6 615. Twenty-five percent of the fisherfolk households studied fall into the highest income category, i.e. households with an annual income of Taka 80 000 and above, while only 14 percent of the farming households fall into this category. More than one third of the farming households fall into the lowest income category of those whose annual income was below Taka 20 000, while only 19 percent of fisherfolk households fall into this category.
As mentioned above, fishing and related economic activities were clearly the prevailing occupations in the fishing villages and accordingly account for 88 percent of the total income of fisherfolk households. About five percent of the total household income was earned by wage labour, two percent by farming, two percent by small businesses, one percent by salaried employment and the remaining two percent by other economic activities.
In the neighbouring farming villages studied, employment was more diversified and less homogeneous than in fishing villages. Thus, farming, livestock and small agro-businesses only contribute 68 percent to the total household income. The remainder was earned by wage labour (11 percent), salaried employment (7 percent), fisheries related businesses (6 percent), and other activities (eight percent).
The better economic situation of fisherfolk households as compared to farming households was reflected in higher rates of savings (31 percent vs. eight percent) and in the higher amounts saved (Taka 16 050 vs. Taka 9 522).
The differences in the financial situation of fisherfolk and farming households were reflected in the subjective assessment of their financial situation, which was overall rather negative. Almost half of the farming households considered their income as insufficient as compared to only one third of the fisherfolk households.
Educational status
The level of education in farming villages was significantly higher than the level of education in fishing villages. In both types of villages, the level of education of males was higher than that of females. More than three fourths of the men in the farming villages studied completed primary school, compared to only 57 percent of the men in fishing villages. The corresponding figures for women were 63 percent and 47 percent, respectively.
While 13 percent of the men and two percent of the women in the farming villages completed secondary school, only four percent of the men, and none of the women in fishing villages did. Although fisherfolk in Bangladesh seemed aware of the importance of education for social status and occupational mobility, as a social minority, they perceived cultural and religious barriers in their access to educational institutions. This may be a significant factor contributing to the lower rate level of literacy and education.
Housing and infrastructure
Almost all fisherfolk and farmers owned their homestead. Although the average income of fisherfolk households was about 40 percent higher than that of farming households, the housing conditions of farmers in Bangladesh seemed slightly better. While the average number of rooms per household was the same, farmers' houses were more solidly built with tin rather than thatched roofs. Five percent of the farmer households lived in brick and/or cement houses, compared to only one percent of the fisherfolk households.
Political participation
Political participation of marine fisherfolk in Bangladesh was negligible. Hardly any of the fisherfolk interviewed for the study were members of a political party or participated in local government. The fact of belonging to the lowest Hindu caste in a Muslim society seemed to exclude them de facto from political participation. In the neighbouring farming villages, however, many of the people were members of political parties and participated in political activities.
In both fishing and farming villages, the use of mass media was not very common. This reflects the relative social isolation and lack of political participation of rural communities in Bangladesh, as compared to the Philippines and Malaysia. Only one percent of fisherfolk and farmers read daily newspapers, and only two percent of fisherfolk households and four percent of farmers' owned television sets. However, 32 percent of fisherfolk households and 28 percent of farming households, owned radios - mostly to listen to weather forecasts.
Perception of change in socioeconomic status
Marine fisherfolk in the villages studied in Bangladesh perceived their socioeconomic status as extremely low. This is related to the above-mentioned fact that most of them belong to the lowest Hindu caste in a society dominated by Islamic culture. Fisherfolk, in particular, felt that they were excluded from participating in political decisions regarding local government and administration and that they were being exploited by local fish merchants, moneylenders and other economically and politically influential groups.
Compared to the past, fisherfolk felt that their socioeconomic status had not improved much, although progress in educational standards and health care were noted. This was largely attributed to the work of NGOs. Fisherfolk encouraged children with an education to raise their social status by finding jobs outside fisheries, i.e. in service industries, small businesses, etc.
India
General characteristics of the villages
The fishing and farming villages studied in India were located in Thane district, on the West coast, in the state of Maharashtra. The fishing villages were between three and 15 kilometers from the nearest urban centre. Two of the fishing villages were in a rural area, the other three were close to towns. The agricultural villages were all close to the fishing villages.
Two of the fishing villages were part of larger municipalities, while the others were independent communities. The population of the villages and municipalities ranged from 3 500 to 15 000 inhabitants. The farming villages were independent and smaller with 1 100 to 10 000 inhabitants.
Slightly less than one fourth of the fisherfolk households studied were Christians and slightly more than three fourths were Hindus. In the agricultural villages only 14 percent were Christians while 86 percent were Hindus.
Some of the fishing villages had better facilities and infrastructure than the neighbouring agricultural villages, which could be because they were larger.
All the fishing villages were connected by all-weather roads. Public transport was available in the form of buses and auto-rickshaws. Four out of five of the farming villages were also connected by all-weather roads, and had the same public transport as the agricultural villages.
In both fishing and farming villages, primary and secondary schools were either in the village or within two kilometers. The municipality of one fishing village had a college, while the other nine villages were within three to 16 kilometers from the closest college.
All the fishing villages and three of the agricultural villages had social and professional organizations such as youth clubs, women's organizations, cooperative societies and banking facilities. Two of the farming villages had no banking facilities. Three of the fishing villages had postal and telecommunication facilities in the village, while the other two had them within two kilometers. None of the agricultural villages had post or telecommunication facilities, but these were available at a distance of two to four kilometers. Four of the fishing villages and four of the agricultural villages had food stores and village markets.
Health care facilities were either available in the fishing and agricultural villages or close by. All the fishing villages had medical doctors and three of the villages also had pharmacies. The other two villages had pharmacies within a distance of two kilometers. Two of the fishing villages had primary health centres, as well as mother and child health and family planning clinics. Three of the villages had these facilities within four and two kilometers. Two of the fishing villages had a hospital, while the other three villages were within two to 12 kilometers from the nearest hospital.
While the farming villages had fewer medical facilities then the fishing villages, only three of them had medical doctors and only two had pharmacies. Only one of the farming villages had a primary health centre, a mother and child health and family planning clinic and a hospital. The other villages were a distance of three to 10 kilometers from these facilities.
Although there were various medical facilities in or close to the villages, hygienic and sanitary conditions were extremely poor in both fishing and farming villages. There were no systems or arrangements for sewage and garbage disposal. In the fishing villages studied, the hygienic and sanitary conditions were worse than those in the agricultural villages, because the fishing villages were larger and more congested. Drinking water was mainly drawn from public wells and hand pumps and few households (more so in fishing than in farming households) had indoor plumbing.
Status and management of fisheries resources
Men and women in Indian fishing villages were well aware of the overexploitation of fisheries resources and the deterioration of the coastal environment. Ninety-six percent of the men and 91 percent of the women of reproductive age agreed that the total catch over the past few years has declined because of the increasing number of fishers and fishing boats. More than 85 percent of the men and 76 percent of the women further agreed that the variety and size of fish caught had also declined. Eighty-two percent of the men and 75 percent of the women thought that the quality of the seawater had deteriorated as a result of industrial waste, sewage, household waste and pollution from ships.
With the intention of halting the decline of fisheries resources and the degradation of the coastal environment and to improve the situation, more than three fourths of the men and two thirds of the women demanded that strict fishing regulations be introduced. Only a small minority (between five and seven percent of the men and women), believed that the Government had taken adequate steps for the conservation and protection of fisheries resources and the coastal environment.
Occupational status, inter-generational occupational and geographic mobility
While fishing was still the most important occupation in the fishing villages studied, service sector jobs also played a substantial role. Only 70 percent of the men of reproductive age living in fisherfolk households had fishing or related activities such as fish marketing or boat building as a main occupation, while 30 percent were employed in the service sector or involved in other economic activities. Almost all the women of reproductive age in the fishing villages studied in India were involved in fish marketing and processing.
Subsidiary occupations were common in agricultural villages, but almost negligible in fishing villages. Fifty-nine percent of the men and 29 percent of the women in agricultural villages had subsidiary occupations, most commonly farming, compared to only three percent of the men and 13 percent of the women in fishing villages.
Comparing the main occupations of sons with their fathers, an inter-generational occupational shift out of fisheries into service industries is apparent. Eighty-seven percent of fathers were still involved in fishing, fish marketing, processing and boat building as a main occupation, while only 13 percent were involved in the service sector or other economic activities.
In contrast to their husbands, fish marketing and processing had become a more important economic activity for women of reproductive age in fishing villages. Their mothers had been involved to a lesser extent, only about two thirds had been involved in fisheries, mainly in fish marketing and processing.
In the neighbouring farming villages, people had moved out of their traditional occupation to a much larger extent than in the fishing villages. Only one third of all the male household members of reproductive age were still involved in farming or horticulture as main economic activities, while two thirds worked in the service sector (more than a third), in retailing or elsewhere. As in fishing villages, the traditional occupation in farming villages was still being carried out by the women, of whom 88 percent were still involved in farming and horticulture, while another seven percent were employed in the service sector, in retailing and elsewhere.
Inter-generational occupational mobility was more pronounced in the agricultural villages than in the fishing villages. The employment of men in agriculture drastically declined, compared with their fathers, and the overall employment of women in agriculture had considerably increased.
While considerable inter-generational mobility can be observed in fishing and in agricultural villages, geographical mobility was negligible. Ninety-six percent of the men of reproductive age in the fishing villages studied and all their counterparts in the agricultural villages were living in villages where they were born. The percentages of female fisherfolk and their counterparts in agricultural households born in their same villages were lower, i.e. 74 percent and 62 percent, respectively, owing to the custom that wives move to their husbands' homes after marriage.
One third of the households in the fishing villages owned one or perhaps two fishing boats and another four percent shared ownership. Planked canoes with inboard engines (78 percent), were the most commonly used boats, followed by outboard motor planked canoes (16 percent) and dugout canoes with no motor (5 percent).
Fifty-four percent of all fisherfolk households owned fishing gear and another four percent shared ownership. The most common gears were fixed nets (dole nets) owned by 61 percent of the households and gillnets owned by 35 percent of the households. Trawlnets, handlines and liftnets were only owned by a few households. The main fishing season spans from August to May.
Fishers in the Indian fishing villages studied had a rather negative perception of their occupation. Only about one third considered their occupation beneficial, while two thirds considered their occupation not beneficial. The opinions of women in the fishing villages studied were divided evenly: half deemed it beneficial, the other half, not beneficial.
Decline of catches, low earnings and increasing costs of inputs were the main reasons why the men and women in fishing villages considered their occupation to be no longer beneficial. Those who still found fishing a generally beneficial occupation highlighted the increasing market prices for fish, low investment costs, the regular income that fishing provides, as well as the fact that no formal qualifications or educational degrees were needed to enter the profession.
Regarding fishing as a future occupation for their children, the views of men and women alike were negative. Only 38 percent of the men and 34 percent of women in fishing villages would want their children to take up fishing as an occupation27
In the agricultural villages studied, women had a more negative outlook than their counterparts in fishing villages regarding the benefits and future prospects of the traditional occupation. Men in agricultural villages, on the other hand, had a more positive outlook than their counterparts in fishing villages. Two thirds of the women in agricultural villages had a negative perception of farming, while 45 percent of the men saw their occupation overall, as beneficial.
Income, savings, debt
The average annual household income of Rupiah (Rs) 46 400 was higher in the fishing households studied than in neighbouring agricultural village households that earned an average of Rs 42 500. Seventy-eight percent of the fisherfolk households' income was generated by fishing and fisheries related activities, against only 39 percent in agricultural villages generated by farming and related activities. The major part of farmers' income was generated by employment in the service sector and wage labour.
Although the income was lower, saving was as widespread in agricultural villages as in fishing villages. In both categories, slightly less than 40 percent saved regularly. As in the case of income, the average amounts saved in fishing villages were Rs 7 710 - higher than those in agricultural villages (Rs 7 350). Among the reasons and purposes for saving money, buying and replacing of household goods were the highest priorities in both types of villages, followed by social security and children's education. A noticeable difference between fishing and agricultural households was that fisherfolk mostly saved money for productive investments. More than three fourths of fisherfolk and farmer households kept their savings in a bank.
Households in fishing and agricultural villages also borrowed money. Loans obtained by fisherfolk households amounted to an annual average of Rs 24 900, which was higher than in agricultural villages: (Rs 20 600). The average annual repayment of Rs 10 800 was also higher in fisherfolk households than in agricultural villages, which repaid Rs 3 540 per year. The most significant reasons for taking out loans in fishing villages, as well as in agricultural villages, were productive investments, followed by daily needs. The most significant loan sources in fishing villages were relatives and friends, followed by banks and cooperatives; traders were of minor importance. In agricultural villages, banks and cooperatives were by far the most significant sources of loans, followed by relatives and friends.
Educational status
Educational standards of men in fishing villages were higher than their counterparts in agricultural villages. Women in agricultural villages had higher levels of education than women in fishing villages. Fifty-seven percent of the men in fishing villages had completed secondary education, 33 percent, primary education, and two and one percent, respectively, vocational training and college. In agricultural villages, only 50 percent had completed secondary education and 48 percent primary education.
Fifty-four percent of the women in agricultural villages had completed secondary education and four and six percent, respectively, had completed vocational/technical training and college. The remaining 36 percent had completed primary school. In the fishing villages studied, 50 percent of the women had completed secondary school and 48 percent, primary school.
Housing and infrastructure
All the households in agricultural villages and 93 percent of the households in fishing villages owned the house in which they lived. Fisherfolk houses had 2.8 rooms, slightly larger than agricultural village houses: 2.5 rooms. However, sanitary facilities and drinking water were better in agricultural village houses.
Most of the houses in fishing and agricultural villages were solidly built and had brick or cement walls, cement, brick or tin roofs and brick or cement floors. More farmers' houses had their own water supply than fisherfolk houses. Only 51 percent of agricultural village households depended on public wells or water taps, against 79 percent of fisherfolk households. The remaining households had indoor plumbing. Forty-two percent of farmers' houses had their own, or shared flush toilets, against only 11 percent of fisherfolk houses.
Political participation
As mentioned above, both fishing and agricultural villages had a number of social and professional organizations. The use of mass media was very common and even more so in fishing villages than in agricultural villages. About 87 percent of the men in fishing villages and 66 percent of the women regularly read newspapers. The corresponding figures for agricultural villages were 75 and 55 percent. Seventy-three percent and 67 percent of the men and 60 and 67 percent of the women in fishing and agricultural villages, respectively, regularly listened to the radio.
Fisherfolk and agriculturists in the villages studied frequently belonged to political parties and participated in political activities. In some of the villages studied, close to half of the respondents belonged to political parties, while in most of the other villages about one tenth of fisherfolk and farmers belonged to a political party. The participation of women in political matters was, however, very limited. By law, women were not allowed to become members of cooperatives. They also had little say in village affairs.
Perception of change in socioeconomic status
Fisherfolk and agriculturists both felt that their socioeconomic status had considerably improved over the years, compared that of their parents. This was above all related to improvement in income, educational level and facilities, health and health facilities and nutrition and food security. They also noted the change in family structure from joint to nuclear families, and today's reduced family size. Among the negative trends fisherfolk and agriculturists highlighted were more congested housing conditions and deteriorating sanitary and hygienic conditions.
Tanzania
General characteristics of villages
In Tanzania, only three fishing villages and two agricultural villages were studied. The villages were located in the southern part of Bagamoyo district, one of six coastal districts of Tanzania. Villages in northern Bagamoyo district were considered too remote and difficult to reach.
Two of the three coastal fishing villages were small (populations of 1 341 and 1 847, respectively), while the third village had about 4 000 inhabitants. Ninety-eight percent of the inhabitants were Muslims and the remaining two percent were Christians. Fishing was the main occupation and the main source of income for half or slightly more than half of the village population. Fishing was carried out throughout the year, the lean months being August, October and December.
Other village occupations were farming and retailing. Most of the women in the villages were involved in income-generating occupations, such as fish processing and marketing, farming and retailing of food items and household goods.
The larger village was connected by all-weather roads, while the two smaller villages were connected by dirt roads. Regular public transportation was only available along the main road of the district, which connects the district capital, Bagamoyo, with the national capital, Dar-Es-Salaam. The most common transport from the villages to the main road was on foot or by bicycle. None of the villages had garbage disposal, sanitation or hygiene facilities.
All the villages had small village markets, including a few retail shops. There was an elementary school in each village, and the nearest secondary schools (normally not frequented by villagers) were 13 to 15 kilometers away, in the district capital. All villages had maternal, child health and family planning services, which were provided by nurses. One village also had a pharmacy. In all the villages, inhabitants made use of witch doctors and magicians to solve their health and marriage problems. The influence of these doctors on mental health is not to be underestimated. About 5–10 percent of women using contraceptives traditionally use herbs, or wear a belt with pieces of wood on it for protection against pregnancy.
The two agricultural villages studied in Tanzania were located further inland on the main district road, connecting the district capital to the national capital. These villages were larger, with populations of about 5 500 and 6 100, respectively. As in the fishing villages, the inhabitants were mainly Muslims with a few Christian households. The agricultural villages were less congested and clustered than the fishing villages, with more land around the houses.
The main economic activity was farming. The main crops included coconuts, cashew nuts, oranges, mangoes, pumpkins, rice, maize, cassava, pineapples and peas. The cultivation of cashew nuts, which used to be of primary economic importance, has greatly declined partly as a result of the Government's forced resettlement policy. Other income-generating activities included retailing and charcoal manufacture. Women in the agricultural villages were actively involved in farming and retailing, as well as in fish processing and marketing.
As with the smaller and more remote fishing villages, there were only primary and no secondary schools. The situation regarding health facilities, postal services, sanitation and hygiene is also similar.
Most villages date back to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the 1970s, the villages underwent major political and economic changes that affected institutional and economic structures at the national and community level, as well as the livelihoods of households. This was the result of the Government policy forcing large numbers of farmers to leave their farms and move to designated nuclear villages, where they received one acre of land to till. Farming households in coastal regions were also affected by this because production of cashew nuts, the main cash crop, declined,
Status and management of fisheries resources
The majority of men and women in fishing communities agreed that over the last few years the total catch, the variety of fish caught and the average size of fish has seriously declined because of an increasing number of fishers and fishing boats. In the case of total catch and the variety of fish caught, almost 90 percent of the men and more than two thirds of the women recognized a decline of fisheries resources. Concerning the size of fish caught, 80 percent of the men and 57 percent of the women saw a decline they attributed to overfishing. Almost two thirds of the men and slightly less than half of the women recognized also that the quality of the seawater has seriously deteriorated owing to industrial waste, household waste, sewage and pollution from ships.
About half of the male and female respondents agreed that the Government has taken adequate steps for the conservation of fisheries resources, while the rest was undecided or disagreed. Regarding the conservation and protection of the coastal environment, about the same number of people thought adequate steps had been taken as those who thought they had not.
Occupational status, inter-generational occupational and geographic mobility
Seventy-nine percent of the men of reproductive age in the fishing villages studied had fishing or related activities, such as fish marketing, processing, boat building as a main occupation. Next in significance was agriculture (15 percent). Of minor importance was domestic work and small-scale retailing.
Of the households involved in fishing, about half owned one fishing boat. Only one of the boats had an inboard motor. The majority of the others were powered by sails or oars, while a minority shared ownership of boats with outboard motors. The most common types of boats were outrigger canoes, followed by dugout and planked canoes.
About 80 percent of the households in fishing villages owned fishing gears. The most common were gillnets (33 percent), handlines (25 percent), bottom long lines (14 percent), pelagic long lines (8 percent) and beach seines.
More than two thirds (69 percent) of the men in fishing villages had subsidiary occupations. The most significant was farming, which was carried out by three fourths of those who had a secondary occupation. Of minor importance were fish marketing/processing and retailing.
Compared to the occupations of their sons, fewer fathers, i.e. only 47 percent, had fishing or related activities as a main occupation. Many more fathers then sons, i.e. 29 percent, had farming as a main occupation, and another 20 percent were mainly employed in the service sector, retailing, cottage industries, handicrafts, etc. This finding indicates that an inter-generational occupational shift from agriculture and other rural employment into fishing has taken place.
Compared to fishing villages, employment was more homogenous in agricultural villages with 92 percent of all men of reproductive age finding their main occupation in agriculture. Other main occupations, of minor importance, however, were in the service sector, retailing and fishing. Secondary occupations, mainly retailing, small-scale businesses and handicraft, were less common in agricultural villages than in fishing villages and only 46 percent of the farmers were involved in them.
Concerning inter-generational occupational mobility in agricultural villages, only 78 percent of the older farmers (an average of 14 percent fewer than their sons) had farming as a main occupation, while the others were mainly employed in the service sector and in fishing. This shows that as in agricultural villages, an inter-generational shift into farming can be observed.
Inter-generational occupational mobility has gone hand in hand with geographical mobility, i.e. immigration. Only 73 percent of male fisherfolk and 67 percent of male farmers grew up in the villages where they presently live. The corresponding figures for women were 58 percent and 51 percent, respectively, as wives join their husbands' households after marriage.
An overwhelming majority in fishing (85 percent) and in agricultural villages (96 percent) were women involved in income generating and food production activities. Farming, domestic work and retailing/small-scale businesses were the most common in fishing villages. Women in agricultural villages were almost exclusively involved in farming, aside from a few, however, involved in retailing, fishing, the service sector or in domestic work.
Only a minority of the men in fishing (29 percent) and agricultural villages (24 percent) though that their occupation was financially beneficial. Women saw their work as more financially beneficial than men (43 percent and 40 percent in fishing and agricultural villages, respectively, although the majority of the women were not satisfied with the financial benefits of their work.
Income, savings, debt
The average annual income per household in the fishing villages was Tanzanian Shillings (Ts) 258 320, significantly higher than the average annual household income in the agricultural villages (Ts185 298. In absolute terms, both incomes were very low and the majority of all heads of households in fishing, as well as in agricultural villages assessed the household income as barely sufficient.
Concerning sources of income, farming income was quite low. In the agricultural villages income from employment in service industries, retailing and even from processing and retailing of fish was higher than the income earned from farming. This was to a large extent carried out on a subsistence level and as a provider of food.
In terms of savings and debt, less than one fifth of the households in agricultural and fishing villages saved money and the amounts saved were very low. There were hardly any differences between agricultural and fishing villages. The rate of borrowing and the amounts borrowed were even smaller than the rate of savings and the amounts saved. This is not surprising, as the main source of loans were relatives and friends whose income as shown above was hardly sufficient to support their own families.
Educational status
Educational standards were similarly low both in fishing villages and in agricultural villages. While about three fourths of the men and women of reproductive age had ever attended school, only about half of the respondents of reproductive age had actually completed primary education. The quality of primary education in this part of Tanzania is not considered very high. The number of villagers who completed secondary education is negligible28
Housing and infrastructure
Housing conditions were equally poor in fishing and in agricultural villages. Eighty-seven percent of the houses had mud walls and floors with thatched roofs of palm leaves or grass. Most of the houses had two or three rooms. More than 90 percent of the households got their water from public taps. Wood was the most common source of fuel.
Political participation
Only one of the fishing villages has a fishers cooperative society, another had a seaweed growers' association and a women's association, and the third had a cashew growers' association. Regarding mass media, there were no newspapers available in the villages. People listened to the radio. In the larger village, more than one tenth of the adults were members of political parties, while in the smaller villages, less than one tenth belonged to political parties. None of the fishing villages studied had a history of conflicts with neighbouring villages.
One of the agricultural villages has a cashew growers' association, which is, however, in a dormant state. The other village has a women's association. The membership of men in political parties is significantly greater than in the fishing villages and, in one of the villages, more than half of the men belong to a political party. As in the fishing villages, newspapers were neither available nor read in the agricultural villages, however people listened to the radio.
Both of the agricultural villages studied had a history of land disputes with neighbouring agricultural villages. These disputes were probably related to the resettlement policy of the Government in the seventies, which resulted in a higher concentration of people in this part of the district, and in unresolved conflicts between traditional land-use rights.
Senegal
General characteristics of villages
The five fishing and agricultural villages studied in Senegal were located in the Louga, Thiès and Saint Louis regions. The villages were spread over a distance of about 150 kilometers in the coastal belt between Dakar and the northern regional capital of St. Louis. The inhabitants of the villages belonged to different Islamic religious groups (Moride, Khadre, etc.) and to various ethnic groups such as the Wolof, Lebous and Maures. One of the fishing villages was large with about 6 000 inhabitants, three villages were of medium size with 2 000 to 2 500 inhabitants, and the fifth village is small with 600 inhabitants. The agricultural villages studied were smaller in size with populations ranging from 210 to 1 325 inhabitants.
Two of the fishing villages were close to an urban centre (at one and four kilometers, respectively), while the other three villages lay between 37 and 56 kilometers from the nearest urban centre. The agricultural villages were located within 10 to 68 kilometers from the nearest urban centre. About two thirds of the fishing villages and 60 percent of the agricultural villages were accessible by all-weather roads. All the villages studied could be reached by public transport.
Because the fishing villages studied were bigger than the agricultural villages and two of them were close to urban centres, they had better educational, health and communication facilities. While two of the agricultural villages did not have a primary school, all the fishing villages had primary schools, as well as literacy classes for adults. The two fishing villages close to urban centres had secondary and tertiary educational facilities within easy reach. These villages also had various types of health care facilities near by, while only one of the other three fishing villages and one of the agricultural villages studied had a primary health centre. Few villages had dispensaries or a health professional. Three of the fishing villages had post offices all them had bus transport while only few of the agricultural villages had these facilities.
Sanitary facilities and arrangements for garbage disposal were absent in all the villages studied. This had extremely negative consequences for the natural environment, i.e. the sea and the rivers along which the villages were located.
Status and management of fisheries resources
An overwhelming majority of both men and women in fishing communities agreed that over the last few years the total catch, the variety of fish caught and the average size of fish has seriously declined, owing to the increasing number of fishers and fishing boats. In the case of total catch and variety and size of fish caught, more than 93 percent of the men and more than 98 percent of the women recognized a drastic decline of fisheries resources that they attributed to overfishing. More than 82 percent of the men and 86 percent of the women also recognized that the quality of the seawater had seriously deteriorated, owing to industrial and household waste, sewage and pollution from ships.
While the majority of fishermen and women were in favour of strict regulations of fishing effort with the objective to rehabilitate and conserve fisheries resources, only a small minority felt that the Government had taken appropriate measures.
Occupational status, inter-generational occupational and geographic mobility
The main occupation of slightly more than half (53 percent) of all the fisherfolk of reproductive age in the fisherfolk households studied, was fishing or fish marketing and processing, Other occupations were farming, horticulture, animal husbandry (nine percent) and retailing (three percent). Twenty-two percent of the fisherfolk respondents were involved in unspecified and transitory income-generating activities.
In the agricultural villages, fewer household members were involved in income- or food-generating economic activities than in fisherfolk households. Fifty-eight percent of all farmer household members of reproductive age were involved in agriculture and horticulture. Other income-generating activities were retailing (five percent), fishing and fish processing (five percent). Other unspecified economic activities accounted for another six percent of employment.
Concerning the employment of male household members of reproductive age, 71 percent were involved in fishing, fish processing and marketing, while 10 percent were involved in agriculture, five percent in retailing, and eight percent in unspecified income-generating activities. Comparing the occupations of the respondents with those of their fathers, it becomes obvious that an occupational shift from farming and other employment into fishing has taken place over the last generation. Only 57 percent of the fathers of male household members of reproductive age in the fishing villages studied were involved in fishing and fish processing, while 27 percent had farming as a main occupation, another 12 percent, factory employment, and another three percent, retailing and employment in the military.
In the agricultural villages studied, the opposite trend can be observed, i.e. an occupational shift out of farming over the last generation. Only 46 percent of the men of reproductive age in the agricultural villages studied were involved in agriculture and horticulture, as compared to 74 percent of their fathers. Only 17 percent of the fathers were involved in factory work four percent in other activities, such as fishing, the military and retailing. Almost one third of their sons were involved in unspecified, transitory income-generating activities, 15 percent in retailing, and four percent in fishing and fish processing.
As far as the outlook for the future is concerned, only a minority of both fisherfolk (18 percent) and farmers (four percent) wanted their sons to follow in their occupational footsteps. Agriculturists had a more negative outlook than fisherfolk.
Income, savings, debt
While in both type of villages, the largest groups of households assessed their financial situation as insufficient, fisherfolk households perceived their financial situation more favourably than agricultural households. Forty-eight percent of fisherfolk households saw their financial situation as insufficient, compared to 60 percent of farming households. Sixteen percent of the fisherfolk households, on the other hand, saw their financial situation as sufficient, compared to only four percent of the agricultural households.
The above perceptions reflect the differences in the average annual household income of Francs 13 337 038 in the fishing villages, compared to a much lesser amount (Francs 8 941 021) in the agricultural villages. Accordingly, the share of fisherfolk households that saved regularly is 27 percent higher than the corresponding share of agricultural households. The average annual amounts saved by fisherfolk households were also significantly higher than the savings in agricultural households. The picture is completed by the much higher rate of indebtedness of agricultural households (39 percent), compared to fisherfolk households (17 percent).
Educational status
In general, the rate of school attendance of people above six years of age in fishing and agricultural villages studied was 21 percent, which is low compared to the national average in Senegal, about 60 percent. The level of education was generally higher in the fishing villages studied than in the neighbouring agricultural villages. In fishing villages school attendance was found to be 25 percent, while it was only 17 percent in the fishing villages.
Comparing those who were attending or had finished school, the level of education seemed to be higher in agricultural than in fishing villages. In fishing villages, 89 percent were attending or had completed primary school, seven percent, secondary school and four percent, technical school or college. The corresponding figures for agricultural villages were 77 percent, 16 percent and seven percent.
Housing and infrastructure
The type and quality of housing and related infrastructure reflect socioeconomic status and have implications for health and welfare. In terms of access to electricity and adequate sanitary facilities, the conditions in the fishing villages studied seemed to be better than those in agricultural villages. Sixty-one percent of the houses in fishing villages had electricity, compared to only 32 percent in agricultural villages. One fourth of the houses in fishing villages were considered to have adequate toilets, compared to only two percent in agricultural villages. One fourth of the houses in both agricultural and fishing villages had access to safe drinking water.
Concerning the construction and size of fishers' and farmers' houses, there were no significant differences. Most houses were solidly built and more than three fourths of the houses had brick walls and cement roofs, while the floors were frequently made of clay.
Political participation
All the fishing villages studied had professional, social and economic organizations such as fishers', farmers' and foresters' associations, women's groups etc., while only three of the five agricultural villages had similar associations.
Membership in political parties was more common in fishing villages than in agricultural villages. In three of the five villages, more than half of the adults were members of a political party. In the other two villages membership was more than one third of the adult population. Because of the low literacy rate among adults, newspapers were either unavailable or not read in the villages, with one exception, and the radio was the most important mass media.
Conclusions
It has been shown in the sections above that contrary to what was commonly believed and published for many years, fisheries no longer seem to be a “last resort employment” for people in coastal areas, at least not in most of the countries included in the study. The number of coastal fishers has actually started to decline or stagnate in four of the six countries studied, namely the Philippines, Malaysia, Tanzania and Senegal. The number of fishers is still increasing, however, in India and Bangladesh, although to a much lesser extent than in previous decades.
In Malaysia where there was an overall decline in the number of coastal fishers, the decline is also reflected in an inter-generational occupational mobility out of fishing into other occupations in the service sector or into unemployment. In the Philippines and Tanzania where the number of coastal fishers has also started to decline, changes are more recent and the studies still show inter-generational occupational mobility into fishing from other sectors of the rural economy. This is also the case in two of the countries where the number of fishers is still increasing, namely Bangladesh and the Philippines.
In all the villages studied, fishing and farming still dominate, but other occupations have become more significant in some countries, such as the Philippines, India and Tanzania. They were less significant in Malaysia and Bangladesh. Women were very actively involved in income and food-generating activities in fishing and agricultural villages in India, Tanzania, Senegal, and less actively involved in Bangladesh, Malaysia and the Philippines.
The studies show another interesting fact, contrary to the common belief that fisherfolk are the poorest group of the rural population in coastal areas. In five out of the six countries studied, and in spite of declining catches, the average annual household income of fisherfolk households is still significantly higher than households in neighbouring agricultural villages. This is supported by the information on savings and debt of households in fishing and in neighbouring agricultural villages. The savings rate and the amounts saved were generally higher in fishing villages than in agricultural villages, and households in agricultural villages were as indebted or more indebted than those in fishing villages. (The only exception to this is Malaysia; a reason for this might be that many fishers who had given up fishing because of resource constraints and Government regulations could not find other employment, as can be seen from the relatively high percentage of unemployed men of reproductive age in the Malaysian fishing villages, compared to the other countries, as well as the comparatively high income of farmers in Malaysia.)
Regarding educational levels of fisherfolk and agriculturists, these were equally high in the fishing and farming households studied in the Philippines, and equally low in the fishing and farming households studied in Tanzania. In Malaysia and Bangladesh, agriculturists had higher levels of education than fisherfolk, and in India and Senegal, fisherfolk had a higher level of education than agriculturists. Regarding housing standards, households of agriculturists were better off in the four Asian countries studied. In Senegal, fisherfolk were better off, and in Tanzania, housing conditions were equally poor in fishing and agricultural villages.
As to their perception of the status of fisheries resources and coastal environment, the majority of fisherfolk in four of the six countries studied, namely the Philippines, India, Bangladesh and Senegal acknowledged that they had seriously declined and deteriorated because of past increases in the number of fishers and fishing boats, and because of domestic and industrial sea pollution. Fisherfolk expected the Government to introduce strict regulations and measures for the rehabilitation and conservation of fisheries resources and the coastal environment, and noted that very little had been done so far. Only in Malaysia, did the majority of fisherfolk feel that the Government had taken appropriate measures and that the outlook was positive.
Membership in political parties, professional and social associations was high in four countries, namely India, the Philippines, Malaysia and Senegal, while it was low in Tanzania and Bangladesh for the reasons explained above which include cultural and religious barriers and social isolation.
Assessing changes in overall socioeconomic status over the last generation, fisherfolk in the Philippines, Malaysia and India generally saw improvements, while fisherfolk in Bangladesh, Tanzania and Senegal did not see improvements. These views obviously reflect significant changes in income, standards of living, infrastructure and general services in rural coastal areas in some of the countries where the studies were carried out.
