The current Chapter concentrates on the empirical findings of field studies carried out under the present field study. The field studies identified various types of adaptive responses and coping strategies practiced by the community at various levels. The empirical findings of the present study on adaptive responses of the study area have been gradually outlined one after another in a sequential manner and with some graphical overviews for greater conceptualization of the local factors.
Since drought is the prime form of hazard in the study area, water management was found to be the prime factor of people’s adaptive management. As the effects of drought overrides across the livelihood groups of various types all the groups are relatively affected by this climatic phenomenon and remain partially impacted due to the various non-climatic and anthropogenic factors.
A wide range of community level adaptive responses and coping strategies have emerged from the field studies. People identified these from their regular practices and of experiences of past. The community level adaptation strategies are also seen of relative success where some adaptive responses work in some measure and with respective contexts. The responses taken at extra-community level are also outlined along.
Some of the prioritized adaptive measures identified in the study relating to crop cultivation, livestock rearing and fisheries are outlined in the following three sections.
Table 7-1. Various types of adaptive responses identified and prioritized
| Adaptive responses for crop cultivation | |
| 1. | ail lifting and terracing for holding water in the fields; |
| 2. | DTW and STW irrigation; |
| 3. | Cultivation of short duration crops; |
| 4. | Re-excavate pond, dighi, khari etc. to retain water; |
| 5. | Traditional moisture holding practices (shedding, tillage, breaking top soil); |
| 6. | Application of organic manures; |
| 7. | Cultivation of drought resistance variety crops; |
| 8. | Prior maintenance of irrigation and related equipments |
| Adaptive responses for livestock rearing | |
| 1. | Construct cattle sheds; |
| 2. | Conserve water for livestock; |
| 3. | Vaccinate the livestock; |
| 4. | Build up buffer stock of feeds; |
| 5. | Cultivate fodder crops; |
| 6. | Complete ploughing before sunrise. |
| Adaptive responses related to fisheries | |
| 1. | Re-excavation of ponds and fish habitats; |
| 2. | Cultivate quick growing fishes; |
| 3. | Connect irrigation canals with ponds; |
| 4. | Keep water cool by using various floating aquatic plants. |
Source: CEGIS Fieldwork 2005.
The adaptive responses that emerged from the study, however, can be analytically classified or grouped in following few types of responses:
Traditional responses
State supported responses
Alternative responses
Domestic responses
Under these four generic types of adaptive responses mentioned above, some of the more and prominent local adaptive practices are detailed out in the following section.
The communities in the study area have been uniquely situated in a geo-physical region (discussed in detail in Chapter 3) where water scarcity is stark. The climatic variability of the drought situation in the area have made the life and livelihoods affected largely by this thriving situation. This drought situation is also associated with several other climatic factors as increase rate of evaporation and scarcity of rainfall in needed time.
Figure 7-1. Traditional pond storage for irrigation and household use
Pond and dighi excavation
In order to adapt with the water scarcity in the study area of the Barind Tract a traditional practice of digging or excavation of rainwater retaining ponds and dighi (i.e. larger ponds) have been a common practice. Traditionally the area is widely known for having a good number of small ponds and also some large ponds (locally called dishi) in the past. The ponds are dug with local efforts and used for both irrigation and for household water uses.
From the Jamindari period in the late nineteen century and before the local people have adopted this adaptive practices of digging ponds for irrigation in the near the villages where people can use the pond for both irrigation water in the fields and for domestic uses.
Retention of rainwater in khari and canals
A practice of retaining water in the khari (a natural water storage in a part of canal or a canal type section of ditch) was found in the study area. These kharis are used for retaining water near to the crop fields. The boro crop which is extensively dependent on the irrigation water or the short duration variety of Aus is often cultivated by local people taking water from these kharies, canals(locally called khal) and ponds. However, a limited number of people in the driest part of the Barind Tract can manage to use this supplementary irrigation facility in the most thriving drought period.
Figure 7-2. khari for irrigation water storage near the cultivable lands
The retained water from the khari are often optimally used in the aus season. Only a limited amount of land that are actually adjacent to these kharies can actually take the benefits from these kharies while a large amount of land remain un-cultivated due to lack of surface water and high evaporation rate.
Traditional moisture holding practices (shedding, tillage, breaking top soil)
Few local practice were found prominent in the study area for holding the moisture in the agricultural lands. Among these two major practices were observed. Firstly local people try to use some sort of shedding practice using various local vegetations and plants or often using local manures to shed and hold moisture of the cultivated lands.
Figure 7-3. Tillage on the topsoil in the fields after and before crop cultivation
Beside these often to reduce the effects of high temperature and direct sunshine in the long non-rainy days people often use tillage of the top soil of the land cover. People using various hoes and other local technologies use the method of tillage locally called chosha or langol both in the times just after each crops and before the cultivation of various crops. This type of tillage is locally perceived as a common method of reducing the drought effects and useful for holding the rainwater in the agricultural fields.
ail lifting and terracing for holding water in the fields
Another local practice was found very widespread among the local farmers is the ail (lifting a feet or so earthen bounds surrounding the field) lifting and terracing for water holding in the fields. Local farmers using the soils of the corner boundaries of the respective slopes of the undulated land were found thoughtfully practice the ail lifting and in a wide area have developed a useful terrace system for water holding and management of the rain water in the area. During the non-rainy days and heavy drought seasons these methods, however, do not become effective but these local practices held a faster water holding system and maximization of the rain water in the agriculture system.
Figure 7-4. ail lifting for storing water in the field
It was found that in the wide terrace areas of the Barind Tract the lower fields of the terraces that are locally known as kandor jomi(i.e. the low lands of the terrace) have a higher land price. Rainwater drains to these lands quickly and as the bottom of the terrace water also stay there for a longer period.
Beside the local and traditional practices the state supported adaptive responses were found to be in practice in the study area. Among the several state supported initiatives most of the responses were found driven by some government agencies.
A prominent and large-scale initiative to adapt against the dryness and drought situation in the area is lead by the multi-purpose development programmes carried out the BMDA. At local level BMDA has taken initiatives such as rural electricity generated ground water irrigation facility, overhead drinking water facilities, pond/khari digging, plantation (also for shedding purposes) and so forth.
 | |
| Electricity supply for DTWs | DTW irrigation system |
 | |
| Subsidized irrigation services & group formations | Overhead tanks for water |
Facilitation of surface water retention systems and infrastructure.
Figure 7-5. State assisted responses
Alternative farming
Some of the alternative responses to the drought situation and its consequences have observed in the area as well. Among these alternative adaptive practices a growing adoption of various varieties of mango has been found prominent. Perceiving locally people uniquely identified the mango trees as a deep-rooted plant and that require a low amount of water for its survival, people gradually become encouraged in the farming of various mango in the area.
Particularly in the Porsha area and beside the Mohananda and Punarbhaba River people have started to adopt this. The practice on the western side of these two rives and in the Ganges plain have been an age old practice. However, in the Barind Tract adoption of this alternative option has been a more recent one. Local people also encouraged by the marketing facilities in the nearby areas and by the increased connectivity through development of road communication in the study upazilas.
Figure 7-6. Adoption of mango farming as alternative
Figure 7-7. Homestead vegetation for household food security.
Alternative livestock and poultry/birds rearing
Among other alternative responses, selections of livestock and poultry/birds have been found as a prominent household based activities. In the study area a large number of households are found more interested in rearing livestock and poultry/birds that consume a low amount of water and absorb heat and temperature. Considering issues of adaptability in the dry and hot weather conditions local households gradually started to rear sheep, lamp, buffalo and so forth.
Low water consuming birds/duck (e.g. goose). Some of these can also survive on non-aquatic vegetation (e.g grass).
Selection of alternative livestock/birds (e.g. sheep, buffaloes)
Similarly, local people have started to peek species of ducks that are locally known as raaj hash instead of other species of duck known as pati hash. Its known from the rearers that the first one the raaj hash can live with a very small amount of water, better suited for high temperature, and consumes a lot of non-aquatic vegetation which are available in the area.
Within the household domain several adaptive practices have been found. People take domestic measures for collection of potable water which is a scarce resources in the dry days due to high rate of evapotraporation in the area. During the sunny heated days of the summer month local people become highly vulnerable to the availability of the safe drinking water as well as water for other basic human uses.
For drinking water purposes uses of dug well was observed where the ground water level permitted to dig well. However, in locations where the ground water layer remained out of reach dependency over surface water primarily pond water, canal water, khari water remained as the only sources.
In collecting water it was observed and found that within the household domain and outside the domain of households people are involved in collecting water for both drinking purposes or for domestic and agricultural purposes. In the domestic domains women and children are involved in water fetching from ponds and nearby water sources. In some areas where BMDA has installed DTW, overhead tanks or other sources of water people tend to collect water from those sources. However, in extra-household activities male members of the community collectively are involved in water collection as well.
Figure 7-9. Different types of pot sources and storage used for drinking water
Figure 7-10. Community involvement (different groups) in collecting potable water
It emerged from the study that several socio-economic responses have been adopted by the community to adapt with the climatic and associated non-climatic variability in the study area. Among these social responses for adaptation most of the measures are to foster and enhance the activation of the physical measures of adaptation. Such adaptive responses in some cases are for monetary reasons, related to livelihoods risk management or to overcome livelihoods risks in future. Some of these social measures are taken by the community as a preparedness activities for taking up adaptation measures. Among such pre-adaptation socio-economic responses the following measures are more widely adopted in the study area.
Savings;
Credit (from formal sources such as NGO-GO sources);
Loan (from informal sources such as relatives or mohajans);
Out migration (seasonal and cyclical);
Adoption of multiple livelihood activities at a time;
Mortgage properties;
Change of occupations (almost as last resort).
It emerged from the study that various livelihood groups have differences in managing (or dealing with) the climatic and non-climatic risks in the study area. Each livelihood groups has their own set of vulnerabilities to the major climatic risks and they try to adapt with consecutive risks in their unique way. However, some of the adaptive responses are quite similar for all the livelihood groups but there are differences as well. A livelihood differentiated adaptive response is outlined in the following matrices in a comparative manner.
Table 7-2. Adaptation practices of livelihood groups
| Farmer | WageLabour | Petty Business | Large Business |
|
|
|
|
Source: CEGIS Fieldwork 2005.
The study has also looked at briefly on the issues relating to the uses, sources and prospects of the energy in the study area. The major intentions behind this additional focus on the energy issues were:
to have a greater understanding of the local level possible ‘emissions of green house gasses’ (if there are any such existing);
to have some knowledge about the local level coping measures to better manage the energy uses that are environmentally sustainable and from adaptation perspective do not fall into the category of ‘mal-adaptation’; and
to grow more ideas about devising the future adaptation (as well as development) options that are conducive to the pre-requisitions of sustainable development and livelihoods adaptation (locally accepted, locally adaptable and lower the carbon emission rate).
Types and sources of energy uses in practice
People in the study area were found using various types of energy. Some of the major types of energy identified in the area can be listed as below:
cooking,
irrigation,
lighting,
transports,
small industries,
crop processing; and
other domestic purposes.
The energy types and uses along with vulnerabilities in the study are is outlined in the Table 7-3.
Biomass was found to be used in a large scale. Biomasses such as leaves, fuel wood crop residue, rice husk residuals etc. are the major types of biomass used in the community. These biomasses are largely found used for cooking purposes at household level. Household members collect leaves, fuel wood, and crop residuals from homestead garden, forest, fallow lands, roadside trees, crop fields and so forth.
Relatively poorer households collect their necessary biomass from natural sources where they do not need to pay any major financial costs but need to put human labour to collect those often from remote locations. The well off households, on the other hand, purchase fuel wood from markets or from their owned gardens, crop fields and so forth. It was observed that a local method of processing cow dung as fuel is a widespread practices in the study area. This dry cow dung is called ghutey. Mostly households rely on this type of source which is a byproduct of the cattle households rear within their domestic chores and in the fields on a communal basis.
Electricity is mainly used in DTWs, irrigation pumps, commercial places such as markets, industries and households and so forth. The electricity available in the community is largely distributed through the government sources such as either BMDA or from Rural Electrification Board. The sufficient availability of electricity is widely scarce in the area, which again aggravate in the dry seasons. The accessibility to the rural electricity supply is also found of relative nature particularly remains poor among the poorer households. Few cottage industries, like handlooms, rice-husking mills use electricity for commercial purposes as well. For domestic lighting purposes, in addition to the grid electricity supply, use of dry cells (i.e. battery) are also found among the relatively well off households.
Fossil fuels such as diesel, kerosene, petrol etc. are used in irrigation pumps, transports, commercial places and households. These are used for lighting, cooking, motor running, heating purposes. Kerosene fuel is primarily used for lighting in households and for commercial places. Diesel and petrol are used in motor vehicles, irrigation pumps and so forth. A locally modified form of motor engine driven rickshaw van (locally called nosimon) is a major diesel consumer in the local transport sector. It was found that these engine operated rickshaw van cause a fare amount of air pollution and carry risks of accident, as these do not have enough protective measures.
In the study area, the presence of innovative renewable energy sources such as solar energy, wind energy were found quite limited as well. Recent introduction of “solar electricity” has been observed to be piloted in the “eco-village project” under BMDA. This new piloting is done in collaboration with SEMP of the Ministry of Environment and Forests. In addition to these, sources natural solar energy such as sunshine and wind were found used for drying crops, cloths and other purposes.
 | |
| Domestic use (food processing). | Commercial use (in shops and restaurants). |
 | |
| Diesel use in vehicles. | Commercial energy use (in break fields and rice mills). |
Figure 7-11. Various uses of energy recorded in the study area
 | |
| Fossil fuel (sold open in markets). | Rural electrification by BMDA. |
 | |
| Cow dung cakes (locally called ghutey). | Cow dung sticks (sold commercially in towns). |
 | |
| Solar panels introduced (by SEMP-UNDP) | Solar panels on rooftop of houses. |
 | |
| Some of these advanced solar energy facilities are piloted in selected villages only. | |
Figure 7-12. Various sources of energy in the study area
Table 7-3. Types, uses and vulnerabilities of energy in the study area
| Types of energy | Major uses | Vulnerability factors | ||
| Biomass (e.g. leaves, fuel wood, crop residual, cow dung etc.) | - | Cooking in households, restaurants, and small industries. | - | Shortage of forest, vegetation and livestock. |
| - | Inefficient burner. | |||
| Electricity(e.g. grid supply, irrigation electricity, battery etc.) | - | Lighting, heating and running machineries in households, commercial places, irrigation pump house and industries. | - | Shortage of supply. |
| - | Inadequate distribution line. | |||
| Fossil fuel (e.g. diesel, petrol, kerosene, mobile, etc.) | - | Irrigation pumps, power tillers, motor vehicles, lighting in households, lighting and cooking in restaurants, running machines in industries. | - | High price of fuel. |
| - | Low quality fuel | |||
| - | Poor marketing system. | |||
| Renewable/ alternative energy (e.g. solar energy, wind, bio-gas) | - | Solar energy is used for drying crops and cloths.- | - | Lack of awareness. |
| - | Wind energy is used for crop processing. | - | Insufficient availability of biomass. | |
Source: CEGIS Fieldwork 2005.
From the local uses and practices of energy some of the conclusions can be drown which has greater relevance for devising future adaptive options.
Firstly, the sources of the major need energy in the study area are largely of varied in nature. Starting from the biomass to the uses of fossil fuel are evident. Among these energy uses, the use of domestic animal excreta (i.e. cow dung) was found that was widely used both for domestic purposes and for commercial purposes (i.e. cow dung sticks). These cow dung sticks are sent to the nearest urban centers for use in the urban restaurants and urban households. This local practice of “cow dung” and “cow dung sticks”, however, are environmentally sustainable way of energy use and also a socially practiced phenomenon.
On the other hand, the widespread use of fossil fuels (i.e. diesel and patrol) for transportation (usually for rural transportation that are driven by very risky shallow pump engines) were found to have some adverse environmental consequences as these engines adds up to the increased level of air pollution in the area.
The consumption of electricity for agriculture is a way that farmers prefer the most. But the
availability in sufficient amount and the access to rural electrification for agricultural purposes is creating a large level of demand. However, from the national level the meeting this demand remained as another critical factor.
Some of the piloted initiatives for harnessing the solar energyin the community level were found highly encouraging. In terms of the energy collection this is a nice way and considered as a sustainable solution. But the criticality of managing these highly technical solutions for harnessing energy on one hand people do not have enough awareness or skills to manage (at least at the moment) and factor efficacy for large scale production of energy for agriculture purposes on the other needs to be looked at further. The development of such solar options, thereby, needs to be monitored over the time with needed level of further experimentations at local level.
