A PRELIMINARY MARKET SURVEY OF THE NON-WOOD FOREST PRODUCTS OF EQUATORIAL GUINEA

Terry C.H. Sunderland and Crisantos Obama

Abstract

Knowledge of the forestry and natural resource sectors in Equatorial Guinea, aside from faunal studies, is generally poor. This is despite the prolific activity in neighbouring and biologically similar countries such as Cameroon, Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville. This paper provides an introduction to the marketed NWFP sector in the continental region of Rio Muni, and the island of Bioko, where the sector operates under far different conditions experienced elsewhere in Central Africa as a result of a tumultuous colonial past and damaging post-independence era. Although there is some level of commercial exploitation and international trade of high value commodities such as Prunus africana and Piper guineensis, the reliance on non-Guineans for the NWFP trade is extremely strong with many of the commonly-traded NWFPs originating from outside the country despite actually occuring in the national forests.

Key words: Equatorial Guinea, non-wood forest products, market surveys, trade.

1. Introduction

Since independence from Spain in 1968, Equatorial Guinea has been largely inaccessible to researchers concerned with biological resources and therefore often remains an excluded entity, albeit an enigmatic one, when discourse on the state of the natural resources of the Central African region takes place (Morat and Lowry, 1997).

In addition, the rather exceptional colonial circumstances have also contributed to the paucity of available information on the biological resources of the country. The Spanish colonists did indeed undertake studies on forestry and agriculture-related subjects. However, much of the results generated, aside from the work of Lopez (1946), were rarely published and disseminated and, if they were, are available only in Madrid. The majority of the locally-held documents remaining in the country after the Spanish exodus was destroyed during the transition to independence and the period immediately afterwards. Specifically referring to non-wood forest products, Fa (1991) stated that although "certain products were used by the forest dwelling peoples in Equatorial Guinea, there is little or no recent data on preferred species or their uses".

In contrast to neighbouring countries, at independence Equatorial Guinea did not inherit a vast infrastructure, either physical or intellectual, able to continue with the study and management of its own natural resources, a situation compounded by the tumultuous early years of self rule. The latter in particular will not be discussed in this paper but is summarised best by Liniger-Goumaz (1986).

2. The country

Equatorial Guinea is composed of three highly diverse and disparate territories:

2.1. The island of Bioko

The rectangular-shaped island of Bioko, formerly Fernando Pó, lies 32 km from the coast of Cameroon. It is oriented north-south and measures roughly 75 by 25 km, with a total area of

2 020 km². The island is part of the volcanic chain which includes Mount Cameroon, São Tomé and Principé and Annobon and is dominated by two volcanic peaks: Pico de Basilé

(3 010m) in the north and Pico Biao (2 010m) and Gran Caldera de Luba (2 261m) in the south. The majority of the lowland forest skirting the highlands, with the exception of the south of the island, has been converted to cocoa plantations but in many areas the majority of the original forest canopy trees have been maintained to provide shade. The montane forest has experienced little disturbance.

2.2. The Rio Muni region

The continental territory of Equatorial Guinea is a rectangular-shaped piece of land of 26 000 km², bordered on the west by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east and south by Gabon and on the north by Cameroon. It lies between 1_01' and 2_21'N with its eastern border following the meridian of 11_20'E. The territory has 222 km. of coastline between the estuaries of the Rio Muni at the southern end and the Rio Campo (or Ntem) at the northern end. It is from the former that it derived its name. The forested zone has been much affected in recent times by extensive logging. Timber exploitation was first undertaken in the coastal regions then, as techniques improved, the practice spread even further into the interior. Today, much of the mainland territory has been logged or is currently under concession (Stenmanns pers. comm.) despite a proposed network of protected areas (Garcia and Eneme, 1997).

2.3. The island of Annobon

Annobon, formerly Pagalú, lies 1_25' south of the Equator some 335 km from Gabon and 160 km south of São Tomé. The island has a land area of only 1 700 ha. with a small population of 9 000. It is essentially isolated from the other territories and is very little studied. It is anticipated that CUREF will undertake some biological surveys there at some point in the future.

2.4. People

The country has a combined population of around 400 000 made up of a number of tribal groups, distributed mostly along geographical lines. The Fang dominate the Rio Muni region and the Bubi, the island of Bioko. Other Africans are also present in significant numbers in Equatorial Guinea. These include Cameroonians (mostly Hausa traders), Nigerians and Ghanaians, as well as small numbers of people from Chad and Mali. The majority of these people are engaged in small-scale trading and business.

3. The market study

3.1. Methodology

The findings summarised below represent the results of a preliminary market survey in markets in both the Rio Muni region and Malabo on the island of Bioko, and provide a general overview of which NWFPs are marketed and traded. This summary work will form the basis of a year-long market study that will be undertaken by CUREF staff using the expanded methodology described by Clark and Sunderland (this volume). This subsequent study will, through a standardised method of data collection and regular market visits, determine the influence of seasonality and provide a far clearer and more comprehensive picture of the formal NWFP sector in Equatorial Guinea.

For the purposes of this preliminary study and due to time constraints, no formalised approach to data gathering was adopted. Instead, informal and persistent (i.e. a number of visits over a short space of time) observations and interviews were undertaken regarding the presence of NWFPs in the market. Vendors were asked what items were, what the local names are, what particular products are used for and who buys them. The origin of many products was also recorded. Each new product encountered was purchased and collected, labelled and cross-referred to the notes taken using the methodology outlined in Clark and Sunderland (this volume). The collection of each product ensures that subsequent authoritative identifications can take place, despite many products being directly identified by the data collection team during the data collection sessions.

An additional output of this work was the identification of a number of forest products more commonly sold than others and could be considered more important in terms of both value and quantity. Normally, these products would be identified through counting how many vendors sold each product (and how much of each) as recommended by Falconer (1994). However, because of time constraints this was estimated, providing the list presented in Table 1. Subsequent studies regarding the quantifying of particular products will concentrate on these most-traded NWFPs in particular.

3.2. Summary of findings

Table 1: List of most commonly-sold NWFPs in the markets of Rio Muni and Bioko (not ranked in order of importance).

* Despite being subject to export (see Box 2) these products are also widely found in the markets of Equatorial Guinea, Bioko in particular.

** All vernacular names in this report are of Fang origin, unless where indicated.

3.2.1. Traditional medicine and medicinal plants

Visits to a number of medicinal plant vendors in a number of markets in the Rio Muni region provided the information for the completion of the following table. However, the list is far from complete as, often when studying traditional medicine use, there was a certain reticence in the provision of information on the part of the vendors. The following recorded species and their use could best be described as general knowledge and distinctly well-known remedies.

Table 2: Medicinal plants recorded in the Bata and Mbini markets and their uses (no data as yet from the Bioko markets)

Scientific name	Fang name	Part used	Use
Aframomum c.f. hanburyi	esson	seeds	Ground seeds used as a remedy for the treatment of childs whooping cough
Aframomum melegueta	ndong	seeds	Seeds are ground and added to other remedies to give them more "power", their effects being magnified
Angokea gore	angeuk	bark	Ground bark used as a treatment for constipation. For babies, powered bark is rubbed into the nipples prior to breast feeding
Baillonella toxisperma	adjap	seeds	Oil from seed used for rheumatic pains
Cissus dinklagei	dik ntoo	sap	The stem produces copious sap when cut. This is boiled and given to a baby of 1-2 months - said to stimulate growth
Dioscorea sp.	mbang	fruit	Use not disclosed
Enantia chlorantha	nfoo	bark	Fever (malaria, yellow fever)
Entada gigas	ndju	fruits, seeds	Diuretic
Fagara heitzii	olon	bark	Used in traditional rites; using this plant it is possible to bring a person back from the point of death. Bark is placed in boiling water, which is then used to wash the patient
Garcinia kola	akuin	fruits	Stimulant
Garcinia lucida	essok	bark and fruit	Anti-poison (purgative)
Guibourtia tessmannii	oveng	bark	Stimulant. Also anti-witchcraft and fights bad spirits
Okoumea klaineana	okoumé	bark	Used not disclosed
Pachypodianthum staudtii	ntom	bark	Extract of bark in boiling water used to kill infestations of head lice. Used as a general tonic to alleviate fatigue
Strombosiopsis tetandra	edjip	bark	Bark boiled in water and mixture drunk by young children to prevent bad spirits and illness
Urera sp.	ndik	stems	Use not disclosed
Vernonia conferta	abenga	bark	Bark placed in boiled water drunk as a treatment for asthma. Powdered bark also used as antiseptic; placed directly in cuts

3.2.2. Condiments

A range of condiments are widely-sold in all of the markets surveyed and the range of products available in both territories is fairly ubiquitous. However, many of these products are actually imported from Cameroon, despite occuring in both Rio Muni and Bioko. Most condiments are sold in surprisingly small amounts, being carefully wrapped in polythene prior to sale. Bush pepper (Piper guineensis), the seeds of Monodora myristica (fep), Ricinodendron heudelottii (essesang), and Afrostyrax kamerunensis (esun) are sold in this way. Fruits of Xylopia aethiopica (oyang) are sold whole and loose, as are those of Tetrapleura tetraptera (enziese). The bark of Scorodophleus zenkeri, (also called esun in Fang), another garlic-like condiment, is also widely available. The seeds of Mucuna sloanei, with their characteristic hard, patterned seed coat are also widely sold, the endosperm being used as an additive to soups and stews.

An interesting condiment, not previously encountered, are the leaves of Strychnos spp.. We were informed that these were used in small quantities as a condiment in soups and stews, notwithstanding the presence of the powerful poison strychnine in this group of plants.

Rather against the general trend, a number of other condiments and cooking additives are cultivated in both Rio Muni and Bioko in small-scale cultivation systems. These include okra (Abelmoschus esculentus) and the chilli pepper (Solanum annuum Longum group). Besides being easily cultivated, these plants are often spontaneous around habitation, with their seeds passing through a human stomach intact and still viable. The pumpkin-like fruit of Cucurbita pepo (egusi) is also cultivated locally, with the ground seeds forming the base of many local dishes.

Interestingly, and a trend that is not apparent in either of the neighbouring countries, Cameroon (Ndoye et al., 1997) and Gabon (Yembi, this volume), some temperate herbs are packaged and sold locally. These are imported via Cameroon, where they are, in turn, imported from Europe. The products are re-packaged and re-sold at greatly increased prices. These products include bay leaves (Laurus nobilis), white ground pepper (Piper nigrum), oregano (Origanum vulgare), basil (Ocimum basilicum), rosemary (Rosmarinus officinalis) and cloves (Syzygium aromaticum).

3.2.3. Edible fruits

Most commonly sold edible fruits are by far those of Dacryodes edulis (bush plum - vern., asia - Fang) and the true mango (Mangifera indica). The bush plum, when in season, originates both from Cameroon and from local home gardens. However, the majority sold in the markets are grown locally as the fruits do not store well and need to reach market 1-2 days after harvesting. Along with the exotic mango, Dacryodes edulis is one of the few trees cultivated and deliberately planted by local people and it is a common tree in compounds and home gardens. The fruits ripen in June and July, when the market is swamped by them, with none at all being available the remainder of the year. Similarly, mangoes (Mangifera indica) exhibit a highly seasonal pattern, being available only in March and April at the end of the dry season. Although present in the forests of Rio Muni, in particular, the fruits of Poga oleosa (afo) are imported from Cameroon to both territories. The extremely hard seed case encloses an edible endosperm that is eaten like groundnuts.

3.2.4. Leafy vegetables

All of the leafy vegetables found in the markets originate locally (i.e. in Equatorial Guinea). Some are cultivated by women in home gardens, or intensive farms close to the village, whilst some are harvested from the forest or on farm regrowth vegetation. All of these plants are available all year round. The most commonly sold vegetable is Amaranthus hispidus (nfeng), followed by water leaf (Portulaca grandiflora - aluasop) and the young leaves of the edible coco-yam, Xanthoxylem spp. (lom). Also widely available are the young leaves of the climber Basella alba, which is widely cultivated and often semi-spontaneous in home gardens. In addition to those mentioned above, Gnetum africanum is also commonly available in the Malabo market. This is collected soley from the forests of Bioko and, although commonly found in the forests of Rio Muni, is not collected or sold there.

Figure 1. The processing of the leaves of Gnetum spp. ( Photo: T. Sunderland).

3.2.5. Stimulants

The rituals surrounding the passing and use of c(k)ola (from Cola spp. and Garcinia kola) in Cameroon and elsewhere in West and Central Africa are elaborate and deeply ingrained into all aspects and levels of society. This does not seem to be the case in Equatorial Guinea for reasons postulated by Liniger-Goumaz (1986). Despite this, some species of cola are sold in the market and are ingested for the purposes of providing a stimulant and appetite suppresser. The fruits of both Cola acuminata and C. nitida (which, despite being different species are called abe-cola in Fang) are harvested locally and sold widely, as is the seed of bitter kola (Garcinia kola).

3.2.6. Beverages

As is common throughout this region of Africa, palm wine is widely available locally. In Bata and Mbini, both types of palm wine are available: the "down-wine", harvested from the terminal shoot of felled Elaeis guineensis, and the "up-wine" from the inflorescence of a standing Raphia vinifera and R. hookeri. A distilled spirit, almost 100% alcohol, is distilled and sometimes sold in both markets, although most of this spirit is for home consumption.

Another spirit, produced from the crushed stems of sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum) is also commonly found in both markets. This is often produced on a village level, with most villages in the Rio Muni region in particular having at least one sugar cane press. This spirit is augmented by the addition of seeds, and sometimes wood of Garcinia kola, which makes the beverage extremely bitter.

3.2.7. Wrapping leaves

The leaves of a number of Marantaceae species are used in the wrapping of baton de manioc, which is a common component of the local diet. The leaves are harvested from the forest locally and brought fresh to market each day. The two main species used as wrapping leaves are Megaphrynium macrostachyum and Marantochloa purpurea.

3.2.8. Rattan

The rattan trade in the Rio Muni region seems to be in some ways less complicated than that of Cameroon, yet paradoxically more advanced in the respect that there are more formal workshops and artisan businesses using it than roadside and rather ad hoc businesses, as in Cameroon and Nigeria in particular. Bata is supplied from wild cane stocks in Littoral Province by many independent harvesters who may or may not be artisans. There are no middle men and the canes are brought direct from the bush to the market or factory. In general, the rattan trade operates outside the trade in other NWFPs due to its high value and raw cane cannot be purchased in the markets. For a more detailed discussion of the rattan industry in the Rio Muni region, see Sunderland (1998).

4. Discussion

4.1. Why import when it's there already?

The most surprising, and perhaps disturbing, findings of this survey is that forest use in general in Rio Muni has diminished to such an extent that many of the NWFPs sold in the markets are in fact imported from Cameroon. With the exception of perhaps the high-value products for which there is an important local as well as thriving export market, (Prunus africana, Piper guineensis, and Irvingia gabonensis) and other high-value or immediately perishable products such as rattan, some medicinal plants and Marantaceae wrapping leaves, the general trend seems to be that the majority of NWFPs products are imported to both territories. This is despite the fact that many, if not all, of the species occur locally.

The fact that many Guineans have clearly "lost" the knowledge of how to use the forest is recorded by Dounias (1997) and other workers (Serrano, 1997; Cogels, 1997). Dounias, in particular, who has worked extensively with the Bulu of Campo (closely related to the Fang of Equatorial Guinea) where he recorded widespread forest resource use and complex indigenous management systems, found no corresponding level of forest use, or even basic knowledge of NWFPs in Equatorial Guinea, especially amongst the younger generation. This is despite undertaking field work in two different village areas with widely representative populations (Fang and Ndowe) and with one of these villages being close to the Campo area. Dounias's conclusions are strongly supported by these market surveys; even basic NWFPs are not collected from the local forests, despite being widely available, and are imported through the intervention of non-Guineans.

However, the fact that Lopez (1946) records the extensive use of NWFPs throughout the Rio Muni territory during the colonial era and the presence of complex trading patterns during the early colonial period indicates that the loss of knowledge of natural resources is a recent event. Despite highlighting the phenomenon of this lost knowledge, Dounias in particular does not explain why this might have occurred and merely makes note of the phenomenon. In contrast, Serrano (1997) and more importantly (Liniger-Goumaz, 1988) postulate that the highly tumultuous post-independence political arena in Equatorial Guinea has seriously affected the country on all levels, affecting every aspect of life, including natural resource knowledge and management. Further discussion of this is beyond the scope of this report but the issue is presented fully by Liniger-Goumaz (1988).

4.2. Traditional medicine and NWFPs

Whilst, in general, it may be argued that the use of forest resources has diminished amongst the people of Rio Muni, the reliance on traditional medicine has been maintained and primary health care is still depended upon by the majority of the population, especially in the absence of a well-developed, western-based health-care system. The reliance on traditional medicine was especially pronounced in the isolationist period immediately following independence, when no western medicine was available.

In contrast to markets in Cameroon and Nigeria, however, the sale of medicinal plants and plant parts is concentrated on unprocessed samples and the remedies as such have undergone no preparation prior to sale. Hence, it is common to find whole fruits, seeds, pieces of bark etc. rather than ground, distilled or otherwise prepared mixtures and admixtures commonly found in markets, both rural and urban, elsewhere in the region.

Although basic knowledge within the population of the use of plants for primary health care is still strong, with most customers purchasing raw materials for later home-processing, many traditional doctors will advise their patients what to buy, in what quantity and how to prepare the remedy. It was clearly stated that, unlike Cameroon, where many people will harvest medicinal plants themselves in the forest, the majority of the harvesting of such plants in Rio Muni is undertaken by "specialists". It is these specialists that are the main vendors of the plant remedies.

4.3. Local cuisine and NWFPs

In general, and in contrast once more to Cameroon, Nigeria and elsewhere in the region, the local cuisine and dietary patterns in Rio Muni are not as developed and there is, surprisingly, no strong tradition of wide ranging African-style cookery in Equatorial Guinea. Most rural Guineans rely on cassava with fish (for those near the coast and large rivers) or cassava and bushmeat (notably in the interior). There is a strong bushmeat trade that supplies towns and cities such as Bata and Malabo to cater for this preference by urban dwellers (Fa, 1991). The influence of European-style cookery is particularly strong and in general most restaurants and chop-houses in Bata provide only these kind of dishes - a lingering element of colonialism. This undoubtedly accounts for the presence of so many temperate herbs for sale in the market.

In recent times, however, the growing population of other Africans in Equatorial Guinea, particularly Nigerians, Cameroonians and Ghanaians, has led to an increased use of forest condiments and local ingredients in cookery and the availability of some food such as fufu and eru, ndole and plantains and pounded yam. It was clearly stated to us that these immigrants were responsible for bringing the now commonly available forest-based condiments found in the markets and were now influencing Guineans to use such products themselves.

5. Conclusion

The NWFPs sector in Rio Muni exhibits a complicated pattern of use and trade heavily influenced by post-independence political events and in contrast to the other countries of the region. There is a distinct and clear pattern of trade and exchange of NWFPs within Equatorial Guinea itself, especially in border markets as well as more importantly with neighbouring countries such as Cameroon. The complexities of the use and trade of these NWFPs will become clearer as the surveys continue through 1998/99.

What is remarkable is the fact that the demand for NWFPs is so high, and still growing, and that the well-established cross-border trade is part of a strong mainstream trading pattern. This reiterates the fact that NWFPs in Central Africa do not suffer from lack of markets for their promotion and sale, and hence conservation and development value. Quite the opposite, the well-developed nature of such markets and trade routes, coupled with guaranteed prices, often contributes in the long-term to scarcity and over-exploitation.

Acknowledgements

This paper is a summary of the following reports: A preliminary survey of the NWFPs of Rio Muni, Equatorial Guinea (Sunderland, 1998) and La situación de los productos forestales non leñosos en la Isla de Bioko (Obama, 1998). The authors are grateful to Mark Buccowich of CARPE for commisioning the preliminary study of the Rio Muni region and to Frank Stenmanns and all of the staff at CUREF for continuing the reiterative survey work and financing the initial survey of the Bioko markets.

Many thanks to Maurice Elad for his diligent recording and assistance with specimen identification. We are also grateful to Sarah Laird for her suggestions and constructive comments throughout, particularly on methodology.

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