YAOUNDE REGION OF CAMEROON
Rattans are one of the most important non-wood forest products in the Yaounde region of Cameroon. Within the framework of a study of rattan in the area, attention was focused on the attitudes of local people towards rattan exploitation, as opposed to commercial hunting or timber extraction, to test the "NWFP alternative hypothesis".
The exploitation of rattan (gathering and selling of raw material; rattan processing) has undeniable benefits. However, it also has considerable disadvantages. Rattan's advantages are related to its relative abundance, its socio-economic importance, the volume of its potential demand and others parameters of its exploitation. Its weaknesses are essentially due to the fact that it is undoubtedly linked to other, more unsustainable, forms of forest exploitation, such as those mentioned above. Often, most rattan harvesters when asked the question: "rattan or hunting?" usually respond: "rattan and hunting".
Key words: Rattan (cane), hunting, non-wood forest products, Yaounde region
Recently, many donor agencies and research organisations have turned to the potential of NWFPs to contribute to forest conservation initiatives whilst at the same time improving the livelihoods of rural people (Godoy and Bawa, 1993; NC-IUCN, 1997). This is also the case in Cameroon, with many NWFPs being investigated for their potential commercial and possible conservation value. Rattan is the most important NWFP in the Yaounde area, the marketing of which is the subject of on-going studies by `Avenir des Peuples des Forêts Tropicales - APFT'. Through the study of the behaviour of farmers in villages where rattan is exploited, a comparison was made between hunting and trapping and the felling of timber trees as opposed to rattan harvesting.
The area of study corresponds to the supply range of rattan raw material and products for the Yaounde markets and concentrates on the Yaounde - Ebolowa axis. Floristically, it is part of the Southern Cameroonian plateau in an Equatorial-Guinean climate zone covered by semi-deciduous forest dominated by the plant families Sterculiaceae and Ulmaceae (Letouzey, 1985).
Since the 14th century, this region has been inhabited by the Ewondos and Assimi tribes, distributed in widespread hamlets of varying sizes (Mveng and Beling-Nkoumba, 1983). It is a segmented society with an equally fragmented political structure. The main economic activities of the population are subsidence agriculture along with some cash crop production, notably cocoa. Extra-agricultural activities such as fishing, hunting, sand extraction, handicraft production and the gathering of NWFPs are also widely practised. However, the proximity to Yaounde, a sprawling metropolis of around 1 million people, has intensified the demand for many forest products, to the point at which many are now severely threatened.
Field work was undertaken between April 1997 and February 1998 and began with preparatory visits to 19 villages near Yaounde where field observations and informal interviews provided useful information for the choice of representative sites for the more intensive study to follow. Seven of these villages and hamlets were selected for the survey, based on their accessibility and numbers of resident rattan harvesters and artisans.
For the intensive studies, formal interviews based on a questionnaire (n = 84), guided by a stratification of the population, were undertaken. In addition to these interviews, informal discussions, both individually and collectively, were also undertaken. These informal discussions included people who work with rattan and those who do not. Additional direct observations and biological collections (with the assistance of a botanist) augmented the interviews and provided some "ground-truthing".
Although inventories have not been carried out, rattan is considered an abundant and widely available resource in the study area. In spite of extensive forest clearing and the increasing rate of their harvesting in recent years, rattan populations can be observed not far from cocoa plantations, a median distance of less than one hour's walk. Rattan is not only widely available but is also easily accessible from a traditional perspective. There are no social or cultural barriers to its exploitation and, in many settlements, all resident villagers can harvest rattan in the forest without any preliminary formalities.
The importance of rattan, notably the species Laccosperma secundiflorum and Eremospatha macrocarpa, can be seen at many levels in villages. Its exploitation (cutting and trading of raw cane for transformation into arts and crafts) occupies about 35% of households and make up an important component of farmers' time (13 days/month on average for artisans). In terms of income generation, rattan exploitation is a highly beneficial activity for those engaged in it, as illustrated in Table 1.
Table 1: Annual revenues (in CFA) for rattan exploiters.
Activity |
Mean monthly income |
% of total income |
Agricultural activities |
219 000 |
21,6 |
Rattan transformation-artisans |
216 000 |
21,3 |
Sale of raw cane |
166 000 |
16,4 |
Market gardening |
136 000 |
13,4 |
Cocoa/ coffee production |
115 000 |
11,4 |
Hunting |
94 000 |
9,4 |
Other NWFP harvesting |
50 000 |
5 |
small animal husbandry |
18 000 |
1,5 |
Total |
1 014 000 |
100 |
The contribution of rattan to global revenues of those involved is important, not only in absolute or relative value but also notably for its "immediate" benefits. This makes rattan an important means of obtaining cash for much-needed purchases such as medicines and school fees. This is particularly important as the majority of the population suffer from poor cash flow. Previous heavy reliance on cocoa for cash income has been significantly affected by the large reduction in the market price in 1989/90 and rattan has since gained in importance for the local cash economy.
Figure 1. Locally made rattan products for sale at the roadside (Photo: T. Sunderland).
The harvesting of rattan and its subsequent transformation is essentially a job for men who are generally young and married. Preliminary surveys show that 94.4% of harvesters are men aged between the ages of 16 and 40; 78.8% of these are married. This social strata also includes men involved with hunting activities (Dounias, 1993; Dethier, 1995). The fact that hunting and rattan exploitation is undertaken by the same members of a community provides a strong indication that these activities are undertaken simultaneously and suggests that there is often a degree of competition between them.
In comparison with the exploitation of other NWFPs such as bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis), nuts (Coula edulis) and bush bon-bon (Trichoscypha arborea), the fact that the harvested portion of the rattan is part of the vegetative structure of the plant (stems) enables its exploitation all year round. The seasonality effects that hamper direct revenues from other NWFP exploitation relying on fertile plant parts is not experienced. Hunting and timber exploitation activities also experience the effects of seasonality. For example, it is not possible to set traps for hunting during the dry season as the paths that are frequently used by animals are not visible during this period of the year. It is also not possible to extract timber during periods of heavy rain due to the problems of accessibility and transportation. Hence rattan is the only viable all-year-round activity that is capable of providing a continuous income.
Another potential advantage of rattan exploitation in comparison with the exploitation of other NWFPs is the fact that this activity is highly labour intensive. Labour is often the cheapest, and most easily available, commodity to most rural dwellers and both the harvesting and transformation of rattan is highly manual. Although rattan exploitation consumes a great deal of time, and this appears as a disadvantage in terms of productivity, in fact it can be considered an asset (in terms of conservation) inasmuch as this task can occupy farmers and reduce time and energy that might be used for trap-based hunting. The criteria of comparison between would-be economic competitively or time remuneration, energy, finances, and the valuation of high intensity labour activity in rural communities is often considered as a strategy for conservation.
In terms of capital investment needed to establish an artisanal operation, the rural rattan craft industry requires a small investment for the provision of technical or financial capital. This is usually less than CFA 5 000 for small-scale basketwork, and less than CFA 20 000 for the craft industry of rattan furniture. In comparison to the capital intensity required for other activities, the processing of rattan is highly favourable. For example, for timber exploitation the cost of hire or purchase of a chainsaw, as well as the running costs, is extremely high. Likewise, the ammunition needed to hunt with (usually homemade) guns also represents an extremely high capital investment. This investment is often not possible for the majority of the rural population.
Despite the intensity of rattan activity and the benefits that it brings to the rural population, the majority of the population interviewed indicated that they would not give up hunting for the exclusive harvesting of rattan. (See Table 2.) When asked if they would stop commercial hunting in favour of rattan exploitation, the majority of the informants replied in the negative (68%), with only 20% saying they would and 12% were undecided. Similar figures were given by timber exploiters. Half of them (50%) said they would not give up timber exploitation in favour of rattan, 25% said they would and 25% were undecided. The reasons given are outlined below in Table 2.
Table 2: Arguments/reasons given by villagers for not giving up hunting in favour of rattan activities (n = 23)
"Hunting and rattan are complementary to one another, all are sources of revenue" |
43% |
"Hunting is more profitable" |
23% |
"Rattan is a waste of time" |
22% |
"Transportation to Yaounde is difficult and causes a lot of trouble" |
4% |
"Animals eat crops and need to be controlled" |
4% |
"When hunting you can eat bush meat" |
4% |
Total = |
100% |
As can be seen from Table 2, there is a strong complimentarity between rattan and other forms of forest exploitation, such as hunting. This complementarity is at an economic level, i.e. income. Although rattan certainly provides greater revenues, this is not a sufficient reason for many rural people to abandon hunting and tree felling since all of these activities are moneymaking. This is not surprising; the key to many rural subsistence strategies is the diversification of revenue sources. For farmers interviewed those who undertake a number of income generating activities is 86%. This is especially the case since the fall in the price of cocoa price in 1989/90 which highlighted the importance to farmers that it is not necessary, nor desirable, "to keep all the eggs in the same basket".
4.1.2. Rattan exploitation and hunting: Activities carried out together
Many rattan collectors take advantage of their journey to the forest when going to harvest rattan to conduct hunting activities. The secondary forest much favoured by many species of rattan are also the optimum habitat for many of the animals prized for their meat, which has both subsistence and commercial value. The setting of traps within the same forest area as one is harvesting does not require a great deal of supplementary effort. Furthermore, trekking in the bush to prospect for rattan resources enables the harvester to identify well-used animal paths and vice-versa.
4.1.3. Activities financing one another
Much of the revenue earned from the sale of raw cane or the trade in finished rattan articles enables the farmer to buy necessities such as salt, soap and kerosene, and recreational goods such as alcohol. The cash is also used to purchase steel wire used to make snares, or cartridges for those who hunt with firearms. Some rattan harvesters also use some of the cash income from the sale of rattan to finance small-scale timber exploitation.
Conversely, the sale of cut timber or bushmeat can also finance rattan work. Much of the rural population has a weak capability for saving and frequently spends all of the cash-income derived from rattan trading, without saving enough money for the next trip to town for the sale of their products or for purchasing the basic items needed to support their rattan craft industries (such as nails, varnish and gas). To overcome this, many have recourse to the capture and sale of bushmeat. Hence, porcupine or some other easily trapped animal is sold along the road or in the nearest town.
Figure 2. Wire snare used for trapping (Photo: T. Sunderland).
4.1.4. Activities that can support one another during seasonal changes
During our investigations, a forty-year-old man from Ozam village, a well-known harvester and craftsman of rattan, when asked why he doesn't abandon timber exploitation to concentrate solely on rattan work, gave the following answer:
"..during holidays, there are many rattan traders in Yaounde and the rattan is cheap, so I prefer to manage at this moment with [the sale of] wood while waiting for rattan market to be [more favourable] ".
4.1.5. Further constraints to developing rattan as a sole NWFP activity
Although rattan provides a high level of relative income, it is not only highly labour intensive but can be dangerous and unpleasant work. Firstly, it is often necessary to trek far into the forest to find adequate rattan resources (on average 7 km) whilst traps are set on average only 2km from the village. The harvesting of the rattan itself is often extremely unpleasant; the stems are covered with long thorns and, in the course of pulling a cut length of cane, dead branches often fall from the forest canopy. The harvested cane is then head-portered back to the village; a bundle of fresh cut cane can weigh up to 50 kg. If the raw cane is to be transported for sale to an urban centre (usually Yaounde), there are considerable transportation problems. Apart from the difficulties of procuring the transportation money, finding a suitable vehicle that will provide transport, further funds are required for bribing policemen along the road (harvesting is essentially illegal without a valid permis d'exploitation).
In this regard, it is not surprising that many harvesters complain that the rattan business is difficult and many complain that income earned is not proportional to the time spent, the energy exerted and the risks taken. It is regarded as a situation of low remuneration and reduces the comparative advantage of the relatively high final incomes. In some villages, timber exploitation is more profitable than rattan in this regard and remuneration of time spent for timber harvesting is ten times the remuneration of that spent on rattan exploitation.
In many villages, the numbers of hunters is higher than the number of those involved in rattan exploitation and commercial hunting is more culturally important than rattan work. The Fang-Beti group certainly has a long tradition of rattan use but this has been limited to local use. The technical know-how to undertake large-scale harvesting and transformation is not well known in some localities. It is often the case that more people are familiar with the techniques of animal trapping than they are with those of the rattan craft industry.
4.1.6. The substitution hypothesis
Some forms of forest utilisation are more in-line with the conservation agenda than others, and this had led to the development of the "alternative NWFP" hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, by finding equivalent cash income to that provided by hunting, for example, the farmers could abandon hunting in favour of more "sustainable" (and legal) forms of forest exploitation such as the harvesting of rattan.
Revenue substitution in a context of livelihood impoverishment (according to the World Bank, the number of rural households living under the poverty threshold in Cameroon increased from 49% to 71% between 1983 and 1993) seems not to be realistic, however. The need for a regular cash income precludes any need for immediate conservation for many communities and the altruism needed to deny any form of forest-based revenue only comes through relative comfort, often wealth from other sources.
Rattan exploitation has undoubted benefits in terms of forest exploitation. It is a relatively abundant resource and provides high revenues for both the raw material and finished products. Rattan harvesting is not affected by the effects of seasonality that plagues the commercial potential of other NWFPs, and the markets for rattan products are strong and rapidly increasing.
However, as seen from the results of this study, the exploitation of rattan, often considered as a sustainable form of forest use, is undertaken alongside more unsustainable and damaging forms of forest exploitation. This diversity of exploitation patterns is due to the need for immediate cash income.
It is also clear that there needs to be greater revenues generated from the existing trade and there is a clear challenge to the proponents of sustainable development: How can these resources be more profitable, increasing the revenue of the main actors involved without damaging production potential in the long term? The answer to this question requires further multi-disciplinary study into the ecology and socio-economic aspects of the industry.
From the studies outlined in this paper, it is clear that the situation is not one of "..rattan or porcupine?" but one of "..rattan and porcupine".
The author wishes to thank Drs. E. Dounias, T. Trefon, E. de Garine of APFT, O. Ndoye of CIFOR, Prof. J.L. Dongmo of Ngaoundere University and E. Ngwan Achu of the University of Yaounde I, for their influential studies which have influenced the work presented in this paper.
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