`Community' involvement in forest resource management is now regarded as an essential component of forest conservation projects. However, progress in community consultation and participatory processes has largely been poor. This paper contends that this is partly because some projects have overlooked some of the most pertinent social and economic characteristics of the individuals, institutions and settlements that make up what is referred to as the `community' and other groups from outside the `community,' who also have an interest in the forest. Forest conservation projects have also generally failed to take into account the historical, social and economic context in which forest users are placed.
This paper looks at the case of the Korup Forest, home of the Korup Project, established to conserve and develop the Korup National Park and surrounding areas. It analyses:
· the various types of individuals and institutions with an interest in the forest;
· the potential and constraints of their forest resource use strategies;
· the conflicts that exist within and between them;
· the ways forward.
In conclusion, this paper argues that sustainable forest management is crucially dependent on a thorough understanding of how forest products feature in people's livelihood strategies.
Key words: Rainforest, Cameroon, conservation, community, participation
The Korup National Park is 125,000 ha. of tropical rainforest in Cameroon's Southwest Province which the Korup Project, an internationally funded programme, aims to conserve and develop. Despite having started over a decade ago, the Project has made poor progress. I contend this is because it has largely failed to take into account the social and economic characteristics of the area.
This paper presents some of the key issues relating to community forest management:
· forest livelihoods in the distinct settlement types;
· the potential and constraints of the local institutions relating to forest resource management;
· the implications for community forest management.
The findings are drawn from the fieldwork carried out between 1992 and 1994. Prior to this the author worked for six years as a rural development adviser for the Korup Project.
Settlements in the Korup Forest can be grouped broadly on the basis of differences in forest conditions, demographic changes, and accessibility to markets. I have termed these groups: `Remote Settlements', `Creek Settlements', `Roadside Settlements' and `Plantation Camps'.
Remote settlements are surrounded by relatively intact high forest, but poor market access limits the range of livelihoods. For this reason, Remote Settlements are largely socially homogenous. Many people have moved to Roadside Settlements in search of a better standard of living. Remote Settlements are distinguishable by their access to high forest. High Forest Edge settlements are surrounded by intact forests with a relative abundance of wildlife, whilst Abandoned Forest Frontier settlements are surrounded by old fallow land, with little wildlife and few valuable timber trees.
Creek Settlements are to a large extent also surrounded by high forest. However, in contrast to Remote Settlements, they have access to markets in Cameroon and Nigeria. This has led to the development of a wide range of forest, mangrove and farm-related livelihoods, and a more ethnically diverse population.
Roadside Settlements have access to the markets of Southwest Province, Cameroon, but, because of relatively higher population densities, the forests surrounding them are relatively degraded. These settlements are the most ethnically diverse, with migrants from the Remote Settlements as well as 'outsiders' mainly from Northwest Province and eastern Nigeria.
Plantation Camps are also ethnically diverse. Over half the workers are from Northwest Province and others are from elsewhere in Southwest Province and Nigeria.
The Government Chief is the most prominent political figure at the settlement level. He is elected by the village council which is mainly composed of elderly men and a few elderly women. Village councils are the traditional custodians of land and forest resources within the settlement boundaries. According to traditional land tenure conceptions, land may be divided into two types:
· areas where indigenes have acquired customary rights to farm, either by clearing or by inheritance;
· village forest known as `moliki nwamoki' which no individual can claim rights to.
Access to village forest depends on whether you are a citizen or a `stranger' i.e. from outside the village. Every indigene has the right to harvest forest resources on village land, but strangers must ask permission from the Chief and village council. The Chief and village councillors have the potential to play an influential gate-keeping role in relation to forest resource management but there are some constraints.
In contrast to some neighbouring ethnic groups where the Chief has considerable political influence over his subjects, the Chiefs of the Korup Forest tend to be less powerful. As Ngwane (1992) puts it: "the Chief cannot, with the wave of his hand, order his subjects to line up..."
The Chief serves as a spokesperson and a mediator between villagers and the Government and other outsiders (such as local officials, extension workers, the Korup Project and timber concessionaires). But "this dual role is often hard to reconcile, as the wishes of the Government and those of the people may not coincide..." (Devitt, 1988).
Traditional societies, which involve both men and women, are largely responsible for the settlement's cultural and ritual affairs. Although their political influence is declining, particularly in Roadside Settlements, they play an important judicial role dealing, for example, with many offences relating to the misuse of natural resources.
The elites are the most prominent political representatives of rural communities at the regional level. They are largely successful, influential and wealthy people such as civil servants, business people, politicians and clergy. Elites are often senior members of the traditional societies and this enables them to win the support of village council members and effectively control them.
Elites play an extremely influential role in relation to forest resources, acting as brokers or intermediaries with other forest stakeholders at regional and national levels, including government bodies and non-government organisations such as the Korup Project and timber concessionaires.
These were formed during the 1970s, largely in response to the need for unity and collective action for regional development projects, particularly for the construction of roads into the hinterland area (Achu, 1988; Elangwe, 1988).
Youth groups tend to involve men and women ranging from their teens to mid-thirties. Membership is usually restricted to young people living in a particular town or belonging to a specific ethnic group. They function as fora for young people to discuss development issues and for socialising.
Youth groups are one example of a growing number of relatively new local institutions established in response to a decline in confidence in traditional leadership structures, particularly amongst the youth.
Mistrust has stemmed mainly from the conflict of interests between the youth, elites and `elders' over issues relating to land and forest resources. Many youths accuse the settlement leaders of selling land to strangers and giving out logging concessions for personal gain rather than in the interest of the community as a whole (Sharpe, 1998).
As part of their remit, Ministry of Agriculture extension workers have established village development committees in each settlement, to co-ordinate village development activities, such as building a school or new classroom, or improving drinking water supplies.
Committee members are elected by the village as a whole and therefore tend to be less elitist than the village council. Although they often include young people and women, the less vocal strangers and poorer households may not be fairly represented. The achievements of such committees tend to be extremely varied depending on the settlement.
The relative abundance of wildlife around high forest edge settlements offers good opportunities for hunting and trapping. `Bushmeat', being relatively light to carry and highly valued, is the main source of income for most men in these settlements. Male youths, who had left to find work in urban areas, are increasingly returning home to hunt because of the lack of job opportunities. As a consequence, High Forest Edge Settlements tend to have much higher proportions of young and middle-aged men than Abandoned Forest Frontier Settlements. In addition to indigenous hunters and trappers, there are groups of strangers who hunt within the Korup Forest from Abandoned Forest Frontier settlements, francophone Cameroon and Nigeria.
Most inhabitants of High Forest Edge Settlements are well aware of the economic and social decline that has taken place in Abandoned Forest Frontier Settlements. In response, men in some High Forest Edge Settlements have decided to prevent strangers from hunting within their village boundaries. The men's traditional society `Ekpe' and local Youth Groups play an important role in enforcing this, illustrating that local institutions can play a significant role in forest resource management.
Whilst fairly good income-earning opportunities exist for young men in High Forest Edge Settlements, the situation in Abandoned Forest Frontier Settlements is very different. Cocoa and coffee were important sources of income, but poor market access and relatively low selling prices currently make the cost of trading with other areas prohibitive.
The shortage of income-generating opportunities for young women in Remote Settlements, and for young men in Abandoned Forest Frontier Settlements, has led them to search for work elsewhere. Many are involved in the trade of bushmeat and forest spices, buying from people in Remote Settlements and selling to traders in Roadside Settlements.
The sale of forest spices, such as bush mango (Irvingia spp.) njansang (Ricinodendron heudelotii) and sleeping mats (made from Pandanus spp.), provide the main source of cash for women in Remote Settlements.
Easy access to Nigerian markets means that cross-border trade is an important activity in the creek area. Broadly speaking, the main imports from Nigeria are fuel, manufactured and processed goods, whilst the main exports from the Korup Forest are forest products.
The chewing stick species ikongo (Massularia acuminata) is one of the principal forest product exports from the Creek Settlements. Almost all of the cross-border chewing stick trade is in the hands of strangers, most of whom are Nigerians. Even though considerable quantities of chewing sticks are exported, the inhabitants gain very little income from them. This is mainly because village leaders normally accept only a small, one-off payment usually in the form of several bottles of afofo (distilled palm wine), or a small amount of cash from the chewing stick dealers to allow the collection of unlimited amounts of chewing sticks within the settlement's forest.
The situation appears to be very different over the border in Cross River State, Nigeria. Here the inhabitants charge individual collectors and dealers according to the quantity of chewing sticks collected and transported; in addition to the introductory fees paid by the dealers (Okafor, 1989). Indigenes as well as non-indigenes are involved in the collection, processing and marketing of chewing sticks, thereby generating a regular source of income both for individuals and the settlements as a whole.
The chewing stick business is relatively new to the Korup Forest. This may explain why it is not as well organised as in Cross River State. However, the situation in Nigeria illustrates that there is potential for the inhabitants of the Creek Settlements to increase their income from this trade, and that opportunities exist to improve the management of this resource.
Wages make up the largest proportion of men's income in plantation settlements. Since these are generally low, and delays in their payment are common, forest products often provide significant sources of supplementary income for many labourers. Some workers, mainly from the Northwest Province, are involved in the production of rattan furniture, whilst others hunt and trap. The sale of pepe soup (made with bushmeat), forest spices and edible snails are also important sources of income for plantation workers' wives and children.
Forest spices, bushmeat and pepe soup tend also to be important sources of income for women, particularly for relatively poor elderly widows and single mothers in Roadside Settlements. Elderly men also gain significant income from rattan cane basketry and palm wine. However, income from these sources will probably decline as their access to forest resources becomes more restricted, as more land is converted to farmland, and as competition from other forest users increases.
Elites are one of the main groups competing with these relatively poor households. They use capital accumulated from permanent salaried positions, or other ventures, to develop other, often forest-related enterprises. For example, a large proportion of the local timber trade is controlled by elites who not only have access to capital but also to land through their powerful influence over village Chiefs and councillors.
New farming methods have been adopted by elites which entail clearing large areas of land to make way for the cultivation of yams, cassava and other crops. These methods are not only used to earn cash from farm sales but also to generate income from the timber trees felled during clearing. Some of these valuable tree species, such as njabe (Baillonella toxisperma) and komea (Coula edulis) also provide economically important forest products for less wealthy households.
I have shown that communities in the Korup Forest consist of a variety of social and economic groups with competing and often conflicting forest-related livelihood strategies. The Korup Project's approach to community participation has focused firstly on working with a limited number of local institutions, namely Chiefs, councillors and elites and, secondly, with project initiated natural resource management committees. Arguably, this approach has not, to date, promoted effective participation of all local forest stakeholders groups. Traditional leadership institutions are dominated by the elites whose interests often conflict with other forest users, such as youth and women.
Other local institutions such as Youth Groups have been largely excluded in Project discussions over forest management although they have been involved in some of the Project's development interventions. The mobility of the youth often excludes them from involvement in traditional local institutions where forest resource management issues may be discussed.
If forest users see the value of, and their access to, forest resources diminishing, they will have little incentive to manage them sustainably. The formation of new structures such as natural resource management and village development committees does not automatically overcome the conflict of interests between different forest users or guarantee their effective participation. The sustainability of such committees is also questionable; there must, arguably, be clear economic advantages for maintaining them (Mosse, 1996).
I contend the way forward is, firstly, to focus on strengthening existing local institutions which I have shown, currently or potentially, to have significant contributions to make to forest management; secondly, to lay more emphasis on involving specific groups of forest users whose interests so far have generally been overlooked. Above all, to ensure the sustainable management of forest resources, it is vital to give the people of the Korup Forest more power to make decisions relating to the forest and its resources. Without engaging and empowering all of those people who have a stake in the forest, the Korup Project is unlikely to achieve its aims.
This research was part of a wider project entitled the Cultural Context of Rainforest Conservation in West Africa funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, (ESRC) U.K. Funding by ESRC is gratefully acknowledged. ESRC bears no responsibility for the research findings, which are the author's own.
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