The Mucombedzi community is located in the north-eastern corner of the junction between the Beira-Machipanda (EN6) and the Maputo-Caia (EN1) highways, about 20 km north of the junction. It is part of the administration post of Chiluvo in the district of Nhamatanda. The main activities are agriculture (maize, sorghum, cotton, sunflowers and soybeans), charcoal-making and other minor activities for subsistence. Agriculture is the major activity for own consumption or for selling, while several forest products are collected for use within the community and for selling on the main road.
The Mucombedzi community established a community association that operates within an area of about 29.000 ha. Management of forest resources with particular emphasis on charcoal-making and bamboo are the major objectives of the association. Other activities also promoted by the association include beekeeping, carpentry and pottery.
Accessibility is controlled by community members who establish the amount to be cut per year and also the regulation for species, tree size and other rules to reduce forest depletion. The pressure for charcoal-making in this area is high because part of the district, including the major town of Nhamatanda, is located in the floodplain of the Pungue river where there are no trees. Other areas, mainly along the EN6, have been depleted during the last two decades because they were among the few areas accessible during the armed conflict. On the other hand, the EN1 from the junction to the north was rehabilitated in 2002 and all the bridges broken during the conflict were re-established, which also contributed to the protection of the region's forests.
The major town of Nhamatanda is the main source of goods and services for the community of Mucombedzi. However, it seems that there are not many job opportunities, and most of the residents have their income-generating activities in Mucombedzi. The district of Nhamatanda was one of the major centres for refugees during the 1980s and early 1990s. It is believed that most of the cases of HIV/AIDS in Mozambique reported in the region were due to the strong presence of soldiers who patrolled the Beira corridor. Currently, Nhamatanda is one of the overnight stops for trucks travelling between Beira and Harare.
The community of Zangua is located in the district of Cheringoma, in northern Sofala. Most of the timber concession areas and game reserves are located within this district. The Zangua community is one of the four chiefdoms located within the TCT forest concession. The forest concession covers an area of 24.821 ha within the high dense forest of Cheringoma. The Inchope-Caia (EN1) highway crosses the concession and has its northern limit about 10 km south of the Zambezi river, about 350 km north of the Mucombedzi community. The community of Zangua is located about 15 km from the highway to the west. The concession's main camp and sawmill are located a few meters from the highway. Agriculture (maize, sorghum, sweet potatoes, banana and sugarcane) is the major activity in the community of Zangua, followed by fisheries. There are 25 people from the community working at the forest concession, and Caia (about 20 km north) is the main town where they get most of their goods. Accessibility to the forestry resource is controlled by the concessionaire in coordination with traditional leaders.
The households in Mucombedzi are scattered and there is no centre in the village (see Figure 6a). The bus stop on the highway is the major concentration point as it is the place where there are some informal markets (barracas), a community meeting site, carpentry and the health brigade. Each household has its own surrounding area for agriculture, forest for firewood collection and other products. The distances for firewood collection are short and most of the household requirements are met within 500 m. Bamboo is the only product collected in a specific place because of its distribution (in the region close to the highway).
Charcoal can be made with wood material resulting from the opening of new agricultural fields or in the forest, away from the residential area; however, distances do not exceed 500 m from the household.
Because the settlements are relatively new, forest resources are abundant, tree species were not difficult to find, and collection distances are not yet increasing, although some people referred to some wild food tree species (such as Boscia salicifolia) and bamboo as now becoming scarce due to land transformation to agriculture. In the case of bamboo, distances may be up to 3-4 km from the households whereas previously they were collected around the house.
a)
|
b)
|
Map of the study site communities of (a) Mucombedzi and (b) Zangua prepared by the community members.
The Community of Zangua is located within the forest concession. The dominant forest type is high dense forest, which is part of the Inhaminga lowland humid forest type, one of the most dense lowland forests of Mozambique. This forest type is quoted among the most dense and diverse in terms of timber species and others. In fact, there is a block of about 50 forest concessions in the region, covering a total area of 1.2 million ha in the districts of Muanza and Cheringoma (MICOA, 2002; Saket et al., 1999).
Although the community of Zangua covers a large area, most of it is covered by forests with no residences. The residential area is located along the Zangue river, bordering the district of Caia. The agricultural areas are located on the side of the Zangue river (see Figure 6b), leaving most of the dense forest without residences or agricultural areas. This community has specific areas where forest products are collected: (a) firewood is colleted in the forest, close to the residential areas; (b) honey is collected in the dense forest; (c) palm wine is tapped in the grasslands with palm trees close to Lake Nyambua; cane-rats are caught in this area; (d) trees for canoe and pestles are cut in the neighbouring forest residential area.
The community of Zangua is composed of people who are native to the site and the long-term occupancy of the site is evident, with long-established domesticated fruit tree species, such as mango and cashew trees. The social structure is more stable and the authority of the traditional leader is largely expanded.
The residents use several forest products for their own consumption, but do not get much out of the forest to sell outside. The location of the community, far from the highway, and the lack of a market for forest products, as well as the distance to large towns, makes the Zangua community less capable of selling forest products. On the other hand, the location of the community, within the forest concession, reduces the community's accessibility to the forest resources as sources of income, especially those that involve trees. Although there is no restriction on the local community to collect forest products for their own consumption, the concessionaire requires the community members to make a formal request before they can cut trees of valuable species such as Cordyla africana, used to make pestles, or Afzelia quanzensis, used to make canoes.
Table 6. Forest products as a source of energy
Type of energy |
Mucombedzi |
Zangua |
Firewood for cooking |
12 |
12 |
Firewood for illumination |
3 |
8 |
Kerosene |
10 |
6 |
Candle |
5 |
1 |
The only source of energy for cooking in Mucombedzi and Zangua is fuelwood. The poorest families use firewood for illumination within the houses as well, while those with more stability (e.g. traditional and church leaders, those with agricultural surplus, and those with fish and charcoal markets secured) use kerosene and sometimes candles for illumination. In both communities, households have at least two fireplaces, one for cooking and one at the centre of the backyard. The treatment of the fire is differentiated. The cooking is taken care of by the woman who collects fine firewood daily and carries out the cooking activities. The backyard fire is the man's responsibility and is lit in the evening for general illumination and is the place where the family gathers. The man collects thicker firewood once a week for the backyard. He also has the responsibility of buying kerosene and candles monthly in Nhamatanda town, 15 km away (for Mucombedzi), and in Caia, 15 km away (for Zangua).
The responsibility for firewood collection is common in all interviewed households, but in some families this may change depending on the presence of the family member primarily responsible. Generally, the daughters help the mother do the female work, while the boys help the father do the man's work. In polygamous households, the wives help each other and when one of them is ill or disabled the others increase their work intensity to cover the absence of the disabled.
a) Mucombedzi
|
b) Zangua
|
Changes in fuelwood use pattern in Mucombedzi and Zangua
There were different reasons for changes in fuelwood use within the studied communities. In general, the affected households were female headed, where the husband had died or households kept orphans (Figure 7). Changes were associated with alternative energy availability. Affected households lacking resources to cover the cost of kerosene for illumination increased the amount of firewood to be used for illumination within the cottages. In Mucombedzi, changes in the use of fuelwood were reported in affected households only. In Zangua, an equal number of changes in fuelwood use in affected and unaffected households were reported. The changes reported by unaffected households were mainly associated with increased distance to the collection site.
Table 7. Products collected from the forest in Mucombedzi (M) and Zangua (Z)
Product/activity |
How many involved? |
Who does? |
What frequency |
What changed? |
Firewood (M,Z) |
All households |
Woman for cooking and men for backyard illumination; children may help. |
Daily for cooking and weekly for backyard. |
No change in the collection site and only rarely the role of the collector changed. |
Charcoal (M) |
Some households |
Man |
Twice a year |
The community association established limits per member since 2002. |
Poles (M,Z) and bamboo (M) |
All households for consumption and some for selling |
Man |
Yearly |
Abundance of bamboo is decreasing. |
Thatch grass (M,Z) |
All households |
Man |
Yearly |
No change; it is collected in agricultural fields and in the forest. |
Wild foods (fruits, leaves and roots) (M,Z) |
All households |
Man, woman and children. |
Occasionally, but daily during years of hunger. |
No change; intensity increases during critical years. |
Honey (M,Z) |
All households (those that do not collect, buy from others) |
Man |
Yearly |
No change |
Wild meat (rats, worms, antelopes) (M,Z) |
All households |
Man, woman and children, depending on the species. |
Weekly when in season |
Abundance of antelopes decreased, but also there is a hunting prohibition by the Forest Service. |
Medicinal plants (M,Z) |
Most households |
Woman and man, and prescription from the traditional healer. |
When needed |
No change |
Fish (M,Z) |
Few families in Mucombedzi but many in Zangua. |
Man |
Daily when in wet season. |
Change may depend on rainfall regime. |
Carpentry (M,Z) |
Only carpenters |
Man |
Daily for practitioners. |
Timber species are abundant. |
Wood carving (M,Z) |
Only sculptors and canoe builders |
Man |
Daily for practitioners. |
No change |
Palm wine (Z) |
Few households |
Man |
Daily when in season. |
No change |
Woven mats and baskets (Z) |
Some households |
Man |
Daily |
No change |
Mushroom collection (Z) |
Some households |
Man |
Weekly when in season |
No change |
Most of the forest products collected in the community are used within the community for subsistence. There are few cases where products are sold within the community. However, products such as honey, fish and cane-rats are among the products that are sold locally. Buyers are households with least physical capacity to collect these products. Women do most of the subsistence activities and men do more of the income-generating activities. Charcoal-making, fishing, honey collection, bamboo cutting and wood-carving are some of the common income-generating activities carried out by men. Female income-generating activities include agriculture and chicken raising, which are not essentially forest products. Income-generating activities based on forest products include consultations with traditional healers who prescribe medicinal plants for their clients. A significant proportion of the traditional healers is composed of women.
The collection of medicinal plants is an activity carried out by the traditional healers themselves. Only in very special cases will they ask a close family member (spouse or siblings) to help. This is done, however, as a way of transmitting knowledge between generations rather than to get help. The practitioners interviewed in Mucombedzi mentioned some names of medicinal plants and the way they are used.
A total of 130 plant species were described in both communities, among them trees, bushes, palms, grasses and herbs. Because there was no reference list of plant species for the study sites, the basic work was established to identify botanically the species referred to by the community. Direct observations and checklists for Mozambique and the herbarium were used, from which 76 species were identified to species or genera while those not identified did not present identification elements (leaves, flowers and fruits) or could not be found during the transect observations (see species list in the Annex).
Among the plant species referred to by the two communities, several uses were identified, among them charcoal, firewood, construction poles, food, medicines, honey, ropes and timber. Most of them could serve multiple uses at the same time, such as charcoal, firewood, food, honey and ropes (e.g. Bauhinia thoningii). Few species were mentioned as becoming scarce, and of particular importance in Mucombedzi is bamboo, which was mentioned as having reduced in abundance while collection distances increased in the last five years. Bamboo is one of the most important sources of income in Mucombedzi as it is sold on the main road, while a significant amount is also used for local construction. Population increase and the opening up of new agricultural fields were indicated as the main reasons for decrease in accessibility to bamboo.
Of the twelve households interviewed, seven were responded by men. Among the female respondents three were widows and the others were found in households where the man was not available, being engaged in activities far from the household. Among the widows, one is old (about 60 years) and the husband died 20 years ago; in the case of the second widow, the deceased husband was 65 and worked in a sawmill in Beira and died in 2003 from a prolonged illness2; the third widow's husband was killed by a crocodile in the Pugue river.
Three of the households kept orphans whose parents may have died from HIV/AIDS. Both parents of the three groups of orphans died young, the last 1-3 years after a prolonged illness. One of the couples lived in the town of Nhamatanda, one lived in Beira and the other lived in Zimbabwe (went there as refugee). After the death of their parents the orphans were sheltered by relatives. In general, the life of the orphans changed since the loss of their parents, some of whom are no longer going to school while others are engaged in agriculture to contribute to food production for the expanded household.
Most of the residents in Mucombedzi are migrants from other districts, mainly from Maringue and Caia in northern Sofala. The oldest settlements are around 10 years old. This may mean a relatively new social structure and a heterogeneous composition of the families.
In general, the interviewed families were healthy and only one was found with one adult member ill. Unfortunately, the husband will not take her to the hospital, nor will she take any medicine, because of religious beliefs.
Table 8. Characteristics of the households and respondents interviewed in the communities of Mucombedzi and Zangua
Characteristic of household |
Mucombedzi |
Zangua |
Female |
5 |
4(40-50) |
Male |
7 |
8(20-59) |
Family size |
3-20 |
2-16 |
Number of wives |
1-5 |
1-4 |
Widows (with orphans) |
3 |
5 |
Both parents healthy (unaffected) |
7 |
7 |
Afflicted (one of the parents ill) |
1 |
0 |
Affected (Relatives with orphans) |
3 |
0 |
Years living in village |
2-11 |
All born locally |
Zangua
Of the 12 interviewed households in Zangua, four were female respondents, of whom three were widows and in the case of the fourth the husband was absent during the visit. This pattern reflects the male dominated family structure, in which the male, if present, will be responding to the questions. The family size varied between two and 16 members, with the most common household composed of six members. The marriages are monogamous, but some households are polygamous. Influential people in society, such as the traditional leader and his lineage, are likely to have more than one wife. Church leaders and traditional healers have monogamous marriages. Within this community, no potentially afflicted or affected households were found. The reported orphans are only partial, who lost the mother or the father, but no child-headed households were reported nor orphans living with relatives such as grandparents.
Most of the community members were born within the community; although some of them may have migrated during the war, they returned to their original residential areas about ten years ago.
Agricultural products
Agriculture is the most important activity for subsistence as well as for income. The sale of agricultural products and the use of wage labour in agricultural activities are among the most important survival alternatives in times of crisis. In good years, the surplus is sold for cash to solve household problems. Families with large production capacity (generally polygamous families) use the surplus to hire extra manpower in times of crisis to accomplish land preparation, sowing and harvesting tasks. Asking other households to help with land preparation or harvesting and paying them with goods is one way to cope with crises, but, on the other hand, the households that help are often also those in crisis or are more vulnerable and who could benefit from the communal labour as well.
Charcoal
In Mucombedzi, charcoal-making is the second source of income after agriculture. It provides cash for households, which can be used in times of crisis. Because it takes a long time (3-5 months) to complete the charcoal production cycle (tree cutting to charcoal burning), it is not used as a quick response action in times of crisis such as illness and death. It is, however, a response for general crises such as droughts and floods, which affect the whole community. This activity is labour-intensive and old people, women and children do not participate in it.
Fisheries
Fisheries are the most important subsistence activity after agriculture in Zangua. It provides food and cash, particularly for those families with high potential for fishing. While most families collect fish for their own consumption, there are others that use fishing nets and canoes more intensively and can kill large quantities of fish to sell within and outside the community. The forest concessionaire provides a market opportunity, for those who can do so, to sell their fish in the concession camp. Others also sell their fish as far afield as Inhaminga town. Families with fishing abilities are particularly stable and may find less difficulty when a crisis occurs. Floods present a particularly good opportunity for fishing, while droughts are less productive. In Mucombedzi, fishing is practised by few households and may not contribute much to the survival of the households.
Poles and bamboo
Poles are the most important building material used within the community. In Mucombedzi, bamboo is one of the most important sources of income from forest products, after charcoal. Bamboo is cut and sold on the main road. Men are involved in this activity, and it is among the easiest ways to get cash in crisis conditions. However, cutting and carrying bamboo stems are labour-intensive and households headed by women and old people may not be able to use this option as a safety strategy.
Honey
Honey collection is man's activity. Some people may collect honey in the wild, while others use traditional or modern beehives to produce honey. Honey is used for consumption or to sell within the community; however, because of its seasonality, it may not be a safety strategy when needed. Households with modern beehives may yield up to 40-60 litres of honey per year, which is sold locally for those households without capacity and on the main road. In Zangua, the forest concession provides market opportunities in Beira to sell honey.
Medicinal plants
Medicinal plants, generally, are collected by traditional healers to prescribe for their patients. However, there are common medicinal plants, such as the root of Cassia occidentalis, used for stomach ache, which are known by most community members. Minor illnesses may be controlled with medicinal plants, while the more severe may need medical attention. Sometimes people believe in religion and may deny using medicinal plants or modern medicines, with the risk of worsening the illness.
Wild food plants
Roots of wild plants such as Boscia salicifolia and fruits of the palm Borassus aethiopum are used as food supplement during normal years, but amounts collected increase during years of hunger, particularly those caused by drought (see Species list). Hunger associated with floods usually brings good opportunities for fishing, particularly in Zangua, which becomes the most important survival strategy. In general, the most vulnerable households will be the first to go for wild foods, when food reserves become limited.
a) bags of charcoal b) bamboo
| |||
c) fruits of Cordyla africana d) modern bee hives |
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Woodland products used as a coping strategy in times of crisis. (a) bags of charcoal on sale at the roadside; (b) bamboo on sale at the roadside; (c) fruits of Cordyla africana eaten in periods of hunger; (d) modern beehives manufactured at the forest concession for the community of Zangua.
Wild animal food
The collection of rodents and worms is a common activity for all households when these are in season. This is one of the most important sources of animal protein together with domestic animals. Among the domesticated animals is the guinea fowl caught in local forests. Larger animals, such as duikers and other antelopes, are now scarce and not only demand more time and energy to hunt but are protected by forest regulations.
During the dry season, from August to October, two species of rat are collected, one from the agricultural fields (by women) and the other in the grasslands close to the lake (by men). Households with reduced ability to collect these animals may buy them from other families, thus providing income that can be used in the event of crisis.
Chickens and goats
Almost all households have chickens, but only some have goats. Selling chickens and goats is one of the quickest ways to get cash when in crisis. This strategy ranked high among those adopted in a household in case of illness. The animals may be sold locally or on the roadside. All the households interviewed reported selling domestic animals to get cash to cover medical expenses. This strategy is quick and effective, but may need to be complemented by other measures in the event of prolonged illness.
Wage labour
This is the main income-generating activity in times of crisis, particularly when the crisis is at the household level (illness and death). When a family member is ill for a long time and the cash available becomes exhausted, due to medical expenses, the other family members engage in wage labour (ganyo-ganyo) in other stable households to get cash or food. Payment is generally in kind (food) or cash. Households with food stocks within the community provide work opportunities. There are mutual benefits for both the service providers (by having activities completed in time) and for the labourer (by getting cash or food to cope with the crisis). This activity is undertaken particularly by the most vulnerable families (those without ability to produce agricultural surplus, charcoal, bamboo, fish or other products to sell). Households headed by women and old people are the most vulnerable and are likely to engage in wage labour activities.
Carpentry
Carpenters are particularly well positioned within the community because they can get continuous income throughout the year and may have disposable cash when a crisis occurs. The forest concession is an opportunity for carpenters who can collect the sawmill waste without cost to use in their carpentry to produce small-size furniture. Logging within the concession is conditioned by permission of the concessionaire in Zangua, but in Mucombedzi logging and sawing are done by the carpenters themselves provided they do not use motorized equipment. This limitation for the community forest in Mucombedzi is set in order to reduce the depletion of valuable tree species.
Work at the concession
There are only 25 members of the Zangua community who work at the concession. Only a few were interviewed. The work within the concession is the only formal work existing for Zangua community members. Most young men strive to get a position there to sustain their families. Those who work at the concession maintain their traditional activities such as rat hunting, basket weaving, honey collection, among others, for subsistence and income. The stability of households with a member working at the concession is high because they get the salary as well as the benefits from other activities.
Mushroom collection
Mushrooms are an important food supplement. They are collected within the rainy season before harvesting of agricultural products and after the rat season. Mushrooms are collected by men in the forest and can be sold to those families without the ability to collect.
Common reed
Common reed (Phragmitis australis) is used for buildings and mats. Some households cut reeds for sale within the community to get cash. In Zangua and Mucombedzi, reeds are cut from the river by men.
Palm wine
Palm wine is tapped by men from Hyphaene natalesis and Phoenix reclinata in the grasslands close to the Nyambua lake. This is also an important source of income during the beginning of the growing season (October-December).
Woven baskets
Baskets are woven using Hyphaene natalensis and Phoenix reclinata. Baskets can be sold locally within the community or in neighbouring towns such as Caia and Inhaminga.
Table 9. Forestry activities divided by gender in Mucombedzi and Zangua
Male forestry activities |
Female forestry activities |
Agriculture* Collection of wild food plants* Wage labour* |
Agriculture* Collection of wild food plants* Wage labour* |
Firewood collection Medicinal plants Carpentry, wood carving Charcoal-making Palm wine making Fishery Poles and bamboo Beekeeping Hunting (large animals) Mushroom collection Basket weaving Common reed collection Collection of thatch grass |
Forestry activities were divided by gender (Table 9) showing that most of them were carried out by male household members. The work division in this table represents the social discrimination of activities by gender; deviations from that are generally exceptions. It is important to note that among the identified activities the collection of firewood for own consumption is the main forestry activity carried out by female members of the household, while male members carried out most of the income-generating activities. This observation suggests that families whose economy is forestry-based will be negatively affected should the male member of the household become ill or die. On the other hand, it seems that among the activities carried out by men some of them can be also carried out by women in that they are not high energy-consuming, such as basket weaving, although they may be time-consuming.
a) Mucombedzi
|
b) Zangua
|
Changes in who collects fuelwood in Mucombedzi and Zangua
It seems that the gender specialization in forestry activities is high and females are those who specialized in collecting firewood for cooking and interior illumination. Because among the interviewed households there were no widowers, few changes were reported on who collects firewood. Changes were reported in elder-headed households, in which the young children (including boys) helped collect firewood for cooking (Figure 9).
Mucombedzi
The community identified the most common problems and the ways used to overcome them (Table 10). Charcoal-making ranked first and wild food collection second for several types of crisis. In the case of illness, however, apart from the use of medicinal plants, it seems that forestry activities do not play an important role directly. This apparent low importance of forestry activities is because illness needs a quick response, while activities like selling bamboo poles may take a week or a month to get a buyer, and charcoal-making may take up to six months from tree cutting to kiln preparation and burning. It is important here to note that these activities are those that ranked high in importance and income generation, after agriculture. Households with the ability to produce large quantities of charcoal and to cut large quantities of bamboo to sell may be less vulnerable to crisis including illness, as they are likely to have cash when the crisis comes. This is also true of those families who invest effort in agriculture and could have surplus to sell in times of crisis or have other households work for them to accomplish agricultural tasks.
Table 10. The most common problems and the solutions generally used to overcome them in Mucombedzi. The numbers within the table indicate the ranking for each line, 1 being the first option, 2 the second and so on.
Problem |
Safety nets | ||||||
Wild foods |
Help from neighbour |
Charcoal |
Wage |
Mats |
Pottery |
Sell goats | |
Drought |
2 |
1 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 | |
Floods |
2 |
1 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 | |
Illness |
1 |
5 |
3 |
4 |
6 |
2 | |
Pest |
5 |
1 |
2 |
4 |
6 |
3 | |
Cyclones |
2 |
1 |
3 |
5 |
6 |
4 | |
Orphan |
1 |
2 |
4 |
3 | |||
Uncontrolled fire |
2 |
3 |
1 |
4 |
6 |
7 |
5 |
Uncontrolled sale of maize surpluses |
2 |
3 |
1 |
5 |
4 | ||
Zangua
The critical problems in the Zangua community were identified as droughts and floods (affecting all households), wildfires, conflicts with animals, illness and death (affecting one or a few households). Woodland activities contribute significantly as coping strategies. Medicinal plants, for those who use them in times illness are among the first intervention even before going to the hospital. In some cases, even those who go to the hospital continue to use medicinal plants as a supplement.
There is a wide variety of woodland activities at Zengua that are potentially income-generating; however, its remote location (about 15 km from the highway and far from main towns such as Beira) poses market difficulties. For those products that succeeded in winning a market in the concession camp and in Beira (honey, fish and vegetables), they proved to be real sources of income. These activities have been increasing in importance within the community. The concessionaire is stimulating those activities by facilitating the acquisition of fishnets, modern beehives and vegetable seeds, among other inputs.
Crises such as droughts and floods result in reduced agricultural production; however, floods increase fish production, which is then used as the main coping strategy, while in the case of drought fish is negatively affected as well. Large quantities of fish are killed during flooding and sold in regions as far away as Caia and Inhaminga. The cash obtained is used to buy grains (maize and sorghum) to cover food shortage.
Wild animals including monkeys, porcupine and elephants sometimes enter the agricultural fields, destroying the cultures.
Table 11. The most common problems and the solutions generally used to overcome them in Zangua. The numbers within the table indicate the ranking for each line, 1 being the first option, 2 the second, and so on
Problem |
Safety nets | ||||||
Sell goats and chickens |
Religious activities |
Medicinal plants |
Wild foods |
Fishery |
Wage |
Family help | |
Drought |
1 |
||||||
Floods |
2 |
1 |
|||||
Illness |
3 |
2 |
2 |
1 | |||
Death |
4 |
3 |
2 |
1 | |||
Wild fires |
4 |
3 |
2 |
1 | |||
Conflicting animals (elephants and porcupine) |
2 |
1 |
|||||
There is a pattern in the safety nets used by the community. In general, for a crisis that affects the whole community, such as floods, droughts and pests, which affect agricultural production resulting in food shortage within the community, people have to get cash to be able to buy goods from other regions. In this case, charcoal-making (in Mucombedzi) and fisheries (in Zangua) provide the most effective ways of getting cash, while collection of wild foods contributes to solving immediate problems of hunger. The rate of wild food collection increases during the years of crisis. In normal years, only those families that are affected and afflicted, and among them the most vulnerable, are those that collect wild foods for consumption.
When a crisis such as an illness or death occurs, in general it affects one household. In this case, neighbours and other relatives may have food stocks and be in a position to help the affected household. When this happens, apart from using medicinal plants, affected households tend to select the following strategies:
1. get help in cash or goods from the neighbour if their ability to pay medical expenses is minimal;
2. hire labour from the neighbour to accomplish household and agricultural activities;
3. sell domestic animals such as chickens and goats for quick cash to cover medical expenses;
4. work within the community for wages for quick cash to help with medical expenses;
5. mat-weaving constitutes a coping strategy in the case of both illness and death. On the one hand, mats can be sold easily within the community or on the main road to get cash for medical expenses and support orphans. On the other hand, weaving mats is a labour-saving activity that can be done by women and children. Widows and orphans can engage easily in this income-generating activity to mitigate the effects of HIV/AIDS;
6. mushroom collection, honey collection and carpentry do not directly constitute a coping strategy, but it provides food supplement for households and an opportunity to increase income, which can also be used to cover unexpected expenses in times of crisis. Forest activities are thus important in diversifying livelihoods and acting as a buffer against shock.
The intensity of the implementation of each alternative will depend on the possessions and vulnerability of the household. Poor families will be more prone to sell their labour to households with more possessions. Rich households, those with agriculture surplus and cash from other activities, instead of working for wages, will rather sell domestic animals and agricultural surpluses, and hire people from other households to help with the household activities.
In Mucombedzi, for instance, three of the households that kept orphans were headed either by women or old people with no capacity to carry out labour-intensive forestry activities. These were among the most vulnerable households. They used firewood for illumination in the house, instead of kerosene as most households did, they worked for wages to get cash or food, and other activities, including brewing beer, to get income.
Orphans are generally cared for by close relatives (one of the parents, the grandparents or the uncle/aunt). The quality of life and the continuity of the activities of the surviving family members depend on the level of the deceased's contribution and the ability of the surviving members to cover his/her absence. In polygamous families, the illness or death of one of the wives may not cause a significant change in the way of life nor the pattern of forest resource use. The remaining wives take over the activities of the deceased and care for the children. Two of the orphans (one in Zangua and one in Mucombedzi) were part of a polygamous household and had lost their mother. Their life did not change much compared to the orphans who lost their father or both parents; they continued to be enrolled in school and did not have to do extra work to maintain themselves as the step-mother took care of them.
Illness and death of a household member affect woodland activities, initially those carried out by the affected person, then those of the remaining members, to cover medical expenses and the shortage caused by the lack of implementation of other activities. If the ill member carries out important income-generating activities, the effect would be higher if there were no other household member to replace him/her. Thus, activities performed by males can only be covered by sons if the father becomes ill or dies, while female activities could be taken on by other wives (in the case of polygamous marriages) and daughters. Female activities are generally for subsistence, while male activities may contribute to income as well. Female-headed households resulted in being the most vulnerable because of the reduced income-generating activities. Interviewed widows said that their quality of life diminished following the death of the husband. In general, they were not able to pay for kerosene and turned to using firewood for illumination, hunger increased and they had to increase working for wages. Chickens and goats are the commonly goods sold to cover medical expenses. Community members helped widows to cut poles and thatch grass for the houses. Interviewed widows did not make charcoal or cut bamboo for sale, but the community leader in Mucombedzi said there was a small number of women-headed households outside of the study area who make small amounts of charcoal to get income.
People at Zangua believe that if markets improve they may increase their income-generating activities. Increased control over wildfire, tree planting and of the animals that destroy their cultures are some of the needs that community members believe should improve access and use of forest products and reduce vulnerability.
Resource access policies in Mozambique favour local communities in particular. This is particularly true in the context of poverty reduction and increased food security. Land use for forest purposes may require participatory planning and zoning to provide community access to land and forest resources, but may not necessarily reduce access. Forest concessions for instance, are required to integrate the community in income-generating activities (DNFFB, 2002b). The national forest reserves strategy (Sitoe and Enosse, 2003) emphasizes the need to prioritize the generation of income from forest resources and services from forest reserves. These policies provide an opportunity to local communities to reduce their vulnerability and increase their mitigation ability in cases of crisis.
Local communities may see their forest resource access reduced, particularly in the case of national parks and other forms of land use that may convert forest to other cover types, including commercial agriculture. In either case, local communities are involved in the process of land use planning and zoning to ensure accessibility to land and forest resources (República de Moçambique, 1997). In some cases, alternative areas should be indicated for communities to secure access to agricultural land and forest resources.
The use of medicinal plants has increased, not only in rural but also in urban areas, particularly for HIV/AIDS-related diseases. While the treatment of HIV/AIDS using modern medicine is expensive (USD200 per annum) and only a few people have access, medicinal plants are accessible to most of the people. In the market of Maquinino (Beira), for instance, a "dose" (good for three weeks) of African potato (Hypoxis sp.) and Aloe sp. (see Figure 10b), generally used for treatment of tuberculosis, is sold at USD0.20 each (USD35 per annum). Other plants such as djulai and wild onion are used for treatment of diarrhoea and skin rashes, respectively, and can also be found in the market of Maquinino at prices varying from USD0.10 to USD0.20 depending on the size of the root.
a) general purpose medicinal plants
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b) Aloe sp. and Hypoxis sp.
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Medicinal plants on sale at the market of Maquinino (Beira) including (a) general purpose medicines and (b) Aloe sp. and Hypoxis sp., used for treatment of HIV/AIDS-related diseases.
The sale of medicinal plants, particularly those used for treatment of HIV/AIDS-related diseases, increased in the last years. This increase has motivated the establishment of a secure market for those products. Currently, there are people in local communities around the country who get income from selling African potato (Hypoxis sp.) and Aloe sp. collected from the woodlands. In general, there is no information on the abundance of medicinal plants. However, the rate at which they are being collected suggests that their abundance will decline in the near future, at least in some locations, such as the district of Bilene in Gaza, where large quantities are sold without control. This observation has motivated MADER to prepare a study on understanding the growth conditions of the African potato, with a view to promoting its cultivation. The study is still in its incipient phase and will be funded by CNCS.
The studied communities did not explicitly refer to the use of the medicinal plants indicated above to cure diseases. Nor was there any mention of large quantities of medicinal plants being sold other than those prescribed for patients. The view of the traditional healers is that medicinal plant species are abundant. In both communities, traditional healers reported a decrease in the use of medicinal plants since the opening of the Health Centre. That means that people who used to depend on medicinal plants may have shifted to modern medicines for the treatment of illnesses.
The medicinal plant sellers in the market of Maquinino (Beira) reported that plants and animal parts to treat different illnesses were collected from the districts of Nhamatanda and Gorongosa. The collection of the medicines is done without control within the woodland, and, in most cases, without any interaction with the local communities that may also depend on the same resources.
The distribution of the forest resources in general cannot be directly related to the impact of HIV/AIDS as such, but to economic, social and cultural issues. Deforestation rates around the cities and the development corridors, such as the Beira corridor, are high (5-19 percent) compared to the national rate (4 percent) (Saket, 1995). This trend may be similar to the HIV/AIDS prevalence (CNCS, 2003), which is high in urban areas and low in rural areas, on the one hand, and high along the development corridors on the other. There is no causal effect between distribution of forests and HIV/AIDS prevalence, but it seems that both may result from the same underlying causes including accessibility, social organization and education. The use of medicinal plants may affect distribution and abundance of particular species, such as those mentioned above. The use of forest products as a mitigation strategy by rural communities is not specific for the households affected by HIV/AIDS, but is used to mitigate problems such as droughts and floods, among others. This may be a base to confound different effects and causes of the driving forces that lead communities to choose one or other coping strategy.
There is a wide variety of organizations working on HIV/AIDS-related issues in Mozambique. Most of them are nationwide, others are based in specific provinces, and a few work at the community level. There are more than 100 organizations (government departments, NGOs and community organizations) operating at national level and 60 based in Sofala province. It is important to note that, of those based in Sofala, less than ten include evaluation of social impacts and mitigation activities, while most of them work on prevention and awareness of the epidemic. Of those, even fewer work in rural areas, and most of them are concentrated in major towns such as Maputo and Beira.
Among the organizations that work in a variety of directions, there are a few, like the Catholic Church, that maintain some hospitals that provide free treatment and counselling for infected people and provide improved diet using local resources. The Clinic of the Catholic Church located in Mocuba, Zambézia, for instance, uses natural medicines to treat HIV/AIDS-related diseases. The estimated cost of the treatment is about USD127 per annum. The "cocktail" used includes Aloe vera syrup mixed with garlic and clay. At the same time, the patients are administered a poly-mixture of nutritive flour consisting of a mixture of crumbed cereals, soybean, arrowroot, peanuts, dark green leaves, African potato, maize, ground egg shell, sunflower seed, coconut milk and onion syrup. The results are said to be good and people who have undergone this treatment have improved; their lives have been prolonged and they are better than those who did not (Sister Francisca Sanchez, letter to the World Food Programme, October 2003).
Some of the woodland products used to increase the quality of life of the infected people either as imuno-stimulants (e.g. some species of mushroom) or as fortifying food (e.g. fruits and tubers) have been extensively studied in other countries (e.g. van Wyk et al., 1997). In Mozambique, the studies of medicinal plants did not go further than the ethnobotanical studies that identified the plant species used and the traditional uses (see Mendes and Jansen, 1990, among others). However, the chemistry of the plants, the active principle and the combination of plants are still to be understood. Lack of funds is the main limitation on studies of the use of medicinal plants for the treatment of different diseases including malaria, which is also among the leading causes of mortality in Mozambique. Studies require not only phytochemical screening but also observational analysis involving evaluation of the dosage and the reaction of the patients (Department of Medicinal Plants, MISAU, personal communication).
The Rural Extension Service of MADER is currently preparing a programme that should be funded through CNCS to implement various activities, including prevention campaigns and mitigation measures. These activities include (a) a study on cultivation of African potato as a measure to handle the increasing demand for this plant in national and international markets; (b) compilation of labour-saving technologies in agriculture to contribute to the mitigation of HIV/AIDS; and (c) multiplication of sweet potato to improve diet (DNER, MADER, personal communication). In Sofala province, some of these activities are already under way, particularly in the context of the identification of labour-saving technologies and food security. Practices such as zero-tillage, mulching, the use of herbicides, among others, are promoted in rural communities independent of household conditions. The Extension Service expects to reach not only the afflicted or affected households but also all the community, particularly because the neighbourhood contributes greatly towards helping the affected families and may also need to be strengthened to be able to cope with the crisis.
The Community Forestry Unit is currently preparing a project on the impact of HIV/AIDS on forestry resource management. The proposal aims at mitigation strategies at the household and community organization levels. Activities will include the identification of woodland products and markets suitable for affected households, labour-saving technologies to collect and process woodland products and the strengthening of natural resource management organizations at the community level, among others (Forest Management Unit, personal communication). The project should also include actions to increase awareness of the epidemic among forest workers, especially the scouts who spend several weeks away from home. The Forest Service in Sofala, however, did not confirm cases of AIDS, they pointed to cases of scouts who died after prolonged illness with symptoms similar to those of AIDS, particularly tuberculosis. The impact of the death of forest workers may create difficulties for the implementation of the forest regulation, and thus jeopardize the sustainability of forest resources.
The forest concessionaire in Zangua reported one case of a worker who died in 2003 after a prolonged illness. The worker was a migrant from Beira, the city with the highest prevalence rate in the country. There were no reports of ill workers, neither locals nor migrants. The forest concession has a First Aid post, which is also used for the distribution of condoms and promotion of HIV/AIDS awareness within the sawmill camp. The distance between the camp and the Zangua community residential area, about 15 km, and the distance to Caia, about 25 km, causes the camp workers to be isolated from local communities.
2 "Prolonged illness" is the term generally used to describe deaths caused by AIDS (CNCS, 2003). However, there is no way to confirm that this necessarily means AIDS.
