Previous Page Table of Contents Next Page

Chapter 4 - Community Radio, Mexico - Integrating community radio and ICTs for development in rural Mexico

María de la Paz Silva Contreras
Translation from Spanish: Sebastián Robinson

Introduction

Incorporating new digital information and communication technologies (ICTs) into the local development process of the global South is today a priority theme. Considerable interest, resources and energies have been devoted to this issue, involving multiple actors with diverse perspectives each with their own agenda whilst sharing the potential to have some degree of collective impact and action. These actors range from academics and researchers in the social sciences to private sector technology developers, communications software designers, infrastructure entrepreneurs and media organizations. In the public sector, policy specialists from education, health, the environment, and public administration are also part of the process along with international and national non-governmental agencies, and formal and informal groups.

The exceptions appear to be those governments who today do not pursue an active agenda for the incorporation of information and communication technologies as tools of governance and public administration. There is now a corpus of cases and experiences, some failures, the majority with a modicum of success, and these lessons learned now require some review, evaluation and reworking into teaching applications. Nevertheless, the theme that links ICTs with the efforts to promote development among the poor countries is often framed within a perspective that places more importance on achieving a utopian vision whereby the new digital technologies and tools can somehow magically render invisible today’s inequalities. To be succinct, we are often told the Internet and ICTs can lead us to the promised land of plenty.

At the inauguration of the Mexican government’s national connectivity programme ‘e-Mexico’ which aims to provide computers and Internet access throughout the land, including the distant back country villages, the President Vicente Fox declared that the e-Mexico project would mean “..a quantum leap...eliminating stages of social development”.1 He announced: “I am instructing the Secretary of Communications, Pedro Cerisola, to begin forthwith the e-Mexico project, with the goal of making the communication and information revolution a truly national endeavour, to reduce the digital divide among governments, businesses, households and individuals, while reaching into the most remote corner of our country”.2

This presidential affirmation, as overstated as it may appear today, is nothing less than the shared vision of many in the underdeveloped world. There exists nowadays a form of collective euphoria unleashed by the remarkable accessibility to information offered by these new technologies, including among families with low incomes. The mass production of personal computers, aggressive advertising campaigns focusing on the virtues of Internet access, their relative adaptability to local chores previously done “by hand”, together with the gain in time and efforts saved, have together configured a new ideological terrain, allegedly available at a mouse click. In this fashion, the preachers of promise have spread their infectious message.

In Mexico, other forms of public access to ICTs remain incipient, with the exception of the impressive proliferation of cybercafés, which merit a separate treatment. I refer to those attempts to create innovative spaces for the use and appropriation of ICTs in support of social development projects. As elsewhere in Latin America, in Mexico there are a few isolated community telecentre projects, but it will be a few years hence, as the e-Mexico programme rolls out, when we can effectively evaluate the impacts of these initiatives.3

While conceding the benefit of the doubt regarding the daring goals and enormous investment represented by the official e-Mexico programme, and from a more modest perspective, I would like to underscore here the importance of community radio stations. While these represent a less modern and spectacular use of communication technology than the Internet, community radio has demonstrated its efficacy as a mechanism of social cohesion and a relatively low cost vehicle for education, citizen participation, defence of human rights, and support for community development in poor, rural and indigenous regions of Mexico. Community radio stations today are beginning to integrate the old analogue technologies, plus programme content, with new ICTs that are arriving piecemeal but whose potential impact is convincing more than a few.

Community radio and the Internet

Mexico remains a country of radio listeners, although television coverage is increasing. In the rural areas and especially in most of the indigenous communities scattered throughout the land, radio is the only source of information.4 It is common to find the radio serving purposes linked to regional integration and the organization of daily life. Commercial radio is a solid and prosperous industry in Mexico today. This is especially true when these stations are linked to other media, such as newspapers and television. Many of these stations employ Internet resources when preparing news programmes, and actively distribute their e-mail addresses on the air so that the public can interact with announcers and radio personalities. Some even transmit their programming over the Web; more than 100 stations in fact.5 For these companies, the arrival of the Internet is not perceived as a threat to their commercial predominance or a competitive source of information for their traditional audience rather, it is seen as an instrument that increases their capacity and brand image.

Although it is not yet a large-scale movement, among the non-profit radio stations in Mexico little by little the potential value of digital technologies is becoming clear and its adoption is making headway. This is taking place in the context of projects where, for the most part, the cost of connectivity as well as the resources to acquire and maintain computer equipment is not an immediate option. To date, we do not have sufficient evidence of the successful adoption of ICTs by independent community radio stations in Mexico. We have understood that this is an incipient process just getting underway. What follows is a broad-brush review of the overall panorama, the result of visits to some ongoing projects. None of these projects have yet to fully integrate ICTs into their radio programme production and transmission techniques, and none may be considered to be exemplary. What they share is a struggle to sustain their independent status and their operational budgets. Others are waiting to be born. Together they offer a portrait gallery of rich possibilities in local appropriation now underway and explored below.

Community radio in Mexico

Community radios are known as those radio stations with no commercial intent whose programming and broadcasting is devoted to reaffirming the cultural diversity and texture of different community sectors and social movements. Their role is to become open forums for their audiences, composed of different actors: women, children, people with disabilities, farmers, indigenous and local organizations, environmentalists, young people, etc. Their main objective is to promote social and cultural sustainability through community participation in community affairs and the radio project itself. Community participation supports decision-making and the production and transmission of local messages. Community radio ensures that the opinions and suggestions of the audience are given priority above any marketing goals or the production of messages whose form and content is shaped by programme ratings.

There is a tendency to think that the community refers to a demographic measurement or a geographical area in particular. For this reason, a community radio is generally assumed to refer to low power radio stations with limited transmission capabilities staffed by a non-professional workforce and located in a remote or relatively inaccessible community. Most community radio stations broadcast with low transmission range in small communities however, there are some stations broadcasting in major cities with a transmission power sufficient to cover the entire city on the AM or FM bands. More recently, some stations are broadcasting using the Internet, which suggests that the term “community radio” must be reframed.

Community radio stations in Mexico have a history of more than 30 years. At their beginning, community radios were not mass media in the present sense of the term, but rather a tool used to extend the national education system. The “Radio School” project is an interesting first step in which the use of the radio was applied for literacy or “alphabetization” purposes in rural and remote areas such as the Mezquital Valley in the state of Hidalgo. During the 1970s and 1980s there were many short-lived temporary experiences that sprouted as a means to denounce the abuse of authorities, the defence of human rights and the reinforcement of political positions, as was the case with Radio Pirata and Televerdad. There were other examples of stations with low power transmissions. Radio Unidad Independencia, for example, served an audience located in an enormous public housing complex. Similarly, Radio Interferencia broadcast from 1993 to 1997, transmitting from the Kiosk of the Plaza de San Juanico in the northern part of Mexico City’s extensive metropolitan region.6 Unfortunately, many of these experiences went undocumented, and they are only remembered today through the testimonies of those who sometimes listened to their broadcasts or participated in these ephemeral radio projects.

The fragility of community radio, or “radios libres” as they are known, is a condition that has prevailed for many years and remains the case today. However, there are two community radio stations that have broadcast for more than 37 years: Radio Huayacocotla and Radio Teocelo, located in the state of Veracruz.

Constraints facing community media

The Mexican government’s refusal to grant permits7 to non-profit radio stations has been a political control mechanism, and in some extreme cases, a mechanism of State repression for some community radio projects. As a result the majority of community radio stations have not been able to obtain a permit, either because of authorities’ negligence caused by the lack of response to permit requests, or by the establishment of impossible-to-comply authorization criteria. The last permit for a community radio was granted more than twenty years ago, and new concessions for commercial radio stations have not fared much better. Although concessions have been granted, the distribution of commercial concessions has been skewed: for example, two media conglomerates control 86 percent of Mexico’s television; 13 consortia own 90 percent of the radio stations; and the government owns and operates only four percent of the radio and television stations and channels.8

There is a remarkable lack of legislative reform regarding mass media in Mexico. For example, the Law of the Press, the legal framework that governs all published materials, was approved in 1917, and has only undergone superficial revisions since then. The Radio and Television Law dates from 1960, and since 2001 has been under review in the Mexican Senate without any resolution to date.9

In this scenario, numerous organizations and civil society groups in rural, indigenous and urban communities have decided to simply broadcast without the government’s permission whilst remaining in a legal limbo by means of the publicly enunciated label “permit in process”. Community radios have not chosen to operate on the margins of the legal framework; it is the State that has confined them to this condition. The government’s position constitutes an overt control mechanism, since at the moment when government authorities judge that a radio station has exceeded arbitrary “limits”, as defined by the government, the stationed can be sanctioned or closed down.10

Other constraints prohibiting the spread of community media by the general public and civic groups has been the prohibitively high cost of equipment and the high levels of technical skill required to use and maintain this equipment. Under these conditions any independent initiatives were unlikely to succeed. In recent years, however, civil society has improved its organizational strategies and together with a reduction of radio production and broadcasting costs, have resulted in the creation of new alternative radio stations that are able to sustain their operations.

Radios and networks

Although many radio stations operate independently of other stations, collaboration and networking among and between different groups is now of strategic importance. In many cases, the motive has been to avoid repression from the government, but in other situations the reason is simply to share and compare resources, experiences, knowledge and other learning issues. Some of these networks will be discussed below.11

The INI Indigenous Cultural Radio Station System

The Indigenous Cultural Radio Station System began operating in 1979 with the inauguration of “La Voz de la Montaña” a radio station located in Tlapa de Comonfort in the southern state of Guerrero. Today, there are 24 radio stations broadcasting to native regions belonging to this system. Transmission power varies from 2 500 to 10 000 watts. There are also four low power stations that operate in INI boarding schools in Yucatan.12

The National Indian Institute (INI, Spanish acronym) pays for the equipment and infrastructure of these radio stations as well as the training and salaries of the staff at each facility. These radio stations broadcast mainly in local or regional native languages, alternating with Spanish. In many cases, however, broadcasts are exclusively in native languages.13 These stations broadcast an average of 12 continuous hours per day and have a coverage of 928 municipalities in 15 different states in Mexico (Mexico has a total of 2443 municipios). In addition to Spanish, programmes are broadcast in 31 native languages.

The system is complemented by centres for radio production that do not broadcast per se. These centres have a staff trained by INI and with in-studio radio production equipment and portable field production equipment suitable for a complete regional radio broadcasting programme. These INI stations also have a music library compiled from materials produced by INI staff in the regional production facilities and supplemented with commercial recordings.

As a part of this study, the author visited the radio station “XEPUR: La Voz de los Purépechas” in Cherán, in the state of Michoacán. Leticia Cervantes has been the station’s director for the last 12 years. She is a young woman with a university degree in communication and is a Purépechas native speaker. For Leticia, the most important issue as director has been assuring the project’s survival backed by the INI institution. However, the new structure and policy of the present federal administration (2000-2006) regarding indigenous issues has provoked uncertainty regarding the station’s future. Until now, radio stations have operated with a certain degree of autonomy in respect to programme content and orientation.14 Directors of these 24 radio stations work very independently and only meet once a year.

The XEPUR radio station offices are very comfortable but the station lacks modern radio production equipment and has neither a telephone line nor a computer. However, Leticia frequently uses the Inernet at a cybercafé in the town of Tanganzicuaro which is less than an hour away from Cherán. There she accesses e-mail and occasionally downloads documents which provide new content for radio programmes. She has e-mail contact with a few of her colleagues but the majority of her time is spent communicating with the INI management office in Mexico City. Influenced by the activities of independent radio producers and radio broadcasters in other states, Leticia and her colleagues have begun to show interest in some digital applications for the production and broadcasting of radio shows. For example, they have been learning to use software applications to produce digital audio files, how to download and store files using MP3 and how to make use of the Internet to broadcast and share content. However, Leticia notes that “until now this is only a dream, because I think there is still much to do until we are able to have and take advantage of these technologies in Mexico.”15

XEPUR, Leticia Cervantes

María de la Paz Contreras

To date, only four of the radio stations belonging to the INI Radio Station System have their own Web sites16 none of which broadcasts over the Internet however, more and more of the INI radio stations operators are now working together to prepare themselves to use these technologies in order to add value to the programmes they broadcast and to strengthen their relationship with community audiences. It is important to note that in all four cases the respective websites were developed and are maintained by the INI system. As yet, there is no current project to integrate the radio stations network with the ongoing e-Mexico national connectivity project.

AMARC Mexico

For the last twelve years, the Mexican chapter of AMARC17 has represented a network of community radio stations and radio production centres from various states around the country. They have organized a number of activities at the national level, for example: they have established a “Women’s Network” to support the training and production of radio programmes with a gender orientation and a permanent working group to participate in decision-making processes as well as in the design and orientation of public policy regarding communication media, freedom of expression and the right to information. In 1992, the 500th anniversary of the Spanish conquest of the Americas, the 5th World Conference of AMARC was held in Oaxtepec, Mexico. As well as many other gatherings that year, the AMARC conference shared the purpose of commemorating 500 years of indigenous resistance.

In addition to training and fostering communications and better network integration, AMARC has served as legal defence in some cases and monitors human rights violations. Most of the community radio stations that form the AMARC network do not possess an official broadcasting permit. For this reason, AMARC-Mexico has focused on obtaining legal recognition of what the organization calls the “third sector” of mass media. AMARC is, in effect, one of the civic organizations advocating reforms to Mexico’s Federal Radio and Television Federal Law. It is also a strong promoter for the legislation regarding rights to information while participating actively in the preparation activities for Mexico’s active presence in WSIS (Geneva, December 2003).

Of their 50 or so members there are 20 radio stations belonging to the INI Station System previously referred to, including public and private university radio stations, as well as diverse initiatives such as Mexico City’s Indigenous Migrants Assembly, the “Dejemos de Ser Pacientes” (Let’s Stop Being Patient) group, which is a production centre focusing on health and medical services, as well as the Education Ministry’s (SEP) radio station, XEEP “Radio Education”. Only one radio station affiliated with AMARC appears as an Internet radio station. However, after many attemps it was impossible to access the station’s Internet site.18 Only recently, AMARC has begun to establish relations to community telecentre networks seeking collaboration in designing common strategies to reinforce penetration and appropriation of both radio and the Internet, in the communities served.

Efforts to create networks of community radio broadcasters are occurring more and more frequently however, the status of some of these radio stations varies greatly. While some of them have very good prospects of healthy growth and incorporate new resources while developing successful strategies to diversify and strengthen their links with the communities they serve, there are many others that remain in incredibly precarious conditions. This is partly due the legal system governing media and broadcasting in Mexico.

The legal framework

The ‘Federal Radio and Television Law’ guides the legal framework for all radio stations in Mexico whether large or small, commercial or non-profit. This law was enacted in 1960 and remains in force today with some minor amendments. The most recent amendment, in the year 2000, only served to reasserted the Federal Government’s control over airtime and underpin its authority to grant broadcasting licences. There are two kinds of licences that radio broadcasters can apply for, the first is a broadcasting ‘permit’ usually applied for by non-profit organizations and the second is a ‘concession’ usually sought by commercial stations. There are also four other government Ministries which share the direct responsibility for the implementation of this law, and as a consequence, decisions and relations with all radio stations. These four ministries are:

Whilst there are established criteria for granting concessions and permits, there are no existing mechanisms for appeal on behalf of applicants in the case requirements are not approved or completed by responsible governmental offices. For this reason, there are radio stations with over ten years of broadcasting history who are today still operating without an approved permit or concession, and thus working in a condition of constant legal risk. The Federal Radio and TV Law also contains monitoring powers used by the SCT that have on numerous occasions caused conflict with radio stations regarding concessions. It is well known that only two media companies in Mexico hold the majority of television concessions and a similar pattern exists for radio stations.

Civil society and the Radio Community’s request for amendments to the Federal Radio and Television Law20

During the 2000 federal election campaigns a group of citizens and organizations prepared a proposal to amend the 1960 Federal Radio and Television Law. The objective of this task force was: (1) promote civil society’s participation in the administration and right to information and freedom of speech and (2) to update the legal framework obliged by the new conditions for programming and broadcasting, as well as the protection and documentation of messages.

Moreover, this group underscored the need for an open commitment on behalf of the federal government to support the diversification of media production and distribution channels. The task force document contains a systematic set of proposed amendments. The proposal strongly encourages equal competition between operators but also includes measures to ensure that the social function that radio and television share is preserved. Lastly, the proposal wishes to see changes in the Federal Law which reflect the changes brought about by new ICTs for example, Internet broadcasting rights and copyright issues. Examples from the proposal include the need to:

The proposal also calls for the restrictive classification of licences, (e.g. permits or concessions) to be reviewed. Other amendments to the Law stress the right to freedom of expression and ratify the right to be informed. Included in this are amendments to protect privacy and the right to challenge inaccurate or offensive information. Lastly, the citizen’s amendment also notes that whilst there is the obligation for the government to design an investment plan for technological infrastructure enhancement and support the development of radio and television companies, there is no mention of investment plans for connectivity infrastructure or regulatory frameworks governing the broadcasting of information through the Internet.

Perspectives for linking community radios and other ICT models in Mexico

During the past seven decades, Mexico’s governments have maintained a centralized administration that has assured their political, economic and social supremacy. Dissident social movements were systematically discouraged and in extreme cases, repressed. Local, community radio, for example, was not encouraged. NGOs and other informal organizations were often created on the basis of traditional models of community collaboration and were frowned upon by federal authorities. The tequio, for example, is a traditional institution in native communities where cooperative efforts and resources are used to carry out projects in the absence of support from government agencies. Although there have been some effective large scale and well-funded government programmes (e.g. Oportunidades, Procampo) most of them have been curtailed or abandoned under today’s federal budget restrictions or simply abandoned by local or state governments. In some instances local, nonofficial organizations have stepped in to keep the projects running and they have had a lasting impact. Nevertheless, Mexico’s landscape is pock-marked with infrastructure and technology cemeteries.

The e-Mexico programme is now in motion with a significant US$200m budget and is one of the most visible programmes of President Fox’s administration. As I stated above, we should concede to e-Mexico the benefit of the doubt regarding bold programme goals, centralized project design and commitment of public resources, and expect some long-term impact. Meanwhile, small groups and NGOs have been working on alternative digital inclusion initiatives in urban, rural and indigenous communities. Community telecenters in Mexico have been field tested for the last few years and appear to be a viable option for marginalized communities and their local authorities who are awakening to the need for Internet access and applications suited to their needs. There are only a few examples of these initiatives and already they are facing similar difficulties as those faced by community radio stations, such to restrictive ICT public policies and the difficulties in operating within a market-based development model.

Privatization and the telecommunications sector

Mexico’s telecommunications sector was largely public until 1984, when the president at the time, Carlos Salinas - a self-acclaimed neo-liberal economist, became convinced that his “first world” model would uplift Mexico’s battered economy to overcome poverty and underdevelopment. The government began a process of privatizing public enterprises including the public telecommunications service (TELMEX), the television network (IMEVISION), numerous radio stations and the film industry. This radical twist of the economic rules favouring large business consortia did not reduce levels of poverty and inequality. Today’s social divide grows and has polarized access to modern infrastructure and basic services. Although this process appears irreversible, there is a pressing need to remind political leaders and decision makers that communication and information technologies are not just services to be provided by the private sector, but indispensable and strategic public utilities (such as electricity, roads, telecommunications and broadcasting) which underpin the development of any nation and require investment.

Mexico’s large territory accommodates over 100 million people, distributed unevenly in vast, under-populated rural areas and crowded cities. The distribution of telephone landlines map in Mexico corresponds to the wealth and poverty map. There around 15 million telephone lines spread all over the territory but 20 percent are concentrated in Mexico City. Two aspects of today’s market should be highlighted. Prior to 1999, TELMEX was the only telephone company operating in Mexico. In 1998 there were 9 926 fixed line telephone when competition in the local market began. By 2002, 14 621 lines were in operation, less than 10 percent growth per year since other companies began offering services. The table below shows the distribution of fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants in select states and Mexico City. These numbers suggest that distribution remains skewed toward the urban areas.

Telephone lines per 100 inhabitants 1998-200221

State/City

1998

2000

2002

Entire country

10.3

12.4

14.6

Mexico City

27.7

33.1

37.3

Jalisco

13.3

16.6

18.8

Nuevo León

17.8

21.6

24.0

Aguascalientes

9.8

11.9

14.1

Campeche

5.5

6.6

7.8

Hidalgo

5.1

6.1

7.6

Oaxaca

3.4

4.0

5.2

Chiapas

3.0

3.5

4.2

Cell phones in Mexico (thousands)22

Year

Cell phones

1994

576

1998

3349

2001

21 758

2003

26 324

In contrast to fixed telephone lines, cell phone service has grown dramatically since 1994, when wireless services began. Today cell phone numbers are almost double the number of fixed lines though this growth rate is beginning to level off. The relatively high cost of cell phone service and the lack of signal coverage for large regions mean that cell phones are not yet a viable alternative for rural areas.

When considering computer ownership and Internet connectivity, the numbers fall further. The 2000 census data indicates that less than ten percent of homes own a personal computer and little more than half of these are connected to the Internet. Reliable data does not exist regarding the number of cybercafés and their clients.

Homes with a PC and Internet connections, 2001.23

Total homes with a PC

2 694 815

100 %

With Internet connection

1 427 452

53 %

Without a connection

1 267 363

47 %

Recently, the variety and number of market-driven ICT services were grown however, rural areas remain underserved. It is clear that commercial access is available to the wealthy whilst alternative publicly supported telecentres are still too few. This has prompted NGOs and other groups to create and extend the number of community telecenters as opposed to strictly commercial cybercafés. This is also one of the objectives of the governments e-Mexico programme. It is important that these new initiatives do not attempt to substitute the traditional forms of communication to be found in rural communities with novel and still alien technologies such as computers and the Internet. Community radio, as well as telecenters, even cybercafés, should be viewed as complementary, integrating spaces, attuned to local users needs. The following case studies consider the integration community radio and ICTs by communities in the town of Amecameca, the capital city, Mexico City and the State of Michoacán.

First case study: radio “La Voladora”24

There are only two weeks before the local authorities’ election, In five minutes time the only public debate between the local contending parties representatives is about to begin. This will be broadcasted by Radio La Voladora. None of the guests have arrived and the staff are getting nervous. At the very last minute the representatives of the three parties’ arrive and are now snugly seated in the “cabina” (broadcast booth) ready to begin. The cabina is a small room containing a table, the radio equipment, a technician, other guests and a moderator. Outside the cabin, at the corridor, the remaining staff members monitor the radio signal listening to the debate in a cheap, old, portable radio and tape-recorder. This is a normal day at Radio “La Voladora”.

La Voladora radio project has had a chequered past and has gone though many iterations as a radio station. La Voladora began life as an underground illegal station but after playing a vital role during a local environmental disaster the radio proved to be an effective communications tool and it quickly gained the trust of the local government. La Voladora radio now serves the community of Amecameca which is situated at the base of the Popocatepetl volcano roughly 25 miles form Mexico city.

The station was started by a group of young people using a transmitter built by university engineering students. The group started transmitting in Mexico City’s public spaces (Parks and Plazas) during the weekends. During the 1998 student strike at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), the working group of “La Voladora” joined an informal campus radio station called “Ke-Huelga” (“What-a-strike!” in English). During the strike, the radio broadcasts focused on the negotiations between the student movement and university authorities. As the student movement became more radical, the radio programmes became a space for social protest, not only from the students but from other social organizations and movements.

The Federal Preventive Police (PFP) intervened and took charge of the university campus on February 1998 and the student movement was dismantled. The “Ke-Huelga” radio stations and broadcast signal disappeared. However, before its disappearance, some of the young radio station members began planning their next project. By October 2000, they were joined by another group of people (part of an earlier project called “Tele Verdad” which was also dismantled in 1994) and reorganized to create a collective movement called “La Voladora”. At this stage “La Voladora” included a multidisciplinary group of volunteers such as young actors, musicians, artists, theatre people, communications experts and engineers. The station moved from Mexico city and broadcasting restarted from a public space in the central plaza of Amecameca in the State of Mexico, but only on the weekends.

In December 2000, the Popocatépetl volcano spewed skyward creating an enormous cloud of vapour and ash alarming villagers around its base. Concern grew among the population as the events were significantly over-dramatized by the national television networks, especially Televisa. The Televisa reporter enhanced the news story, as if the emergency evacuation process had begun. However, community members in towns and villages around the volcano went on living their normal day-to-day life, perhaps with only minor complications because of ash accumulation on vehicles and rooftops. In the following hours these populations began to get more nervous and went to their municipal authorities in search of up-to-date and trustworthy information, as well as concrete instructions in case an evacuation was in fact necessary. There were some groups of people who went directly to the emergency and contingency facilities in place, filling them up, and thereby increasing the uncertainty and sense of chaos.

The Municipal Authorities requested La Voladora increase the number of broadcast hours with the purpose of maintaining calm and providing up-to-date information. They broadcast information about the volcano’s behaviour, emergency disaster prevention programmes and messaging and paging services for community members in the region. They also brought in specialists from different disciplines from vulcanologist, medical doctors to psychologist and government officials, to participate in live programmes. La Voladora broadcasted from the “Casa de la Cultura Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz” twelve hours daily for the first time from Tuesday, December 19th 2000 for 10 days. The formal agreement between municipal authorities and Radio La Voladora stated that the municipality would partially finance the radio stations´ broadcasting costs and the rent to the “Casa de la Cultura Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz” for the months following the volcano’s activity.25 La Voladora has broadcasted continuously from the same building since April 2001 and steadily increased its broadcasting time until today’s programming schedule which runs from 7 am to 10 pm daily.

Community Participation

In the words of La Voladora´s director, Daniel Iván,26 the radio station began in Amecameca with an incorrect vision of what community radio meant in a non-urban context. At the beginning, “we arrived here with a messianic vision. We believed we would teach people the usefulness of a communication media to improve the quality of life. We got here with the idea of imposing our ways of doing radio broadcasting and with our musical tastes, believing that the community would learn to like the same and that our tastes were better than the community’s”. However, La Voladora thought it necessary to make a survey among potential listeners. The results provided clear evidence that what they thought the community expected from the radio station was completely skewed. Daniel admits, “we started to realize that we had to change our vision if we wanted to succeed by participating and becoming part of the community. This is when we knew what community radio meant. Amecameca in an important town in the region, and it is located such that it has become a commercial and social locus for the towns and villages around the Popocatepetl volcano. The number of daily visitors grow constantly and together with the number of vehicles and people that you can see in any regular day makes you think that the number of people living in Amecameca is larger that it really is.”

“Under these conditions it is difficult to establish a strong relation with the audience. This is because competition with radio stations with more transmitter power are also listened to where visitors live. So when people come to the plaza on a market day or just ride through on public transportation the larger radio stations attract bigger audiences. One strategy employed to respond to the needs of the community and increase the number of listeners, has been to programme different types of music in the different hours of broadcasting. This way the radio caters to a larger variety of listeners and tastes. However, the most important strategy has been the training of local radio producers who have been incorporated slowly into the station’s programming.”

“Another factor that has changed Amecameca is the out migration of young men and women. Some go across the border to the United States to work and return once a year. Many more migrate to cities like Mexico City or Puebla to study or work and come back only on the weekends. This has changed the demand for cultural products and services among the young population. It has also divided the community of potential listeners, making it more difficult to offer radio broadcasting time to satisfy diverse needs and tastes. Therefore, the best way to integrate and be involved with the community had to be by opening the station to direct community participation in the programming and producing of radio broadcasting. And in this way, guarantee the sustainability of the community radio project.”

“Today, only four of the people that are fulltime workers in the radio station are its original founders that came from Mexico City. These four people have moved from living in Mexico City to living in Amecameca. The other six people that also work fulltime are from Amecameca. But there are approximately forty people who participate in different ways at the radio station. Most of them live in Amecameca, others in the next large town, called Ozumba and a few more in other small towns around Amecameca.”

“The community involvement strategy in La Voladora can be summarized by the following elements:

“Anotable characteristic of this strategy is that a programme sustainability strategy is included as part of the training of new producers. This way, every new radio producer operates in a self-sustained way, and the radio station is guaranteed not to have to use its limited resources to sustain its entire broadcast programming.” The radio station has two editions of its news programme with local, national and international information. Most of the local information is developed by community members whilst international news is written based on information gathered from searching the Internet.

Relations with other media

“La Voladora realizes the importance no canal large television and radio companies have in the every day life of its audience. This is true, even when it’s a semi-rural environment where local traditions are strong and indigenous languages are still spoken. Almost every house has a radio and in many have television. Large commercial radio and television stations are very influential in the entertainment of the community. However, La Voladora has set is priorities on the production and broadcast of real time information of local as well as national and international issues and in the promotion of local artists.” The station operates in direct competition with two other local newspapers, however radio broadcasting gives them the opportunity to provide new and up to date information which is a clear advantage over competitors such as the newspapers.

Participation in social movements

Another of La Voladora’s characteristics is its active involvement in organizations that are historically active in support of social movements. Some examples are the live broadcasting of the 3rd National Indigenous Congress in Nurio, Michoacán on March 2001, and continuous coverage of the “Marcha por la Dignidad de los Pueblos Indigenas de la Comandancia del EZLN” departing from the municipality of La Realidad, Chiapas on February 22nd 2001until the lengthy procession’s entrance into Mexico City’s Zocalo, 16 days later. As a member of AMARC, La Voladora has participated in working sessions for amendment of the federal radio and television law (in effect since 1960), and has also participated in different networks such as the network of independent radio.27

Technological Platform

The radio station started with low cost equipment and materials built by engineering students. To support other organizations installing their own radio station infrastructure, they are using this same low cost system. The transmitter has 300 watts of power, plus an antenna that amplifies an additional 70 watts, allowing an effective signal transmission radius up to 50km. Radio Voladora’s technical tools and elements are out-dated, and there is not even a proper broadcasting booth. The radio station broadcasts now from a room in the municipal building. Broadcasters and the people invited sit around the only table present. There is no mobile transmission unit and the monitoring of the broadcast and transmission quality is done with a regular radio a few meters away from the broadcasting room, placed on the municipalities’ receptionist’s desk. However, even with this minimal equipment, the radio station still manages to broadcast live concerts, debates, conferences and interviews in its regular programming.

Live broadcast from Radio La Voladora

María de la Paz Contreras

Issues of Sustainability

Alternative communication media projects are vulnerable because they are not supported by a commercial radio production structure. Most of the community radio stations in Mexico do not have a formal legal permit and do not have a robust sustainable activity arena to work within. Radio La Voladora’s economic survival is based on a combination of an astute use of limited resources, by the payment of commissions for specific projects and sales, and considerable amount of voluntary work. Approximately fifty percent of the radio stations’ income is obtained by selling publicity services, paid messages, recording services and training. Thirty percent of the operating budget is paid for by the municipality28 (the use of space, electricity, a telephone line, part-time secretarial assistance, cleaning and security services). Twenty percent of the profits come from concerts and other public events, and the remaining ten percent comes from other national and international financing organizations and agencies.29 But there are some additional issues regarding economical sustainability. In rural, semi-rural and indigenous projects where information and communication technologies (ICT) are used, it is necessary to stress the sustainability issue from four different but interrelated perspectives: technical, economic, social and political sustainabilities.30

Technological sustainability refers to being able to match technological needs with available and pertinent technological requirements and know-how. Alack of or an excessive technology investment can result in an unbalanced use of technology. In the Latin America region, there have been numerous large projects that have become technology cemeteries due to a lack of resources for maintenance. In the case of La Voladora, with a limited technological platform, these conditions have not been of importance, thanks in part to the experience and the commitment of the interdisciplinary group of people working on the project. Having a modern and comfortable infrastructure with the proper tools to produce broadcasts would obviously be an advantage; however, the absence of these conditions has not stopped Radio La Voladora project from accomplishing its objective.

Financial sustainability is the thin thread community projects depend on. A high dependency upon external philanthropic financial support has often become the only, most frequent and risky way to sustain a communication project. At the moment, financial support is the issue being discussed at the La Voladora project. It is unlikely that the Mexican government issue La Voladora a permit to become a commercial radio station. Although La Voladora has no intentions to become a commercially operated station paid for through advertising, the ongoing authorization process with the Mexican government (like many other community radio projects in Mexico) grants La Voladora a certain margin of autonomy. Their objective is to create a management framework to offer content on development issues and to provide information and services for other philanthropic and social organizations in the region. This way La Voladora could grow and sustain itself.

The third type of sustainability mentioned above is Social sustainability, and of course, it is also a critical issue. Frequently, this issue adapts to circumstances over time as a result of the projects’ accomplishments more than due to any planning regarding the issue per se. The fact that La Voladora’s founders are outsiders has been a critical issue for the initiative’s acceptance in Amecameca. La Voladora members have accomplished a “level of acceptance” because they moved to Amecameca. Being from “outside” always carries countless disadvantages in small towns. However, the existing mixture of origins now has allowed the stations’ recognition by Amecameca community members and authorities. Even with municipal authorities changing every three years, La Voladora has maintained its autonomy and has opened a space for dialogue for different political sectors and community members. However, there are some issues yet unresolved regarding La Voladora’s relations with some social and civil organizations in the most immediate area even with their participation in AMARC. Recently, the radio station has approached a network of Community Telecenters (Community Internet Access Points) to explore the possibility of working together on projects.

Finally, La Voladora has a clear vision of Political sustainability. La Voladora recognizes that a positive impact on public policy in Mexico’s telecommunication arena would be hard to accomplish as an individual project in the short term. As mentioned above, this is a radio station without a fully authorized broadcasting permit. La Voladora requires a strategy of alliances with other organizations, as well as social and community networks in order to define and defend a public policy required by similar community projects. Political sustainability can only be accomplished, if there is a network of kindred projects searching for recognition in the national political arena.

Lessons from the La Voladora experience

The case study of Voladora has highlighted some key qualities and activities that have sustained the project and assured its acceptance within the local community. There are broadly defined as:

Second case study: Assembly of Indigenous Migrants to Mexico City (AIMMC)

One of the main objectivities of The Assembly of Indigenous Migrants to Mexico City (AIMMC) is to organization and promote effective collaboration amongst the disparate indigenous groups living in and around Mexico city so that these people can integrate into the economic, social and cultural life of the national capital without loosing their regional and cultural identities as Native Peoples’. Article 4 of the Mexico’s Federal Constitution recognises that Mexico is a heterogeneous country and a multicultural society. The assembly of Indian Immigrants therefore believes that the capital, as the geographic and political centre, should also reflect this diversity. In reality however, native migrants are almost invisible to the State, its agencies and to the majority of the mestizo or mixed ethnicity inhabitants as well. Native Migrants in effect, form the city’s underclass often living and working in precarious conditions, making them a vulnerable social group. The women, men, children and old people who arrive in the city looking for work and better circumstances arrive to find that overpopulation, pollution, stress, unemployment, violence, even hunger are only a few of the components of life to be found in this aggressive urban scenario. It should be no surprise that these conditions abound in mega cities such as Mexico’s capital.

The process of native migrants’ integration and self-organization began in the 1950s. Different groups of native communities appropriated abandoned urban spaces in order to live together, to recreate a sense of community in the urban sprawl. Living together or close by allows them to preserve their language, as well as artistic expressions in music, dance, folk art and their fundamental notions of identity grounded in their own understanding of the world. Within this urban scenario, these migrant communities reproduced their traditional systems such as: religious fiesta offices; the moral authority of the assembly and; the maintenance of collective unpaid work obligations for community projects called ‘tequio.’ The tequio is a system of voluntary collective effort, applied to community projects and essential to the communal organizations of traditional native communities throughout Mexico.

The Assembly is comprised of various migrant communities living in different parts of the city. These include Zapotecs, Mixes, Mazahuas, Huicholes, Mixtecos, Nahuas, Triquis, among others. Close to twenty organizations constitute the AIMMC, each with over 800 members. These communities have developed distinct projects such as the formation of village-style brass bands, dance groups, education and cultural production projects, including a radio programme production centre. Efforts are also made to remove the stigma associated with speaking natives languages, therefore public events are often held in native languages as well as broadcasting multi-lingual programmes on the radio station. The Assembly also operates a legal assistance office which includes a translation service for those community members who are monolingual and need assistance in legal procedures or court cases. Lastly, the assembly also supports micro enterprises among its membership.

All AIMMC initiatives are financed by donations and members fees to support the Assembly’s three main goals:

One of the notable aspects of the Assembly’s organization is the use of the Internet as an instrument to coordinate activities and share information with its members - an important tool in a large metropolitan region where public transportation is problematic. A website, “For Everyone, Everything” which was designed and is maintained by young native IT professionals, contains references to diverse “identity instruments” such as music, dance, food and folk art. This web space is organized in different topical categories: Native Communication, Native Law, Identity and Culture and Collective Self-development.32 The assembly also provides a telecentre which is avaiable to the membership and includes training and user support. In addition The Native Communication section has a multi-lingual radio programme production centre with digital equipment.

The Assembly’s experience is an example of a functioning network of migrant communities cooperating on a series of common goals with limited public funds. The AIMMC example shows us that for native communities to incorporate the use of ICT applications, they must confront specific challenges. The experience of the AIMMC offers some valuable lessons:

It is remarkable that the AIMMC has survived under adverse conditions. Not only has it helped organise and support the social and cultural identity of many forgotten and transient migrants, but it has done so with limited funds and little or not political support from the local authorities, despite the States constitutional commitment to multi-culturalism.

Third case study: Building a regional community radio network in Michoacán State

In this third and final case study we learn of the constraints facing those who are trying to develop some coordination and cohesion amongst disparate groups and people within one location. In proportion to its size, the State of Michoacán has more indigenous communities as well as migrant populations outside Mexico, in the United States and Canada. It has a rich traditional cultural diversity and is also considered one of the most politically active states in all of Mexico.

In recent years civic groups have focused on the creation of a regional community radio network in Michoacán. This is the first attempt to organize different groups sharing interests and ideas who have not been institutionally identified in any previous organization or movement. There are 11 community radio stations that form this network.33 The real possibilities for this network are uncertain because the enormous differences on visions, resources and capabilities between their members.

The history of this network begins in the 1970s. With the support of the federal government’s Popular Culture Office,34 an annual a Cultural Festival was organized, which led to the establishment of a ‘traditional cultures’ preservation programme’ formed by native researchers. In 1979 an INI staff anthropologist, Felix Báez Jorge, suggested INI create a community ratio station in order to distribute additional cultural materials that were not able to be presented during the annual Cultural Festivals. The radio station would also be a way to link all the Purépecha speaking communities while helping to acknowledge and resolve local problems and needs.35

Two years later, in 1981, the proposal was put in motion. But rather than offering resources and training to members of indigenous communities to create their own radio production and broadcasting facilities, only one station ‘Cherán radio’, was put into operation. Four more radio production and broadcasting stations were installed 15 years later as part of INI´s Indigenous Radio Stations System.36 The four centres have been equipped by INI with transmitters even though they have yet to be granted an official broadcasting and transmitting permit. Over the years it has become clear that the four radio stations would like to produce more local content and have control over local programming.

There are other community radio stations in Michocan state that would like to belong to a network. Each has its own different characteristics which make integration all the more difficult. For example, in Ocumicho, two friends set up a small radio station which they run from the basement of one their homes. “La Preferida” community radio station also broadcasts in the Purépecha language. All these examples share a common goal, which is to create a network of radio stations serving the widely dispersed mountain communities within Michocan state and to provide a means to connect with the numerous migrants living in the United States. So far there are still organizational issues to be overcome.

New ICTs and rich traditional cultures live side by side in Michoacán state

One of the champions of local appropriation of ICTs by communities is a university professor José Valencia who is a promoter of an annual Cultural Festival in Uruapan. Together with other artists and cultural promoters he has created a formal civil organization to offer Uruapan and regional inhabitants a diverse programme of cultural activities including local and traditional culture, as well as contemporary arts and national and worldwide cultural programmes and exhibits.

Moreover, Professor Valencia is leading a group of radio producers, social and cultural activists and NGOs in their efforts to lobby the local Indigenous Affairs Office and other institutions in order to obtain resources and permits for existing community radios and for the creation of new ones. Prof. Valencia, is also the promoter of a training programme for broadcasters and radio programme producers in collaboration with AMARC and a teaching organization in Michoacán. The programme raises awareness about ICTs for rural people and provides training in the use of digital audio and the Internet technologies in environments where computers, phone lines and connectivity are scarce and costly. Professor Valencia is still optimistic. “... I think we have to anticipate the coming of new technology... Even though many radio stations don’t have a computer, and some don’t even have a phone line of their own, I think we need to relate more to new technologies because we have to recognize their potential...”37

Despite the enthusiastic efforts of Prof José there remains a great deal of disparity between communities who are beginning to organise and appropriate new ICTs and other communities, even within the same state of Mochacan where another pace of life exists and resistance to change is quite pronounced.

Ocumicho unique sculptures

Ocumicho´s crafters are specially known for their coloured clay figures representing devils in diverse and surprising situations. The quality and the expressive force of these folk art pieces have attracted the attention of collectors and researchers. Furthermore, it is very difficult to have a community member guide one to a house where these surprising figures are made. Only after the craftsmen meet and speak with you for a few minutes can one purchase these amazing pieces of folk art at incredibly low prices. Prices are not even close to the value of the craftsmen’s´ efforts, materials, creativity and ingeniousness.

As the example above illustrates, Ocumicho remains in deep social isolation, resisting changes and innovation. Paradoxically, Ocumicho is one of the rare places where a state of the art model of access and usage of digital technology is already in place and operating. A two-way satellite connection feeds a “Plaza Comunitaria”, recently opened by the National Institute for Adult Education.38 This community illustrates the fact that any attempt to incorporate ICTs as development resources cannot succeed until these new tools are recognized as useful for the community. While there are diverse attempts to harness ICT and radio within the native communities in Michoacán today, many challenges still remain and the process is complex.

Final comments and considerations

On balance, the efforts and resources of community organizations only permit them to start up and maintaining their own projects in a limited way. Seldom are these experiences evaluated in a systematic fashion or the lessons learned shared among the actors involved.

Case studies distributed after the fact may offer valuable perspectives and serve to influence the design of projects on the part of different actors: community organizations may learn from their colleagues doing similar things, avoiding the same mistakes; international cooperation agencies and foundations may recognize the necessary prerequisites to enhance the impact of their support programmes; different levels of government may obtain useful information to better shape their extension efforts and the overall design of public policies; and private companies may find scalable business opportunities as well.

Mexico remains a country of radio listeners and community participation in broadcasting is an important factor in retaining audiences, winning their acceptance and the ultimate sustainability of the station. However, community based radio projects are vulnerable.

The continuing struggle for de facto legal recognition while sustaining ongoing operations consumes the energy and resources of most projects. The opposition of the major media consortia to community radio is a matter of public record and this fact creates a fragile operating environment.

Radio networks are occurring more frequently and radio broadcasters are recognising the strength in numbers particularly in advocating for the reform of legislation. The need to create new opportunities for rural community members has to be recognized. These opportunities should have a decentralized, equal, and democratic approach to become a way to promote public policy change for better government and public administration practices. Until appropriate the current Radio and TV Law is reformed and importantly, new reforms are implemented by the administration, then the majority of radio stations remain consigned to operate without a formal legal permit.

It is equally important to support various types of alternatives and initiatives in order to coordinate resources and actions from government, private sector, and non-governmental organizations. Different initiatives must also encourage long term investment for human know-how development in the areas of health, training, continuous education, environmental management and, over all, include the socioeconomic context as well as linguistic and cultural characteristics in the design of ICTs projects.

The potential value of digital technologies is becoming clear and its adoption is making headway, particularly amongst the non-profit radio stations. Already staff are seeking information over the Internet and familiarising themselves with digital broadcasting equipment whilst they wait patiently for their stations to be able to fully integrate ICTs.

From this discussion on community radio and new ICTs in Mexico we can identify some clear lessons:

The experiences of the La Voladora radio collective and the Asamblea de Migrantes Indígenas in the Federal District are examples of two groups that confront these challenges, and there are many others.

Footnotes and references

1 The complete text of this February 22, 2002 speech is available on the Ministry of Communications and Transport
http://www.sct.gob.mx

2 op cit.

3 The e-Mexico programme has four major component areas: health, education, commerce and government.
http://www.e-mexico.gob.mx

4 See Information about the 56 native language regions in Mexico today,
http://www.ini.gob.mx

5 There is an informative website relating to radio in Mexico, created and maintained by a journalist, Fred Cantú, in Austin, Texas:
http://www.mexicoradiotv.com

6 1 San Juanico is a high risk and low-income region of the metropolitan area and has suffered many drastic, fiery accidents at several LP gas distribution plants.

7 There are two legal figures for radio and television stations in Mexico regulated by the Ministry of Communications and Transportation (SCT): concessions that the government grants to commercial stations, and permits corresponding to non-commercial stations. See Legal Framework section in this document.

8 Source AMARC
http://www.mexico.amarc.org

9 In the Legal Framework section of this document I refer to the proposed amendments to the Federal Radio and Communications Law stemming from various civil organizations.

10 Numerous cases in which police force has been applied to close radio stations have been documented. The most recent violent events have been in Tlahuitoltepec, Oaxaca.

11 Except in the case of radio stations belonging to the Indigenous Cultural Radio Station System, which was supported by the National Indian Institute, the creation and affiliation to the network mentioned has been free. There are radio stations that belong to more than one network.

12 The National Indian Institute has rural boarding schools where children from distant communities in poorly communicated regions attend school.

13 Except for a space of one hour when all stations are networked together via a one-way EDUSAT satellite hookup, when national and international news is broadcast. This news is complemented with information produced by net- work radio station members who create their own programmes. The news programme is called “Aqui Estamos” (Here We Are) and it’s broadcast at13:00 hours Monday-Friday.

14 The National Indigenous Congress (CNI) is a very active organization, and in recent years has maintained pressure on the federal legislative branch to approve a Law for Indigenous Rights that respects local forms of government and autonomous cultural contents. Indigenous radio stations have been open forums for the discussion and broadcasting of this initiative as well as other groups that have done much work to fortify this well-organized civic initiative.

15 This interview took place in the radio station’s offices on June 30th 2003.

16 The four stations with websites are: XEPET, La Voz de los Mayas, in Peto,
Yucatán http://www.ini.gob.mx/radiodifusoras/xepet/index.html
XECTZ La Voz de la sierra Norte, in Puebla
http://www.ini.gob.mx/radiodifusoras/xectz/index.html,
XEETCH La Voz de los Tres Ríos in Etchojoa, Sonora
http://www.ini.gob.mx/radiodifusoras/xeetch/index.html;
XEVFS La Voz de la Frontera Sur in Margaritas, Chiapas
http://www.ini.gob.mx/radiodifusoras/xevfs/index.html

17 AMARC - op cit.

18 In the members’ directory provided to me by AMARC, “Radio Guadalupe: La Voz de la Frontera Urbana” appears with a telephone number and an email address, neither responded to my contact.

19 “Section VII. Inform the Ministry of Interior about the cases of misdemeanour related to this article, except Section V, in order to impose corresponding sanctions...”

20 The entire text for the amendments proposal can be found at the AMARC site http://www.mexico.amarc.org.

21 Source: COFETEL. Dirección General de Tarifas e Integración Estadística
http://www.cofetel.gob.mx/htm/5_/graficas/lineastelefónicas_01.htm.
February 2003.

22 Source: COFETEL. Dirección General de Tarifas e Integración Estadística
http://www.cofetel.gob.mx/htm/5_/graficas/lineas telefónicas_01.htm. June
2003.

23 Source: INEGI. Instituto Nacional de Geografía, Estadística e Informática. Censo Nacional de Población. Módulo Nacional de Computación 2001.
http://www.inegi.gob.mx

24 La Voladora Radio Station Website: http://lavoladora.net/ameca/

25 This agreement would last five months. After this period of time, the radio station would economically maintain itself.

26 La Voladora Radio Station, op cit

27 Network for Independent Radio
http://www.radioindependiente.8m.com

28 The municipality only paid personnel salaries during the duration of the original agreement mention above. Today, salaries are covered by income from programme production and services sold.

29 For example, recently La Voladora received funding from the “Semillas” scholarship programme of the MacArthur Foundation to develop a programme with content for women.

30 As the result of many working sessions and as published in many online documents, sustainability in these four dimensions is a one of the many references and assets produced by the community of Somos@telecentros for Latin America and the Caribbean regions
http://www.tele-centros.org.

31 This text appears in the Assembly brochure and on their website as Web:
http://www.indigenasdf.org.mx

32 AIMMC
http://www.indigenasdf.org.mx

33 There are 11 community radio stations that will initially form this network. They are located in: Huecorio, Tingambato, San Juan Parangaricutirimiro, Zacán, Huandiro, Uruapan, Tangancícuaro, Ocumicho, Tangamandapio, Tomatlán y Cherán, Michoacán.

34 This office used to be part of the National Anthropology and History Institute. Today it’s part of the National Culture and Arts Council, CONACULTA
http://www.conaculta.gob.mx

35 Source: Interview with Prof. José Valencia Oceguera, promoter of the Uruapan Network. June 29, 2003

36 These centers were located in Tingambato, San Juan Parangaricutiro, Zacán y Huecorio using Cherán’s “La Voz de los Purépechas” transmission infrastructure.

37 Interview with professor Valencia on June 29, 2003

38 For information about the Plazas Comunitarias and other digital access models
http://www.e-mexico.gob.mx Also
http://www.inea.edu.mx

Previous Page Top of Page Next Page