The Maasai elders interviewed originated from Arusha. Prior to settling in Magindu ward, the Maasai moved from Arusha through Kiteto to Handeni then settled in some areas of Lugoba, Msata in Bagamoyo and later in Magindu in Kibaha. This movement is thought to have begun around 1922 and the Maasai settled in Magindu in 1935. Different reasons are put forward to explain what triggered these migrations, but suggestions by the elders suggested the following:
The increase in tsetse challenge in their native range lands forced them to move to tsetse free areas.
Both Maasai male and female respondents agreed that rainfall is the most important factor affecting livestock production. To the Maasai rainfall and drought are the most critical climatic features that have a significant impact on the productivity of their animals. Due to this fact they carefully monitor rainfall behaviour using indigenous techniques to forecast bad and good rainfall years, onset of rains, end of rains etc. Magindu ward experiences different weather patterns. The ward gets long rain, short rains, short dry spell and long dry spell at different times of the year.
Table 2. Weather pattern for Magindu ward
| ONSET OF RAINS | END OF RAINS | |
| Short dry spell | January | February |
| Long rains | March | June |
| Long dry spell | July | September |
| Short rains | October | December |
The various indigenous techniques used by the Maasai in monitoring the onset of rains include:
A cluster of stars traditionally known as ‘Engokwa’ and other stars like ‘Kilehenyi2’, ’Alakiriai’ and ‘Alakiraodoo Engokwa3’ (A group of many stars on the western horizon means that rain will come soon).
The end of rains is monitored through:
Presence of ‘Engokwa’ and ‘Ilainyamuk’ stars. When the engokwa are seen in the east horizon and when the Ilainyamuk descend in cluster in the early hours of the day (400-500AM), the rain is about to end.
These traditional monitoring techniques are not considered reliable enough and are always used in conjunction with official weather forecast given by district agricultural personnel.
Knowledge of the onset and end of rains makes the Maasai elders plan the use of rangelands in order to ensure good performance of their animals. This careful use of rangelands not only ensures survival of their animals, but also ensures the food security for the family members who depend mainly on animal products. Both the male and female Maasai respondents indicated that lack of water, invasion of grassland with undesirable woody species and forage shortage reduce animal productivity and increase animal diseases. To them deaths of animals are always attributed to low and unreliable rainfall and prolonged drought.
The ‘morani’ who are the cattle herders relate rainfall intensity and the type of soils with forage availability. With black soils when the rainfall intensity is high the range becomes unsuitable due to less forage. Red soils are good with high rain intensity due to its good permeability, which favours fodder production. The Maasai respondents considered average to good rains to be those which favour pasture production and hence increase livestock productivity.
For the Maasai, the most important criteria for range classification, range condition and trends are vegetation, water, soils and animals. These are usually considered during the day-to-day management of rangelands and in making decisions on the suitability of the range for animal performance.
Range characterisation is predominantly done by males aging from ‘morani’ to ‘makaa’, but women are also conversant with range characterisation.
They classify range into two broad categories, the highlands and the lowlands. This division is based on the following factors:
- Topography
- Climate
- Soil
Based on physical appearance vegetation types in these two ecological categories are further divided into grassland traditionally known as ‘engusero’ and bush land known as ‘erkerin’ dominated by grazers and browsers but usually associated with ticks and land masses around the river banks traditionally known as ‘orng’arwa’. The orng’arwa is related to the palatable forage species known as ‘orpalakai’ associated with high milk production. The Maasai distinguish between forage species that fatten livestock and improve their condition like ‘omuketya’ and the ‘orpalakai which is good for milk production. Important forage plants and their use in livestock productivity are presented in Appendix 2. Key informants categorised the most important herbaceous and woody plants into three categories of range condition namely: good, fair and poor. Good soils are always associated with good rating. The ecological rating used by pastoralists to assess the status of rangeland is shown in Table 3.
Table 3. Ecological range suitability ranking in relation to forage plants
| Ecological rating | Associated forage plants (scientific/local names) | |
| Good | *4Orae | |
| *Omuketya | ||
| *Oloyeti | ||
| *Orng’arwa | ||
| Commelina benghalensis | Engaiteteya | |
| Panicum maximun | Orpalakai | |
| Cynodon plectostachyus | Emurua | |
| Fair | Brachiaria deflexa | Embalaka |
| Bothriochloa radicans | Enimbulyai | |
| Heteropogon contortus | Arobai | |
| Eragrostis superba | Lokipeles | |
| Digitaria species | Perepere | |
| Brachiaria deflexa | Embalakai | |
| Poor | ||
| Hyparrhenia colina | Ogor-oing’oki | |
| Panicum species | Palaghai | |
| Erythrina abyssinica | Olng’aboli | |
| Kigelia africana | Oldarboi | |
| Piliostigima thonningii | Os-sangararam | |
| Acacia tortilis | Oldepesi | |
| Acacia nilotica | Olkiloriti | |
| Dichrostachys cinerea | Endundulu | |
| Embella schimperi | Orkijitonyokye | |
| *Embaeki | ||
| *Embejoto | ||
| *Enjamungerrai | ||
| *Ormoro | ||
| Grewia bicolour | Esteti | |
4 Asterisk denotes species not identified by their botanical names.
5.1.3.1 Botanical composition
Identification and assessment of plant species is usually based on nutritive value, biomass cover and animal performance. The Maasai in the study area perceive the knowledge of botanical composition of rangeland as of particular importance in rating range suitability for livestock grazing. They acknowledged the fact that good botanical composition results into high milk production and high growth rates of grazing animals.
The Maasai herders in the study area differentiate a good botanical composition from a bad composition, for example changing form ‘opalkai’ (good) to ‘oryet/ingaiteteya’ (bad) botanical composition when the prairies ‘orn’garwa’ are continuously grazed.
The Maasai elders agreed that a good knowledge of forage plants is particularly useful in:
The identification of preferred and undesirable species (medicinal plants and poisonous plants).
Maasai elders are able to tell key perennial grass species such as ‘emurua’ (Cynodon dactylon) and ‘orpalakai’ (Panicum maximum) which are preferred for milk production from annuals like ‘omaketya’: key browse species, for example ‘ol gorete’ (Acacia tortils), ‘ol dimigomi’(cordial sinsensis) and ‘esitete’ (Grewia bicolor).
Generally by assessing species composition of the pasture, the Maasai monitor the grazing quality and make decisions on when to change the direction of grazing or to scout for and move to a better pasture (Table 4). This not only ensures productivity and survival of their livestock, but also enhances food security (usually animal products for the household). Some pastoral families that do not have herd boys are unable to move their animals, and hence increase grazing hours for the animals to take more forage.
This table shows various strategies to deal with undesirable botanical composition:
Table 4. Management of undesirable quality of posture of grazing areas
| Decision | No. of Respondents |
| Change grazing direction | 26 |
| Scout for and move to better pastures | 19 |
| Increase grazing hours | 5 |
| Total No. of Respondents | 50 |
5.1.3.2 Forage palatability
The Maasai usually assess plant palatability on the basis of animal behaviour. They indicated that animals select and spend more time on palatable species than unpalatable species. Since there is a higher usage of the palatable species, they decrease faster than others. When animal graze palatable species, gut fill usually occurs faster (6–8 hours) and animals require no supplementary feeding. Usually animals gain weight, produce more milk and are healthy.
Young layoni are responsible for cattle herding
5.1.3.3 Quality and quantity of grazing
The Maasai communities in the study area assess both quality and quantity of grazing by observing plant vigour, biomass production, vegetation cover and botanical composition. They also relate the quality of grazing with palatability and this is usually assessed by observing the species composition in the grazing area. High quality grazing is associated with desirable palatable species commonly termed as “decreasers” because they are grazed more and therefore decrease faster. Decreasers include plants with high palatability such ‘orpalakai’ (Panicum spp), ‘embejoto’ and ‘emurua’ (Cynodon dactylon). Good quality grazing enhances good health to livestock, milk production and growth. The pastorals’ knowledge on plant identification, assessment of plant species’ nutritive value, biomass, cover, quality and quantity of grazing greatly contributes to monitoring of livestock health and productivity.
Plant vigour
Plant vigour is usually assessed by observing animal behaviour, individual plants and through herdsmen’s experience. When a plant has a high vigour, gut fill occurs within a short time, animals gain weight and produce more milk. The herbaceous plants with high growing vigour are usually tall and greenish in colour. Herdsmen look at the grasses, trees and shrubs that sprout with the onset of rains as those with good vigour.
Biomass production
For the Maasai the overall biomass production of the grazing is assessed by quick gut fill by the animals, plant cover and animal behaviour. With a good biomass the animal belly is usually full within 6–8 hours. There is an increase of milk production and animals are healthier.
Vegetation cover
The vegetation cover is monitored through day-to-day assessment of the growth of the individual plant in terms of tussock size, spreading ability, through runners and seed production and the increase in area covered by the vegetative material. Usually it is used to describe the cover as good or bad. Good cover is usually associated with the high productivity for the grazing animals.
5.1.3.4 Water availability
Sources of water in the study area included natural springs (which were dry during the study time), two small dams owned by individuals and a Chaco dam5, which was under construction by Tanzania Social Action Fund, a non-government organisation dealing with community development. Surface water was said to be available during the rainy period and to usually dry up during the dry season. Despite the variability of water availability, the Maasai have valuable indigenous techniques in predicting water availability in their rangelands. For example, the high soil moisture frequently visited by butterflies is a sign of water availability close to surface soil. Also the presence of the trees known as ‘orngaboli’ (phycus spp) is a good sign of high water table, while presence of big, tall and green trees (acacia spp) signifies a shallow water table.
5 A Chaco dam is a dam made out of local materials.
Due to the scarcity of water, which seems to be a recurrent problem in the months of August and September, the available water is closely monitored and managed for livestock and human consumption. The herds are either split or sent to different distant water points or the animals are watered on alternating days preferably starting with prime herds calves, milkers and pregnant cows (Table 5). Some respondents requested government intervention to alleviate recurring shortage of water for both livestock and human use.
The splitting of the herds is done at the boma level and involves dividing animals into smaller groups, which are watered at different water sources. Watering animals on alternate days is a decision usually made by a committee of local elders.
Table 5. Solutions to deal with water shortage
| Decisions | Number of respondents |
| Split the herds | 19 |
| Water animals on alternating days | 18 |
| Request government assistance | 13 |
5.1.3.5 Water quality
The Maasai communities in the study area assess water quality on the basis of colour and odour (Table 6). For the Maasai, good quality water should be colourless and moving (spring). Yellowish/green water with bad odour is termed as bad water. Good water is associated with good livestock performance while bad water is associated with low milk production, helminthes (contains worms) and therefore low productivity.
Table 6 Attributes of good water
| Attribute | Rank |
| Colourless and moving | 1 |
| Odour | 2 |
| Water temperature | 3 |
The respondents' perception on the importance of water for livestock performance can also be explained scientifically. Animals require water for optimal performance of physiological functions of livestock bodies. Bad quality water usually contains a lot of worms (helminthes), which are detrimental to livestock health when engulfed by the grazing livestock. The herders are forced to use bad quality water during the dry spell when water is scarce resulting in high disease incidences and overall poor livestock performance. This consequently leads to reduced income, reduced animal productivity and less animal products on which the Maasai communities depend as source of food.
5.1.3.6 Soil
The Maasai community classifies soils largely according to surface and sub surface characteristics namely colour, texture and consistency. Three types of soils were named: black clay soils (engilongo), red soils (engulukoninado) and white sandy soils (oloibo lusunyai). Table 7 presents the Maasai soil classification and their perceived use.
Table 7. Maasai oil classification and use
| Soil name | Local name | Perceived quality/use |
|---|---|---|
| Red soils | Engulukoninado | Good quality pasture Tsetse free Perceived by the nomadic Maasai as the best quality soil. |
| Black clay soils | Engilongo | Tsetse free Fair quality pastures especially Panicum spp Associated with a certain plant known as ‘orkujitanyokye’ thought to breed ticks. |
| White sandy soils | oloibo lusunyai’ | High tsetse challenge Poor quality pasture |
Black (clay) soils were described as muddy and sticky when wet and cracking upon drying and thus offer a modest quality pasture. Since the Maasai are increasingly moving away from pastoralism to agro-pastoralism, they classified black soils as the best for growing crops, because the black colour is associated with high organic matter content.
The adults play a central role in the assessment of range suitability for grazing. The male and female respondents evaluated the range suitability on the basis of ecological factors, such as forage, water availability, disease incidences, parasite infestation and presence of predators (Table 9). The range suitability attributes are usually set and ranked by the order of their importance by all key players in livestock keeping at the boma level. These are the husband, wife and the cattle herders known as ‘morani’.
Table 8. Maasai criteria of range assessment
| Attribute | Rank |
| Animal performance | 1 |
| Forage availability | 2 |
| Water availability | 3 |
| Disease incidences | 4 |
| Security | 5 |
The majority of the respondents (Table 8 and 10) associated a good range with good animal performance (full rumen6, high milk production, weight gain, high mating frequency and good health). They considered full rumen as a decisive feature to tell whether a pasture is overgrazed or not; as long as the animals still show full rumen, they do not consider pasture overgrazed.
It was noted through focus group discussions that when forage is not enough, an animal will show signs of dissatisfaction and will usually not be willing to return home early. Women also indicated that a drop in milk production is indicative of a poor range.
The suitability ranking of range was as follows:
Table 9. Ecological range rating
| Condition | Ecological attributes |
| Good range | Enough pasture, adequate water, good soil, short distance to grazing, less disease incidence and few or no predators. |
| Average range | Adequate forage, long distance to water, few diseases, incidences, few predators |
| Bad range | Inadequate pasture, acute shortage of water, high disease incidences, many predators |
When pasture shortage persists the elders and sometimes heads of bomas send the young men ‘moranis’ to scout for suitable grazing land with good pastures and water. Once the elders assess and confirm the area as suitable, movement is effected immediately. Few milking cows are left behind, otherwise the whole herd is moved to these temporary distant grazing lands far away from their ‘bomas’.
This phenomenon of temporal movement of cattle herds away from the permanent settlements during pasture scarcity is traditionally known as ‘lonjo’. Such mechanisms have been generated over time and space in order to ensure a steady livestock productivity.
Small fields close to the homestead, commonly known as ‘ololili’, are fenced off and only calves and sick animals are allowed grazing.
5.1.5.1 Animal performance
Both adult men and women in the pastoral Maasai community have the ability to assess livestock performance using several attributes, including:
Cow dung texture and colour. Cow dung from an unhealthy animal is usually hard and contains some fibrous materials.
Various people are involved in decision making when animals are in poor condition. The young men ‘morani’ (those responsible for cattle herding) report to their parents which animals are losing their good condition.
When milking, the women note which animals are in poor condition. The ‘boma’ male heads consult their wives and the ‘morani’ and decide what should be done for the animals in poor condition.
Smooth coat, high milk production and high birth rates are all associated with good performance. Frequent observation of such indicators of animal performance allows the pastoralists to take the managerial decisions at the right time.
Table 10. Solutions to deal with animals in poor condition
| Decision | Respondents |
| Treat the animal in case of disease using local herbs/technology | 20 |
| Move to better pastures | 10 |
| Contact resident veterinarian | 18 |
| Destock through live sales and slaughters | 2 |
| Total | 50 |
The managerial decisions given by the Maasai male and female respondents are shown in Table 10. The respondents attributed poor livestock performance to inadequate pasture and water, diseases and sometimes-bad weather. Relating the animal performance with range condition the pastoral Maasai rated the rangeland as follows:
Bad rangeland: Bad health, many deaths, higher costs of production.
5.1.5.2 Breeding
Improved range management always goes hand in hand with good quality livestock. In order to get good quality animals you need good criteria for animal selection and breeding. Breeding management among the Maasai usually involves the selection of the breeding bulls. The adult male Maasai usually selects the breeding bulls while females select the breeding females meant for milk production. The Maasai practice continuous selection techniques and the bull cow ratio is not an issue to them. Only natural mating is practiced among their traditional herds. According to the Maasai, there is virtually no genetic improvement through the introduction of exotic blood foreseen in the near future.
Criteria for male selection:
Bulls with unattractive colour coats, poor ancestral history, bad temperament and bad traits like low birth weights are castrated.
Castrated bulls are sold in the livestock markets or exchanged for heifers. Generally unfit bulls serve as a source of meat for the family.
5.1.5.3 Animal health
Both male and female respondents interviewed had an extensive knowledge of disease afflicting their livestock, causes and remedies. They also know how to use their range management knowledge to avoid diseases. For example, the presence of white sandy soils and certain tree species signifies tsetse presence.
The Maasai usually detected sick animals by observing the following symptoms:
Unexplained milk production drop.
Over decades Maasai herders have developed fairly extensive methods of preventing livestock disease, mechanisms of combating them, as well as ways of preventing animal health problems derived from extensive knowledge about chemical substances contained in various ecosystem floras (forage plants). The interviewed Maasai herders recalled to have acquired ethno veterinary knowledge from empirical observation and interactions between nature and culture. Therapeutic nature of plants was recognized by observing what happens to animals that eat these plants accidentally or instinctively. Pastorals depend on medicinal plants for everyday treatment of their animals. The Maasai ethno veterinary knowledge as gathered in this study is said to have helped fairly well in treating Maasai women monitor livestock health while milking many diseases/conditions. The list of plant species with medicinal value mentioned by the Maasai is shown in Appendix 3.
Maasai women monitor livestock health while milking
Treatment of various diseases was said to be done on a trial and error basis. Both male and female respondents are able to differentiate diseases from a mere condition caused by feed poisoning for example. To them foaming from the mouth and swollen rumen is not an indication of a disease, but a condition caused by feeding with poisonous plants.
As for the traditional vaccinations, they were able to create a vaccination to prevent Black quarter disease (BQ). The meat of the infected part of an animal is boiled and the soup is cooled down. The cooled soup is injected to healthy animals in order to prevent the BQ disease. This vaccination is said to be useful also for human beings. However they gave examples of ‘Orkuluk’ (FMD - Foot-and-Mouth Disease), ‘Endorrob’ (Trypanosomiasis) and ‘Olodokurak’ (Babesiosis) as having no efficient traditional cure unless the modern veterinary medicine is used.
Medicinal preparation, which is usually done by women and occasionally by men entailed:
Pressing or distilling.
The Maasai cattle herders ‘the morani’ and adult men usually perform the treatment of adult animals. Methods of application to animals involve:
Burning extract and use it as smoke inhalant.
The ethno veterinary practices and animal health practices of the Maasai have been widely documented by various authors (Dean, 1990, Watt, 1962, Ole-Lengisugi, 1996, Minja, 1994).
All authors acknowledged that the Maasai have a wealth of IK in the diagnosis of animal diseases on the basis of symptoms, causes and known vectors of the disease. They all noted that pastoralists recognize that most plants are effective against various diseases and that these medicinal plants do not only act on pathogens, but also enhance the immunity to animal diseases.
Zebu cattle vaccination
Oliver-Bever (1986) and Niamir (1991) suggested the active part of plant in the Maasai ethno veterinary to be the bark, branches, seeds, sap or latex. When these are properly prepared and administered the inherent vitamin C is thought to enable the animal to manage stress, mobilize environmental pollutants and mycotoxins. Their findings are similar to those observed in this study.
Rangelands are the places where local medicinal herbs can be found. The knowledge of using local herbs is usually shared by different age-set within the Maasai community and transferred from one generation to another.
The Maasai are traditionally educated according to the age-set system. Layonis (young boys) learn from village elders until they are initiated, after which they are sent to ‘olpul’, an isolated place where the ‘layonis’ and ‘morani’ undergo an intensive course on Maasai culture, livestock management and ethno veterinary. The interviewed Maasai pastoralists argued that their knowledge is embedded in the community practice, relationships and rituals and that it is a part of every day life to practice herbal ethno medicinal therapies to cure their livestock.
The Maasai ethno veterinary knowledge is well documented by Minja et al. (2001), Codel (1994) and Mundy (1993) who asserted that such knowledge is usually held in adults and passed over to younger generations by word of mouth through an education system emanating from social interactions to share cultural knowledge.
Husbands teach their wives about traditional treatment of animals. The senior wife is responsible for imparting knowledge on the whereabouts of medicinal herbs and how to prepare concoctions. Young women gain knowledge on the use of herbs for treating livestock diseases through observation, discussion, consultation and exposure with their mothers.
For the Maasai community in the study area, keeping cattle, goats and sheep is the main source of livelihood. They practiced several adaptive range management practices and forage plant knowledge strategically to ensure their survival in unpredictable environments. These strategies include:
Moving to far distance ‘lonjo’ scouting for more and better pastures.
Different species serve different purposes, while the cattle is mainly kept for milking goats and sheep are the main source of meat for pastoral households. Mixed species are also used as part of a risk reduction strategy. Goats are known for their high fecundity and resistance to drought, more than cattle and sheep.
The findings of this study reveal that traditional assessment and monitoring of grazing resources depend to a great extent upon the spatial and temporary heterogeneity of the rangelands, where the use of pasture by livestock is designed in such a way that areas are used at the peak of their forage production.
A shortage of pasture in rangelands usually happens in a grazing movement to distance scouting for more and better pastures, a phenomenon known as ‘lonjo’. The calves, sick animals and small milking herds are usually left close to homesteads in areas known as ‘ololili’. It is also clear from this study that the Maasai pastoralists concentrate their management efforts towards the key sites, such as ‘ololili’ and dry season reserves ‘lonjo’.
The beneficial effects of management of such small, but crucial sites are believed to eventually play an important role for the overall animal productivity and enhanced food security for the Maasai community. Since the Maasai depend on milk products for food, the use of ‘ololili’, which is a better-managed pastureland close to homesteads, ensures availability of enough milk thus enhancing food security.
Leadership among the Maasai communities is traditionally vested in an age-set system. Authority tends to be concentrated in older sets above the warrior ‘koriang/morani’ ageset. These age sets normally above 25 years are known as ‘landis’, ‘ikishumu’, ‘iseuri’ and ‘makaa’. A much respected elder known as ‘laigwenan’ usually leads each group (see Table 11). This ‘laigwenan’ is the chief spokesman in each of the age-set decisionmaking bodies, especially in the matters pertaining the use and management of range resources.
Table 11. Decision making roles according to age sets
| Age set | Age in years | Responsibility |
| Layoni | Below 18 years | Grazing calves Helping ‘moranis’ Some enrolled in schools |
| Morani | 18–25 years | Cattle herding Animal treatment Security of cattle and boma7 Scouting for forage and water |
| Landi | 25–45 years | Overseer of development activities Decide where to graze Local herbs or modern drug use adviser Marketing of animals |
| Ikishumu | 45–50 years | Force behind all current changes Participate in development activities |
| Iseuri | 50–65 years | Advisory to all socio-cultural issues Overseer of all farming activities |
| Makaa | 70 years and above | Advisory to all socio-cultural issues |
At times young married men, who are quite enterprising, can also be allowed to make certain decisions pertaining to livestock production and other community issues. The herders who have already undergone initiation take care of the security of both ‘bomas’ and livestock and are sometimes allowed to take minor decisions such as changing direction of grazing when they encounter undesirable species. Usually, the head of a Boma makes decisions unless communal consent is necessary as in the case of security where decisions by an individual affect the whole community.
Women and children form a central part in animal management and range resources. Although they are not allowed to make a decision per-se, women hold crucial positions in the process of decision-making related to milk production, some range management issues and domestic chores. Besides performing pivotal domestic roles, women and girls manage home based herds; they milk animals, feed and treat sick animals. They suggest measures to be taken in order to increase milk production depending on their observations on grazing resource and daily animal performance. Women’s contribution to the household food security is so immense and is positively acknowledged by men because the Maasai community use milk and its products as potential foods. The Maasai women are the custodians of the proceeds from milk sales and usually use the money to pay the school fees, buy clothes for the children and buy the domestic essentials. Lately the Maasai women are seen in towns selling herbs and some of the ones who were interviewed ascertained that the proceeds from herb sales are used for family use.
The Maasai pastoral women were seen as experts on livestock progeny records and constantly provided advice to male heads of households about milk yield animal temperament, maternal behaviour and fertility traits.
Containers of marrow are used for milking in Magindi
Women and young girls are found together in a ‘boma’ and usually also interact among different ‘bomas’. Both adult and young females perform almost all activities together, hence the knowledge usually held by the adults is passed to young women through word of mouth, practices or through interactions among female members of the different ‘bomas’. After initiation young girls ‘ndito’ are educated by their mothers on the various aspects of household responsibilities. Further knowledge on midwifery or the use of herbs for treating livestock diseases is gained through observation, discussion, consultation and exposure.
The knowledge obtained by women is acquired through their roles as milk managers and is crucial to the herders (usually the ‘koriang/morani’). The women are able to tell through the milk yield the quality, availability or shortage of pasture. Their day-to-day observation of animal fur, colour and texture of cow dung helps in assessing the quality of rangelands ecosystem and animal health. Their knowledge is shared and passed on to men by means of consultations and advice.
Despite their central role in the survival of the ‘boma ‘and sustenance of the herd, women occupy a lower status. The head of the household is usually a man, who has the right of control over the family herd. Women have no legal claim over livestock property. The male dominance can be clearly seen by the fact that only at household level women’s knowledge and advice were of value to the husband and other ‘boma’ members. Even if invited to male meetings (which is very seldom) women do not contribute /share their knowledge with men.
The Maasai, like any other pastoral society are structurally patriarchal and of a male dominated ideology (Galaty, 1979). The patrilineal clan organisation and the male age-set system are the crucial organizing principles, which mediate the control of means of production and labour into the hands of married men, causing gender inequality in social relations of production. Women and to some extent unmarried young adults are regarded as social minors.
Maasai women milking cattle
This is well supported and by Ole-Lengisugi (1998) and Bekure et al (1991) who documented the fact that married pastoral Maasai women are well versed with the knowledge of animals and constantly give advices to their husbands on all aspects of animal productivity, including selection and breeding, but occupy a lower status in the decision making hierarchy.
The presence of the Barbaig pastoralist community in Kibaha can be traced back to 1997 when 15 families first settled in Kwala and Dutumi villages from Hanang Arusha. The arrival of the Barbaig pastoralists in Kwala ward forced the Maasai community who had settled there earlier to migrate to other villages. Despite the fact that these two groups have almost the same background and culture, there has been a historical enmity and mistrust among them. Each tribe regards the other as a cattle rustler, threatening their security.
Different reasons were put forward as to what caused the migration of the Barbaig pastoralists from Hanang to Kwala ward in Kibaha. Apart from pasture shortage caused by unreliable rains in Hanang, it was also mentioned that Hanang was experiencing the problem of overgrazing and land shortage caused by the acquisition of large areas of land for the Basuto wheat complex which displaced the Barbaig pastoralists. High disease incidences like Trypanasome, Diarrhoea, East Coast Fever and Foot and Mouth Disease were also mentioned as reasons for this migration. It was thought that moving the cattle away from home was a lasting solution to the above mentioned problems.
The interviewed Barbaig pastoral communities are living in harmony with the non-cattle keepers, the Wakwere. According to the village land use plan, the village land was divided into two major blocks, one for livestock and the other for crop farming. This was done objectively to avoid the possibility of land use conflicts between the farmers and the pastoralists, which is common in most villages inhabited by both pastoralists and farmers.
Of all the constraints to livestock keeping in the two villages, climate was pointed out as the most critical factor affecting animal performance and productivity. Pastoralists mentioned that drought was a more limiting factor for animal productivity since it affected significantly water availability as compared to pasture availability. In their opinion since they settled in Kwala ward, they have never experienced a consistent shortage of pasture.
The problem of tsetse is felt more during a dry spell when the livestock productivity is seriously affected by trypanasomiasis, a disease caused by tsetse flies.
Through experience and long-term interactions with their natural environment, Barbaig adult pastoralists (both males and females) in Kwala ward use the following criteria as indicators of weather variability to monitor climate:
Use of birds: Barbaigs pastoralists use a special bird sound to predict the onset of rains. When the bird locally known as ‘doloda’ or ‘mumbi’ in Swahili, gives this special sound, it indicates that the rains are near.
Table 12. Weather pattern in Kwala ward
| Month | Rain fall |
| October – December | Short rains |
| January–February | Dry spell |
| March to June | Long rains |
| July to October | Dry spell |
Male and female Barbaig respondents consider climate as a decisive factor in livestock production. They monitor changes in climate mostly by observing changes in quantity, distribution and reliability of rainfall. Other aspects that are mentioned to manage their livestock production are:
Water availability. This affects forage availability and animal performance.
The weather changes for the past year were said to be unfavourable to livestock productivity. Rains were erratic and inconsistent and the drought persisted longer than it was expected. Temperatures were high resulting in poor growth of pasture and water scarcity for both livestock and humans. Water availability was considered as the most critical factor for livestock keeping.
The Barbaig pastoralists use various criteria to classify ranges and suitability ranking. These include vegetation, soil and water resources (see Table 14).
The rangeland is classified according to the dominant vegetation species, grasses and trees. Grasslands known as ‘moheda’ are dominated by grasses with virtually no trees.
Grasses with few trees are called ‘getaghula’ while bushes are known as ‘manang’aneda’. Most of the female respondents argued that ‘moheda’ was the most valuable rangeland. However, there are some livestock species like goats which flourish well in ‘manang’aneda’.
Barbaig pastoralists were also able to classify rangelands according to the dominant plant species found in each of the above-mentioned rangeland as follows:
Some grasses are being introduced in new areas through animal movements. There are new grass species, which have just currently been found in Kibaha (originating from Arusha). This occurs through animal excreta. (A list of plant species mentioned by the Barbaig and their use is shown in Appendix 5.)
The following factors are traditionally considered important in the assessment of rangeland condition by the Barbaigs:
Tick and tsetse challenge: Rangelands associated with ticks and tsetse flies are also regarded as bad rangeland.
The suitability ranking of rangelands by the Barbaigs in the study area is summarized in Table 13.
Table 13. Traditional ranking of rangelands
| Grade | Characteristics | Respondents (men and women) |
| BEST | Enough water and pasture, the absence of diseases especially tick and tsetse borne and absence of predators | 23 |
| GOOD | Moderate water and enough pasture, little diseases challenge and no predators | 12 |
| FAIR | Moderate to little water, average amounts of pasture, tolerable diseases challenge and less predators | 8 |
| POOR | The presence of diseases, lack of water and pasture and a lot of predators | 7 |
Soil assessment
This study revealed that soil was used as an important tool in the assessment and monitoring of the range condition. Certain soil characteristics are considered in the assessment of the status of the rangeland. The Barbaigs, both men and women, classify soils on the basis of colour and texture, which are said to be related to both quality and quantity of the pasture (Table 13). The three classes identified are:
Red soils known as ‘nganyida arara’.
Table 14. Barbaigs’ soil classification
| Soil type | Local name | Perceived use | Suitability ranking |
| Black/clay | moheda duu’ | Produces more grasses, which are rich in minerals being salty. Associated with average fodder production and average livestock performance. | 1 (70%) |
| Red soils | nganyida esh’ | Produce a lot of grasses usually with low palatability. | 2 (30%) |
| Sandy soils | nganyida arara’ | Are blamed by pastoralists that they make livestock coats to appear red. | 3 (0%) |
Soil fertility
Although it is not an important criterion for the assessment of the rangeland condition, soil fertility influences the quantity of grasses available on each rangeland. The following were mentioned as indicators of either fertile or poor soil:
Grass nature: some grasses were associated with food availability as they support the growth of certain crops, which implicitly shows that the area is rich in soil nutrients.
In case of declining soil fertility, the ‘morani’ and some few selected elders scout for better pastures.
Water availability
Water was considered very important in rating range suitability of rangelands since its availability was considered the most critical factor for livestock keeping. Lack of water was associated with poor animal performance, low milk production and water related diseases like constipation. The Barbaig uses indigenous techniques as indicators of water availability in certain areas. These are:
High soil moisture in mountain areas is always regarded as good sign of water availability.
Water quality
The Barbaigs are also concerned with the quality of water, which, in their view, is associated with animal performance in terms of the quality of milk produced. Poor quality water was associated with disease incidences. For the Barbaigs good water quality should have:
an average temperature, not too cold or too hot. Cold water has a negative impact on animal heath.
Poor quality water has:
muddy water is sometimes associated with high volume of helminthes.
Barbaig pastoralists in Kwala assessed their animal performance using the various criteria (see Table 15).
Table 15. Criteria used by the Barbaig to assess animal condition
| Criteria | Priority | Respondents | Observations |
| Body frame: Big long | 1 | 21 | High price, meat |
| Growth pattern: Fatness | 2 | 9 | High price, good meat, and early maturity |
| Coat and fur | 3 | 8 | Rough coat indicates the presence of diseases |
| Movement and gait | 4 | 7 | Slow movement is associated with sick animals |
| Big udder | 5 | 6 | Indicates plenty of milk |
While men put more emphasis on the other four criteria (see Table 15), most women considered big udder and good milking ability as the most important criteria. The above attributes also relate to the rangeland conditions, namely the availability or lack of water and pasture that are critical for increased animal productivity as they may affect even unborn calves sometimes causing abortions. These attributes like size, growth pattern may be determined by generic factors from their ancestors.
Breeding and selection
Improved range management always goes hand in hand with the use of good quality livestock. In order to get good quality animals, good criteria for animal selection and breeding is crucial. Barbaig men select breeding bulls as well as cows, although the selection of bulls is considered more important. Selection of animals for breeding is always done in a period of two years before the male starts mating. Unwanted bulls are castrated. Interviews showed that the same criteria are used when selecting bulls and cows (Table 16).
Table 16. Criteria for bull and cow selection by men
| Criteria | Priority | Respondents |
|---|---|---|
| Parental line history | 1 | 23 |
| Clan | 2 | 11 |
| Body size and appearance | 3 | 9 |
| Temperament | 4 | 7 |
The Barbaig respondents observe animal appetite, feeding behaviour, hair coverage on the body and activeness of the animal when assessing animal health. According to the Barbaig a healthy animal usually has a good appetite, feeds well and has a shiny fur that covers the entire body. On the other hand, an unhealthy animal is dull, has less appetite and the hair of the skin is usually rough. Other traditional methods used by the Barbaigs to diagnose disease/condition include:
Slow movement and isolation from the herd is also an indication of ill health.
Animal health monitoring is mainly done by cattle herders ‘the ‘Gharemanga’ during the grazing and water drinking sessions. Late evening diagnosis of sick animal can also be done by women during milking sessions. Women usually use milk production to monitor animal health since healthier milking cows produce more milk than sick cows.
Prevalent diseases in the study area were:
East Coast Fever ‘gidong’hoshika’, caused by ticks.
Despite the use of modern health care, pastoral Barbaigs also used their knowledge on livestock therapy. The Barbaigs like the Maasai have an extensive knowledge of the diseases affecting their animals, as well as their causes and remedies. The practice of ethno veterinary is more common amongst the elders in the community even though they are not immediately responsible for the care of the animals. This is due to the fact that they have a far greater experience of diseases and a wider knowledge of the treatment methods. The young warriors ‘Gharemanga’ and male adults ‘Kwarukwa’ treat the adult grazing animals. The female adults apart from preparing the drug concoctions usually treat young and sick animals remaining behind when other animals are taken out for grazing.
Traditionally the Barbaigs divide rangeland use into two major categories depending on the season and the nature of the climate. These are dry season’s pastureland and rainy season’s pastureland. Principally there are no formal laws determining this pattern of use. Their use is governed by traditional institutions mostly decided by the council of elders, the ‘kwarukwa’ who ensure that grazing is undertaken for the benefit of the entire pastoralist community in the area. It is the role of these elders or heads of households to decide which part of the rangelands in the village proximity is suitable for grazing at that time.
Some areas are deferred for future use, usually during the dry season. In this case special areas are reserved for weak animals and calves. These areas known as ‘radaneda’ are always close to Barbaig homesteads and are considered rich in both pasture and water resources.
Rotational grazing
Barbaig pastoralists use rotational grazing as a strategy for effective utilisation of rangelands. Rotational grazing is undertaken for two reasons. The first is to avoid the problem of overgrazing and allow regeneration of pasture. The second is the need to respond to the climatic variations within and between months of the year. In this study it was mentioned that water is the major attribute that regulates rotational grazing among the Barbaig pastoralist in Kwala ward.
Controlled burning
Controlled burning is another management strategy used by Barbaig pastoral community to improve the quality of their rangelands. This is done mainly to allow the regeneration of new pasture. The decision to burn a specified area is usually made through the meeting of elders (usually only males). The respondents narrated several advantages associated with burning. These were as follows:
Burning is also considered important for conservation purposes as it allows the regeneration of plant biodiversity in a rangeland.
Burning is mainly done in September or October to take advantage of the short rains, which normally come in October. Another argument for October burning is that it assures effective control of ticks since grasses are dry enough to accelerate burning processes hence killing all the ticks.
5.2.8.1 Hierarchy
Leadership among the Barbaig communities is traditionally vested in by age and gender. Authority tends to be concentrated in age groups above the warrior ‘gharemanga’ age set.
The roles and duties of each age set are summarized below:
| Status | Age | Local name | Roles and duties |
| Men | |||
| Male children | Below 18 years | Balojika | Grazing goats and calves |
| Youths (warriors) | Over 18 years | Gharemanga | -Takes care of security of both livestock and ‘bomas’
8 -Cattle herding -Changing cattle direction in case of pasture scarcity |
| Male adults (fathers) | Kwarukwa | -Overall in charge of the family -To decide all matters related to cattle keeping -Dictates the use of money from cattle selling despite the fact the wife is the custodian of the money -have final say to family and social matters ranging from range management, cattle keeping and conflict resolutions in the family | |
| Women | |||
| Mother | Married women | Kademka | -All domestic chores -Milking of animals -Cattle herding in the absence of children -Skinning -Planning the use of milk proceeds (full control) -Keeping money accrued from animal sales (joint decision -making with men when large sums are involved) -Selection of milking animals |
| Youth female | Below 20 years9, | Hawega | -Helping mothers in all domestic chores -Calves and goats herding |
9 Women do not usually marry before they are 20 years of age.
5.2.8.2 Gender roles and decision-making
The gender roles have been clearly summarized in 5.2.8.1 above. This study has revealed that despite the fact that the Barbaig women play significant roles in livestock keeping, they are given an inferior status in the decision-making system and are excluded from getting access to property. Women have no legal claim to livestock property whether it is cattle, sheep or goat.
There are various traditional legends and cultural premises explaining and legitimising why women do not control livestock property fully. A recurrent theme in cultural construction of gender inequality in property relations concerns women’s procreative resources and close affiliation with children. Women show preoccupation with matters related to the children and the household, while men are more concerned about livestock.
In a Barbaig community as stated earlier female-male relations are unequal in the sense that women are subordinated to men. This makes the process of knowledge sharing difficult outside the boma. At the boma level husband and a wife/wives interact with other family members in the production processes especially on livestock management.
