Technical papers

SESSION I: THE REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE

Land tenure and land-use change in relation to poverty, livelihoods, the environment and integrated coastal management in Asian tsunami-affected countries

Jayampathy Samarakoon¹

“Building back better” by incorporating sound integrated coastal planning and management (ICM) has been beset with contradictions since the tsunami of 26 December 2004. Low-cost programmes on how to save lives are being ignored at vulnerable locations, particularly in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the tsunami of 17 July 2006 which killed about 600 people in Java. Adding to existing contradictions, the complexity of the task has been increased by tensions among coastal land uses during the past decade. Tensions stem mainly from the magnitude of financial investments and political power driving change. Small-scale artisanal fisherfolk and farmers were the worst affected by the tsunami but are also the poorest and least powerful except where they are well-organized, as in Kerala. The general absence of tenure and property rights with legal forms of representation is a major obstacle faced by coastal resource users because they are dependent mainly on customary rights. Failure to safeguard livelihoods and diminishing income from natural resources is driving increasing numbers of these unskilled and semi-skilled workers to foreign employment, particularly from Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka where most of the coastal poor live. A “remittance windfall” has resulted despite governance failure. ICM in the post-tsunami era needs to entrench governance, community, ecology, science and market aspects more firmly while enhancing opportunities for the coastal poor. Carefully designed tenure rights are an instrument that can provide cohesion and political power to enable negotiation for improved governance.

1. Introduction

This section is long due the multidisciplinary theme of this paper. The objective is to clarify significant factors that have contributed to the relationships among land use, poverty and the environment during the past decade and their implications for ICM in post-tsunami reconstruction.

1.1 Structure of the paper

This paper was prepared for the FAO workshop on Coastal Area Planning and Management in Asian Tsunami-affected Countries, held from 27 to 29 September, 2006 in Bangkok, Thailand. The workshop proposed that sound coastal area planning and management constituting ICM are key factors that influence the success and long-term sustainability of rehabilitation and reconstruction in areas affected by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami.

The paper is divided into four sections:

Section 1 provides a sense of the complexity of the subject matter; the challenge posed by a natural disaster to a government; the diversity of coastal resources, their significance and some political aspects; the limitations of ICM in addressing problems related to poverty and land tenure; and market liberalization and globalization, which have induced change in attitudes and values at an accelerating rate at the national level.

Section 2 reviews land uses and trends that influence coastal communities, livelihoods and the environment. It also examines some aspects of land and resource tenure, mainly with a view to bringing out the relationship between financial and political power and the livelihoods of the poor.

Section 3 provides six indicative case histories. They are presented and analysed to demonstrate the influence of decisive factors.

Section 4 presents general conclusions and lessons derived from case histories.

1.2 Tsunami impact and government responsibility

“A natural catastrophe on national territory confronts a country with its deepest identity, with its capacities for technical and social response” (Todd 2005). The Asian tsunami was generated by a megathrust earthquake measuring 9.4 on the Richter Scale, which occurred on 26 December 2004. Only strong physical structures and elevated landforms resisted the unrelenting advance of the earthquake-induced wall of water. In the vicinity of the earthquake epicentre, parts of the inhabited landmass subsided into the sea. In 30 minutes, across tsunami-affected Asia, about 280 000 people were killed or listed as missing and nearly two million were made homeless (Sieh 2006). Governments in the worst-affected countries were challenged to provide relief and subsequent reconstruction (Table 1).

Most of the people who died were the poor, fisherfolk, farmers and low-income coastal residents. They depended upon coastal resources for their livelihoods and thus lived near the shoreline. They resided in areas exposed to natural hazards and lived in flimsy houses (Sachs 2005). The magnitude of the damage also reflected the relatively high population concentrations. Impact in Bangladesh was minimal due to buffering by the Sunderbans mangroves on its macrotidal delta fronting the Bay of Bengal. Except where dense deltaic mangroves were located, it is unlikely that this vegetation in general saved lives (Baird 2006).

Experience has revealed that only governments have the resources to coordinate and implement relief and reconstruction efforts in response to a disaster on the scale of the Asian tsunami (ProVention Consortium 2004). Reconstruction may take many years before all victims obtain adequate relief. It must proceed within the existing framework of governmental activity. A government can provide policy, an institutional framework and guidelines to ensure the participation of all potential stakeholders and to ensure standards and fair distribution of entitlements. Ultimately, the goal is to provide a better quality of life for the victims of the disaster and to minimize future damage. ICM has a role to play both in planning and in implementation of reconstruction.

1.3 The role of ICM

ICM is a process that:

Unites government and the community, science and management, sectoral and public interests, and markets in preparing and implementing an integrated plan for the protection and development of coastal ecosystems and resources. The overall goal of ICM is to improve the quality of life of human communities who depend on coastal resources while maintaining the biological diversity and productivity of coastal ecosystems (GESAMP 1996).

The significance of ICM is influenced by, inter alia, geomorphology, dispersion of resources, the political system and demography. The Asian tsunami-affected countries share some common features while they differ markedly in others (Table 2). Government commitment to ICM is influenced both directly and indirectly by the characteristics of the coastal resources (Table 3). Coastal agriculture and forestry are significant in countries with fertile alluvial deltas. The potential for tourism is high where attractive beaches exist. Coastal fisheries are uniformly significant.

There were approximately 700 ICM initiatives worldwide in 2002 (Islam 2006). Some had been in operation for about two decades, as in Indonesia and in Sri Lanka and for shorter periods in India, Malaysia, and Thailand (Cicin-Sain and Knecht 1998). The effectiveness of ICM is associated with the manner in which it is integrated with the needs of a country or regional and local situations, including the basic parameters of coastal and marine ecosystems (White et al. 2005). The main thrust of discussion in the post-tsunami era is “build back better”.

Table 1. The distribution of impacts among the Asian countries (WHO 2005; various sources)

Table 2. Selected geographic, demographic, socio-economic and political features of the Asian tsunami-affected countries showing differences among them (CIA world factbook: https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/; UN Population Reference Bureau 2006)

Table 3. Selected features of coastal resources: fisheries, agriculture and forestry in the Asian tsunami-affected countries http://earthtrends.wri.org/pdf_library/country_profiles/coa_cou_356.pdf ; https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ *

1.4 Poverty, economic growth, labour migration and remittances

The complexity of poverty is described extensively in the literature, for example: Human development reports (UNDP 1990–2005); Narayan and Petesch 2002; World Bank (2000 and various years). The relationships among development, poverty and equity are given in World Bank (2006). Poverty reduction is complex and uses diverse approaches (Carney et al. 1999). Sachs (2005) upholds the need for development assistance coupled with “central” planning and implementation. Easterly (2006) contends that centralized planning and development assistance cause poverty in the absence of appropriate incentives. However, all agree that economic growth is essential for poverty reduction. Contradictions emerge. Economic growth in South Asia and Indonesia (Table 2) has been relatively high. In parallel, migration of unskilled and semi-skilled labour to more prosperous economies such as the Gulf countries is increasing. About 40 percent of remittances in the Asia–Pacific region flowed into South Asia at an average annual rate of about US$10 billion from 1990 to 2004. Such remittances reduce household poverty, although their contribution to national economic growth is insignificant (Jongwanich 2007). Evidently economic growth by itself, if unaccompanied by distribution (equity), cannot reduce poverty.

Stern (2005) argues that development has to be seen as a process of dynamic change. During the last 20 years of a 50-year period of change in development, the number of people living below US$1.00/day fell by about 400 million people. Life expectancy increased from the mid-forties to the mid-sixties. Thirty years ago, half the population of the developing world was illiterate; now this has been reduced to a quarter. Many people, however, have been omitted, particularly in the most populous countries in tsunami-affected Asia: India, Indonesia and Bangladesh. The structure of the economy also has changed — a massive exodus from agriculture has occurred. The contribution from agricultural output had declined from 50 to around 25 percent. Twenty-five years ago, the proportion of people in urban areas in developing countries was around one-third or less. Twenty years from now, about half the developing world will be living in towns and cities (Stern 2005).

Development as a “process of dynamic change” requires convergence of (Stern 2005):

• Investment climate
• Empowerment

The former requires policies, governance and institutions that give confidence and enable people to allocate money and energy towards future betterment. The latter involves:

• The ability of people to shape their own lives
• Taking decisions that broaden the scope of their lives and those of their families

Stern (2005) asserts that two elements omitted from the aforesaid view of development were institutions and governance. Institutions have a range of definitions. For this overview the institutional aspects that are important are (Easterly 2002):

• Rule of law, balanced law enforcement for the rich and the poor
• Professional bureaucracy and minimal red tape, accompanied by low corruption
• Freedom from repudiation of contracts, which reduces opportunity for corruption
• Freedom from expropriation, which again reduces corruption

Thus poverty reduction has both macroeconomic and microeconomic implications. In the aforementioned perspective, the role of ICM in poverty reduction has to be assessed with caution because its geographic scope is highly limited and must integrate with wider relationships.

1.5 Globalization and market liberalization

Globalization, the free flow of capital, goods and labour, has helped many countries to economically grow more rapidly than they may have otherwise done. Many improvements in the standard of living in developing countries are attributable to it (Stiglitz 2002). It is an interactive phenomenon that crosses cultural boundaries. In this sense each interconnected entity influences nearly all of its counterparts in ways that are both subtle and profound. Additionally these changes are occurring at a relatively low cost (Friedman 2005).

Globalization has not brought economic benefits to many people in developing countries. Hypocrisy affects how trade barriers are addressed (Stiglitz 2002). Western countries push poor countries to eliminate trade barriers while retaining their own. This is particularly true of agricultural products. The adverse impacts are shared both by the producers in the poor countries and consumers in the wealthy western nations (Stiglitz 2002). In trade negotiations, the bigger and economically stronger countries win while the poorer ones lose. Notwithstanding these setbacks, the globalization process is predicted to “sputter along while the idea of unrestrained globalization may wane in force” (Abidelal and Segal 2007).

Korten (1990) applauded international non-governmental organizations (iNGOs) as the flag bearers of a people-centred movement for harmonizing development and environment. Was he mistaken or is his prediction now coming true regarding corporate dominance (Korten 1995)? Conservation of biodiversity and safeguarding the equity demands of indigenous and traditional communities is now controlled by multinational companies, multilateral financial agencies, USAID and national governments. The biggest conservation iNGOs: WWF, Conservation International, the Nature Conservancy, IUCN and others have aligned with multinational companies, including energy giants, as their own coffers bulge. USAID and the business community are the main funding sources for these iNGOs (Chapin 2004).

Another serious outcome of the globalization process in relation to poverty and the environment is the exploitative dominance by the elite of land use in developing countries. Here, the few from within the developing country’s own population exploit the masses, mainly based upon rational behaviour (Box 1; Diamond 2005; McGoodwin 2005). Much land expropriation for development with globalized capital both in urban and rural settings is driven by rational behaviour in a weak regulatory environment. Here the local communities with no capital, only customary claims to land use and little or no political power inevitably lose.

1.6 Quest for genuineness in politics

Todd (2005) identifies rebuilding after a major natural disaster as a challenge to the national identity. Given the inherent divisiveness of the democratic process, most Asian tsunami-affected countries are challenged with maintaining the national identity and the national interest as a joint ideal. Otherwise, social fragmentation and conflict may cause poverty on a large scale.

Sri Lanka exemplifies an extreme situation where public desperation in the face of a prolonged 30-year civil war has enabled unscrupulous politicians to promote fragmented identities based on race, religion and language to justify armed conflict. Fragmented identities have been played out in India for decades but not on the scale of lives lost and people displaced as in Sri Lanka. Recently Thailand has faced a resurgence of a similar situation in the south. In Indonesia the tsunami resolved the military conflict in Aceh. Some issues based upon ethnic identity appear to be emerging in Malaysia despite highly effective poverty reduction.

The Malaysian Government’s affirmative action programme, spanning three decades, has lifted the children of millions of rice farmers and rubber tappers out of poverty. It reversed social imbalances that had set in during colonial rule and persisted afterwards. Today, however, just as prior to the affirmative action programme, the political system is based almost entirely on race. Each major ethnic group, Malays, Chinese and Indians, has separate political parties. The need for ethnic harmony is now being discussed by Malaysian liberal intellectuals to steer policy in a manner that will not hamper national development (Fuller 2001).

Where fragmented identities compete, the national interest has been pushed aside. Most of the populations of these countries desire peace and economic growth. They seek genuine political leadership based upon national identity and interests as found in the richest countries (Obama 2006). In South Asia, where poverty and environmental degradation are most serious, genuineness is preferable to pretence. ICM can produce gains and make post-tsunami reconstruction fruitful by focusing seriously on issues that are significant to the poor.

1.7 Gender

The tsunami’s gender impact and the consequences for women in particular have received less attention. A briefing by Oxfam on this issue for India, Indonesia and Sri Lanka demonstrated that the tsunami harmed women more than men. It also showed that problems are already emerging as a result of this differential impact. Action is needed to prevent short-term impacts turning into long-term problems (Elizabeth Zachariah, personal communication). This is a significant and urgent issue for poverty reduction as well as tenure rights.

1.8 Climate change

The predicted consequences of climate change and sea-level rise for the populations in low-lying coastal areas in developing countries could be severe. Displacement of populations on a large scale is expected from coastal areas in Bangladesh, India and Indonesia. It may be possible to minimize impacts if investment in adaptation measures begins early and progresses in a manner that can be accommodated by the economies. Conversely, if the worldwide community procrastinates, governments in developing countries will have to pay a very high price to save lives and to support livelihoods (HM Treasury 2006). Here ICM has a role.

1.9 Methodology

The subject of this overview is vast and complex; it should include human rights of the poor in general (IDS 2003) and during reconstruction in particular (ActionAid International 2005). Some terms pertaining to tenure are defined (Box 2). The content is based mainly on the author’s field experience in Sri Lanka during a period spanning four decades, with a few years in Bangladesh. These experiences are interpreted where possible in the context of theory. Additionally it benefited from (i) a rapid ecological assessment of the tsunami impact based upon measurements along the entire coastline of Sri Lanka, (ii) discussion with colleagues and (iii) literature (mainly from Web sites) including comments by bloggers. Viewpoints which contrast with that of the establishment are included to provide a more balanced understanding (Korten 1990; 1995).

This overview seeks to provide a multidisciplinary view of the post-tsunami reconstruction process. Figure 1 illustrates the range of global and national influences that impact development, environment and poverty. ICM is subject to the same influences. Table 4 summarizes the influences of particular relevance, substantiated by the literature and their dispersion among the Asian countries affected by the tsunami. The case histories presented in section 3 also relate to aspects of Figure 1 and Table 4.

Table 4. Apparent dispersion of influence of some global and national drivers on the socio-ecological systems of the Asian tsunami-affected countries

Key: Bn: Bangladesh; In: India; Ino: Indonesia; Mly: Malaysia; Md: Maldives; My: Myanmar; SL: Sri Lanka; Th: Thailand

+ : has contributed to poverty reduction; +/- ambivalent, may or may not have contributed to poverty reduction; - : appears to have aggravated poverty; NA: information not available/factor not applicable

Sources:

Patnaik, U. 2002. http://www.indowindow.net/sad/article.php?child=25&article=21

USAID Making Cities Work 2002–2006: http://www.makingcitieswork.org/urbanWorld/south-asia

UNCTAD UNCTAD/OSG/DP/150 www.unctad.org/en/docs/dp_150.en.pdf

CPI 2006: Corruption Perception Index: http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0781359.html

WPFI 2005: Worldwide Press Freedom Index: http://www.rsf.org/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique=554

World Bank Governance Indicators 1996–2005: http://info.worldbank.org/governance/kkz2005/maps.html

Anti-Slavery submission 2000: http://www.antislavery.org/archive/submission/submission2000-BondLabour.htm

Weinstein, 2004: http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report&report_id=228

2. Trends in land and resource use and land tenure

The purpose of this section is to indicatively trace the manner in which selected land-use changes between 1995 and 2005 relate to poverty and the environment; and implications for ICM. The complexity of the relationships is illustrated by Figure 1.

Figure 1. Global and national factors shaping the character of changing socio-ecological systems in the tsunami-affected Asian countries, past, present and future

The overall pattern has been intensification of land uses that existed during previous decades, and even then needed management (Ambio 1988). The Asian tsunami-affected countries, perhaps with the exception of Myanmar, chose economic growth at the cost of the environment in a world dominated by trade liberalization (Time International, 9 October 2006). Worldwide economic growth that existed before the 1990s accelerated as free trade expanded. Globalization today is driving most of the land uses on a scale that did not exist in the 1980s. Globalization can harm the environment for the following reasons (Harford 2006):

• “Race to the bottom” where companies rush overseas to produce goods under cheaper, lenient environmental laws, additionally influenced by corruption
• Physically moving goods inevitably consumes resources and causes pollution
• Economic growth produces externalities that harm the planet

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) concludes (ADB 2005) that little progress has been made in harmonizing development and the environment since 2001 (Box 3).

Conflicts characterize the relations among economically disparate coastal land uses. Those backed by global finance are capable of influencing the highest level of government (Stiglitz 2002). Money is the ultimate determinant of power and influence (Todd 2004). The implication for the coastal poor is whether governments may or may not regulate access by the rich and powerful to the same resources that they demand. The dominant political elites in all the Asian tsunami-affected countries, whether or not backed by global capital, have an exploitative relationship with coastal residents engaged in traditional livelihoods. The future appears bleak for the poor until they acquire countervailing power by way of becoming organized (as in Kerala) in order to negotiate with governments (Kurien 2005). Land reforms in some countries, for example Bangladesh and India, have provided apparent benefits to coastal farmers during early stages. However, these benefits appear to have dissipated in the face of competition from capital-intensive and commercial land uses such as shrimp farming, tourism, industry and port development.

Indonesia illustrates how free market policies gone awry instead of competition among unsustainable land uses aggravate poverty. The economic prosperity of some Asian tsunami-affected countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand was challenged by the economic downturn of the late 1990s. Malaysia and Thailand recovered relatively unscathed. However, the restructuring and reforms implemented by Indonesia as recommended by the International Monetary Fund resulted in serious economic consequences and social chaos (Stiglitz 2002). Poverty was aggravated to a level that existed in the 1980s.

Agricultural production is the mainstay of economic sustenance in most Asian tsunami-affected countries. Possession of land rights also typically ensures a baseline of shelter and food supply and allows people to turn latent assets into live capital through entrepreneurial activity. Once secure in their land rights, rural households invest to increase productivity. Moreover, the use of land as a primary investment vehicle allows households to accumulate and transfer wealth between generations. The ability to use land rights as collateral for credit helps create a stronger investment climate and land rights are thus, at the level of the economy, a precondition for the emergence and operation of financial markets (De Soto 2000; Stern 2005; World Bank 2003).

2. Land uses and trends that influence coastal communities, livelihoods and the environment

2.1 Land uses

2.1.1 Pollution

Inadequately regulated land use results in discharges and emissions that cause air and water pollution. The consequences of pollution for small-scale fisherfolk were recognized in the late 1980s (Ambio 1988). New Delhi, Calcutta, Kanpur and Jakarta rank among the ten most polluted cities in the world. Their discharges eventually reach the coast and impact on coastal resources. Asia’s coral reefs are already partially destroyed by climate change, destructive fishing and pollution. Air and water pollution impose severe stresses on health, mainly on the poor, particularly in South Asia, where many people lack safe drinking water and sanitation (Time October 9, 2006). Pollution in the Asian tsunami-affected countries is likely to become worse unless strict environmental safeguards are enforced (GPA 2005).

2.1.2 Small-scale artisanal fisheries

Marine fisheries and coastal aquaculture production in the Asian tsunami-affected countries expanded substantially during the past decade with the exception of Thailand where it declined. Coastal aquaculture in the Maldives is insignificant (Table 5). A feature of marine fisheries is competition and the juxtaposition of technologically modernized fishing fleets and traditional small-scale craft. The former frequently supported by government policy and by development financing, the latter relatively marginalized and dependent on informal financing.

A precise definition of small-scale artisanal fishery is difficult since the craft and methods are diverse and adapted to local geography and species complexity (Panayotou 1982; Kurien 2005). Moreover, fishing craft considered to be small scale in Malaysia and Thailand are regarded as large commercial craft in South Asia — small scale being more important for food security (FAO 2000; 2004).

Table 5. Production from marine fishery and aquaculture (crustaceans) in 1995 and 2002; the population of fisherfolk in 1994 (FAO 2004)

The significance of small-scale artisanal fishery to national economies is high. The statistics provided by India indicate an associated population of about 14.4 million living mainly in about 3937 coastal villages. The vast majority of the fisherfolk engage in subsistence-level fishing, consuming a part of their daily catch and selling the remainder for consumption at the local level. It contributes about US$6 billion to national income, which is about 1 percent of the total GDP. This production elevated India to the position of fourth largest fish producer in the world with total production of about 6.3 million tonnes in 2003 and 2004. This production constitutes about 90 percent of domestic fish consumption. The situation in India is similar to that which prevailed prior to 1980 in the Asian region (Panayotou 1982). The general rate of population increase suggests that numbers also are likely to increase, although at different rates, during the coming decades (Table 5). The significance to the economy is shown in Table 6. Fisherfolk have customary use rights to the marine and terrestrial resources that they depend on (Salagrama 2005).

Table 6. The relative importance of trade in fishery products in 2002 (FAO 2004)

The livelihoods of small-scale artisanal fisherfolk are now clashing with commercialized fisheries and other uses of coastal resources. Non-fishery activities are supported by government policies, and allocated investment and property rights. Where conflict resolution is attempted through litigation, small-scale artisanal fisherfolk are highly vulnerable in the face of statutory and common law based upon written legal procedure. These procedures are alien and incomprehensible to them, as in agriculture, because they are accustomed to customary rights (Wily 2006). Comprehensive literature exists on poverty in fishing communities (Macfadyen and Corcoran 2002). The clash of small-scale traditional enterprises and sometimes multinational business ventures is not confined to developing countries.

2.1.3 Aquaculture (shrimp)

Shrimp farming is not a uniform activity. Both small-scale operators and more powerful larger scale operators exist side by side. In Indonesia tambak (fish pond) aquaculture dates back many centuries. Commercial shrimp farming has achieved massive growth during recent decades (Table 5). The industry has been hailed as being capable of producing large volumes of food without impacting on marine stocks and increasing the availability of food for the hungry (FAO 2004). The sustainability of aquaculture as the “blue” counterpart of the agricultural green revolution is questionable (Wolowicz 2005). Governments and the international donor community have promoted shrimp farming as a means of accelerating development and alleviating poverty in developing countries. However, the expansion of export-oriented shrimp culture has met with strong opposition from some sectors of society, and serious political, socio-economic and environmental concerns have been raised (EJF 2003).

Shrimp farming has increased land values and led to conflict over land rights and access to natural resources. Resulting social problems include increased poverty, landlessness and food insecurity, displacement of communities, pollution of drinking water, poor working conditions and impacts on health and education. Large tracts of agricultural land have been inundated with saline water to create shrimp ponds. Shrimp farming physically invades farmland and saltwater intrusion can change soil composition and pollute water supplies. Shrimp aquaculture has had direct impacts on crop productivity and on the health and livelihoods of rural farming communities (EJF 2003).

In Indonesia, in 1998, the area under shrimp cultivation approximated 305 000 hectares. The impetus for expansion was provided mainly by ADB and the World Bank. The Government of Indonesia asserts that about 800 000 hectares, about one-third of the remaining mangroves, are available for shrimp ponds (Down To Earth No. 58, August 2003). These conflicts may persist into the future because the contribution from coastal aquaculture to national economies is becoming increasingly significant while marine fishery production stabilizes (FAO 2004). The Maldives is an exception because it does not have the space for shrimp farming (FAO 2004).

The impact of shrimp farming on rice cultivation may seriously undermine food security in Bangladesh. During the late 1990s, rice production in the coastal zone decreased by 26 percent, while the cultivated area decreased by only 1 percent (Islam 2004). Recent research (Alamgir Choudhury, personal communication) suggests that reversion to rice cultivation is occurring in some coastal polders in Bangladesh where adequate irrigation water is available from shallow tubewells.

2.1.4 Agriculture and forestry

In Asian tsunami-affected countries, agriculture and forestry are in the same land-use equation. The destruction of rain forests which generated a loss of 33 percent in Asia, particularly in Malaysia and Indonesia, between 1960 and 1990 continues at even greater rate today. The direct causes are agriculture, cattle raising, damming and megaprojects, logging, plantations, shrimp farming, slash-and-burn activities and mining (BBC 2005). The World Rainforest Movement http://www.wrm.org.uy/forests/future.html) identifies several underlying causes including:

• Unequal land tenure
• Discrimination against indigenous people, subsistence farmers and poor people
• Absence of participatory democracy
• Military influence
• Exploitation of rural areas by the urban elite

Tropical deforestation is most serious in Indonesia and Malaysia. It is likely that China, like Japan, will export deforestation activities to Indonesia and Malaysia while conserving its own forests (Diamond 2005). Since 1996, Indonesian forest loss has accelerated to 2 million hectares per year. Forests have been almost entirely cleared in Sulawesi while they are predicted to disappear in Sumatra and Kalimantan in the coming decade if the existing trend persists (Global Forest Watch http://www.globalforestwatch.org/english/indonesia/forests.htm). Diamond (2005) foresees that rape-and-run logging will be exacerbated in these countries by corruption.

Rates of deforestation occurring in Malaysia, the world’s largest exporter of tropical timber, resulted in the loss of 2.7 million hectares during the 1990s. This amounts to about 13 percent of the country’s forest area. A further “legal” deforestation of 3.9 million hectares is reportedly underway. This is being done under a certification scheme under the Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC). However, concerned observers claim the MTCC is only a pretext for legality because logging is done without meaningful consultation with local people whose livelihoods are linked to forests (Barry 2001; 2004).

Forest management in the Asian member countries of the International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO) reportedly has improved (ITTO 2006). In all Asian tsunami-affected countries where the natural forests are owned by the state, more extensive support is required for community-based agroforestry, with appropriate tenure rights, to reduce the pressure on primary forests for subsistence products (WCFSD 1999; Ostrom et al. 1999). Customary tenure rights are claimed by indigenous populations who live in the forests of India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Myanmar. Privately owned forests are rare although rubber plantations are a major source of wood for industries in Malaysia and Thailand.

Forest management in India has aroused much controversy. Government measures such as the Forest Bill proposed in the mid-1990s was regarded as a retrograde step which ignored the tenurial rights of forest communities. One of the most controversial elements is that an official may annul community and individual rights in forests if it is deemed that these rights exceed the “carrying capacity” of the area. The recent report of the Forest Commission, which was established in 2002, is regarded as a repetition of earlier recommendations whereby government acquires power to over-ride community and environmental requirements.

The forests in the coastal zones include mangroves and peat swamps. Many coastal communities have traditionally harvested forest products in mangrove forests in Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand. Loss of mangroves has been compensated in some countries — 142 000 hectares of mangroves have been planted in Bangladesh in shallower sections of the delta. In Indonesia and Malaysia, mangrove cultivation has been incorporated into coastal aquaculture (Primavera 2000). Deforestation upstream has consequences for sedimentation downstream to the extent that some coastal ecosystems — for example Segara Anakan Cilcap, Indonesia — have been smothered by excessive loads which are then stabilized by mangroves (White et al. 1989). In Indonesia the cost of environmental damage to coral reefs from logging-induced sedimentation greatly exceeds benefits from logging (Cesar 2000).

The WWF provides regular updates on serious problems in Southeast Asia with regard to forestry management, biodiversity, agriculture and poverty — for example in Indonesia (http://www.livingplanet.com/about_wwf/where_we_work/asia_pacific/where/indonesia/index.cfm).

2.1.5 Ports and navigation

Ports and navigation facilities have expanded during the past decade. The changes have been driven by the emergence of China as a global economic power. China’s continued growth is crucially linked to energy supplies, primarily oil and gas. The Malacca Straits, which in places narrows to about half a nautical mile and is only 25 metres deep, is today the busiest sea lane in the world; this has serious implications for coastal communities. Some 50 000 vessels, carrying roughly a quarter of the world’s maritime trade pass through it annually. So do about half of all seaborne oil shipments on which the economies of Japan, China, and Republic of Korea depend. (Economist 2004).

Port expansion at diverse coastal locations in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand may be anticipated. India has already begun construction of the Sethusamudra Ship Channel across the Palk Straits separating Sri Lanka from the subcontinent (Tuticorin Port Trust 2005). Oil shipments undoubtedly will pass through it. A spill could be disastrous to the livelihoods of the associated coastal communities of India and Sri Lanka. National interest supersedes low-income livelihood.

Juxtaposing the expansion of regional trade and shipping, port development becomes inevitable. Recent events in Andhra Pradesh, India demonstrate the conflicts that emerge. Fisherfolk from nearby villages have joined Visakhpatnam port workers to agitat