3.1 Firewood
3.2 Charcoal
3.3 Building materials
3.4 Domestic items
3.5 Fodder
3.6 Timber/Furniture
3.7 Honey
3.8 Ritual/Spiritual
3.9 Dye
3.10 Land improvement
3.11 Fibre
3.12 Beverages/Food/Condiments
3.13 Fruits
3.14 Medicine
3.15 Fencing
3.16 Gums/Tannins/Resins/Crafts
Shoka lisilo mpini halichanji kuni
An axe with no handle does not split firewood
(Swahili sayings are taken from Farsi 1958.)
In Tanzania firewood is the main source of energy for rural households, and is an important source of cooking fuel in towns. In rural areas many people rely solely on firewood for cooking and other household tasks. It is generally the preferred fuel for cooking ugali and heating water. In urban areas people rely less on firewood and tend to use more charcoal. It should be highlighted however, that most urban households use more than 1 type of fuel. For example in Iringa, approximately 55% of the population use charcoal for cooking, 33% use wood, with the remainder using kerosene and electricity (Hines 1991).
The main home based income generating activity requiring wood is the brewing of local maize and millet beer (pombe). Brewing is done by women and pombe is sold to middle women who then retail it to beer stalls or licensed beer halls. It is not customary (or legal) to sell pombe from private households. On average, 54 kilograms of firewood, in log form is used to make 160 litres (an oil drum) of beer.
Wood is also the predominant source of energy for some small-scale processing enterprises such as brick making, tobacco curing and fish smoking. Firewood demand for tobacco curing has been identified as one of the principle causes of deforestation and depletion of the natural woodlands in Iringa, Shinyanga, Tabora regions and parts of Ruvuma region. In Iringa, it was estimated that approximately 15 kilograms of stacked wood is needed to produce 1 kilogram of cured tobacco whereas brick burning (50000 bricks) requires about 20 tonnes of firewood.
Bakeries and institutions rely primarily on wood as well, and can consume substantial quantities. A Teachers Training College in Iringa with 1140 persons, operating 10 months out of the year requires approximately 240 tonnes of wood annually, or about 0.8 tonnes per capita per year. However on a per capita basis, institutional firewood requirements tend to be less than requirements tend to be less than consumption in either urban or rural households.
|
Species grown for fuelwood for use as either firewood or charcoal should: * grow quickly, yield a high volume of wood quickly, and require minimum management time; Adapted from USAID, Growing Multipurpose Trees on Small Farms. |
A Household Energy Consumption/Cooking Habits survey conducted in January 1987 found the per capita fuelwood consumption in Dar es Salaam to be 2.1 cubic metres solid wood (ESMAP, World Bank 1988). Consumption for other urban areas was estimated to be slightly lower due to higher fuel costs, lower median incomes, and poorer supply networks. Consumption estimates derived for Iringa Town found that about 1.73 cubic metres of solid wood was consumed per capita per year. This figure is an aggregation of both wood and charcoal (Hines 1991). For rural areas visited the annual per person consumption of fuelwood was about 1.1 cubic metros.
In most villages firewood is neither bought nor sold, but collected for home use. Where firewood is marketed, the average price is about 10 TSH per kilogram (1991-92). Firewood sold in large quantities, for example a 7 tonne truck load, costs about 750 TSH per cubic metre (1991-92).
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TABLE 3.1 Species mentioned frequently as important for firewood include Uapaca kirkiana, Dichrostachys cinerea, Brachystegia spiciformis. ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Kinga na kinga ndipo moto uwakapo
One firebrand after another keeps the fire burning
In urban areas charcoal is used extensively for household cooking tasks, and it is relied on almost exclusively by restaurants. Charcoal is generally preferred for cooking meat, fish, beans, and other foods for the evening meal such as rice and fried bananas. However, the price of charcoal often limits its use. Nevertheless, when looking at comparative cooking costs on a kilocalorie basis in Tanzania, electricity, then charcoal, and then firewood are the least cost cooking options, if the cost and the availability of stoves for the respective fuel is not considered (Hines 1991).
Small scale charcoal production is a significant source of income for many small farmers, predominately men, as well as a significant cause of deforestation, notably the Miombo woodlands. Farmers construct earth kilns by covering stacked wood with vegetation and then with soil, a technique commonly referred to as 'mudding'. These small kilns are wedge shaped and use about 5 to 6 cubic metres of wood to produce about 12, 35 kilogram bags of charcoal. The recovery efficiency is about 15% (ESMAP, World Bank 1988).
In many areas of Tanzania farmers who were once involved in charcoal making have been forced to look for alternative sources of income, because of over-exploitation of the woodlands and a lack of raw material. In Mazombe, a village visited in the Iringa region, about 150 charcoal workers had produced between 45000 to 50000 bags in 1987. In 1991 it was estimated that about 22,500 bags were produced in the same village, amounting to a substantial reduction over the 4 year period (Hines 1991).
Generally speaking, these local producers earn between 150 and 300 TSH per 35 kilogram bag whereas the retail price, depending on the size of the urban area, is usually between 600 and 850 TSH. In urban areas 1 kilogram usually sells for about 20 TSH (1991-92). These price variations reflect the highly competitive nature of the charcoal market, differences in economies of scale, and the degree of integration between different selling levels. Price also depends on the quality of the charcoal, including species and amount of fine material, the transport method (truck, tractor, bicycle, wheelbarrow, donkey, or headloading), the distance travelled, and whether the operation is legal.
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TABLE 3.2 Local species frequently mentioned for charcoal production include: Brachystegia spiciformis, Combretum moue, and Dichrostachys cinerea. ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Kwenye miti hakuna wajenzi
Where there are trees there are no builders
In most rural areas of Tanzania forests are still the main sources of supply materials for constructing houses, fences, and bomas. Even though house construction styles are slightly different in various regions of the country, and they are changing in some areas, the majority of rural people still rely on local forests for their house construction needs. Almost all men responding to the question concerning their most important uses for trees indicated building materials. For women it is also a significant use.
Generally, men collect building materials from the forest when necessary and are responsible for constructing and maintaining structures. However it was found that in Ruvuma region women are also involved in house building. It was reported in some villages in Dodoma that women had to buy building materials from men if they required them, as they do not go into the forest to collect materials. Typically, rural households do not buy building materials for their own use. There is some selling of building materials but this is generally not within the village but to traders who take the materials to town.
The preferred species tend to vary according to availability and the specific use within the construction scheme. As well, the quantities required and the replacement period varies depending on the style of house and species used. A boma made of cedar might use 0.21 to 0.33 cubic metres of wood, whereas it is much more difficult to estimate the quantity required for a house. A typical house in Dodoma may take 4 types of building materials: supports, beams, pallets, and withers.
TABLE 3.3 Building Materials in a Typical Dodoma House
|
Type of Material |
Quantity |
Price: TSH - 1992 |
Replacement |
|
supports |
60 |
600-1000/pole |
3-4/year |
|
beams |
25 |
800-1000/piece |
- |
|
pallets |
- |
50/piece |
20/year |
|
withers |
1300 |
60/load of 25 |
all every 3 years |
The high demand for building materials puts considerable pressure on natural forests, especially those near villages and towns. Poles can be removed from forest reserves for personal use without a license and free of charge. Given the high demand and the value many people put on indigenous species for building, it is important to try planting these preferred indigenous species outside the forest reserves to relieve pressure on existing forests.
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Trees grown for poles should: * have a single, straight stem with few branches; |
|
TABLE 3.4 Some of the highly preferred species identified for building materials include: Acacia mellifera, Dichrostachys cinerea, Bridelia micrantha, Dalbergia arbutifolia, Prunus africana, and Olea capensis. ACACIA ABYSSINICA |
Mshare kwenda msituni haukupotea
If an arrow goes into the forest it is not lost.
It is after all where it originated.
Raw materials from the forest are used to make a wide range of products that can broadly be classified as household utensils, tools, and equipment. Many different species are used to make tools and utensils that meet day to day household needs. While substitutes for many items are available in larger towns, in most villages people still rely almost exclusively on materials from forests and woodlands for domestic items.
Most items are made by village specialists. There tend to be specialists in each village and they are generally men. These people often inherit their crafts and tend to specialize in producing a specific set of items. However, simple items such as spoons are sometimes made within the household.
A typical village family would likely own the following items, all of which, except the pestle and mortar, may need to be replaced annually:
TABLE 3.5 Domestic Items Likely Owned by a Typical Village Family
|
Item |
Quantity |
Purchase Price TSH/unit - 1992 |
|
stirring sticks |
2 |
100 |
|
pestle |
1 |
800 |
|
mortar |
1 |
100-200 |
|
rolling pin |
1 |
50 |
|
spoon |
5-10 |
5 |
|
axe handle |
1 |
100 |
|
hoe handle |
5 |
100 |
|
spade handle |
1 |
100 |
|
bow |
1 |
150 |
|
arrow |
10 |
50 |
|
spear |
2 |
150 |
Market prices for similar items in large towns such as Morogoro, Dodoma, Iringa, Songea, Arusha, Mbeya, and Moshi are:
TABLE 3.6 Market Prices for Domestic Items
|
Item |
Wholesale Price TSH/unit - 1992 |
Retail Price TSH/unit - 1992 |
|
stirring sticks |
- |
100 |
|
pestle (large) |
800-1000 |
1500 |
|
mortar |
150 |
250 |
|
rolling pin |
200-300 |
450 |
|
spoon |
25-40 |
50-100 |
|
sieve |
150-250 |
300-350 |
|
knife |
200-250 |
300-450 |
|
axe handle |
- |
1200 |
|
hoe handle |
100 |
200 |
|
spade handle |
- |
700 |
|
bow |
500 |
800 |
|
spear |
500 |
800-1000 |
|
walking stick |
60 |
80 |
|
Species for making domestic items should: * possess straight stems and provide either light or heavy, strong wood; |
|
TABLE 3.7 Highly preferred species for domestic uses include: Rauvolfia caffra, Albizia harveyi, Teclea nobilis, Grewia bicolor, and Cordia sinensis ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Mwenye skoku hakosi kuni
He who has an axe does not lack for firewood or fodder
Livestock raising is an integral part of most household production systems in Tanzania. Herds are generally considered to be a source of security for future and unexpected needs, though animals are occasionally slaughtered for home consumption.
Trees from forests, woodlands, farms, and fallow land are primary sources of fodder and are instrumental in supporting the livestock population of Tanzania. Animals are generally free grazing, though increasingly villages are introducing zero grazing laws requiring tethering and cut-and-carry systems. It was noticed that in many areas free grazing still inhibits tree planting, even in agroforestry systems. In some areas, for example Babati district of Arusha, the adoption of zero grazing on a large scale is unlikely for the foreseeable future due to the uncertainty of fodder crop production, the length of the dry season, and the availability and cost of labour (Johansson 1992).
In drier areas, particularly Dodoma region and the Southern Highlands, fodder was not generally identified as one of the most important uses of trees, either by men or women. Most farmers said they never bought feed; they only collected fodder for sick or newborn animals. Free grazing was used almost exclusively by those interviewed in these areas.
|
Trees grown for fodder should: · produce leaves or pods that animals like to eat and have high nutritional content; |
In some districts the demand for fodder is so high that farmers have started to grow fodder grass for supplementary dry grass. On the slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro indigenous tree species have either been retained or planted for the specific purpose of supplying fodder. Of the farmers interviewed there, all mentioned the importance of trees for supplying fodder. However none sold leaf fodder, although occasionally they had to purchase it in the lower lying areas. One farmer estimated that he produced 75% of the fodder required to feed his 4 goats and 2 cows. However, he still purchased from outside the village 4, 7 tonne loads of feed costing about 60000 TSH (1992) for the 28 tonnes.
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TABLE 3.8 Some highly preferred species for fodder production include: Acacia albida, Vitex payos, Ficus spp., and Croton macrostachyus. ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Mti hawendi ila kwa nyenzo
A log can not move save by the help of rollers
Most men interviewed stated that timber was a valuable product of indigenous species, but due to the increasing scarcity of many of the preferred species, timber is not as an important an item as it has been in the past. However, the market for timber from cultivated trees is growing, as demand continues to increase and the supply from indigenous forests is depleted. Timber is generally sawn into boards and used in house construction (rafters, doors, and frames), for furniture, and for other constructed items. Often timber is sold directly to the consumer at the pitsawing site.
Throughout the regions visited in Tanzania farmers commented on the disappearance of well-known timber species. In many cases farmers have not used Prunus africana, Ocotea usambarensis or Olea europaea for more than 5 years, though they mentioned these species as preferred and would readily use them again if they were available.
In Songea district of Ruvuma region some farmers involved in the timber business have begun planting Breonadia salicina and Pterocarpus angolensis due to the depletion of indigenous timber species. Timber has been a good source of income and farmers feel that it is now essential to develop alternative timber supplies if timber is to remain a significant income earner. Therefore, it is important that indigenous trees are integrated into planting schemes designed to produce timber.
|
Species for sawn timber should: * grow quickly; |
Furniture making is an important source of income for carpenters in rural areas. In most villages several men work independently but often cooperate to secure raw materials from pitsawyers, and in some cases they even share tools. Occasionally carpenters receive orders from within the village, but it is more from within village but it is more likely that items are sold in either local weekly markets or in nearby towns. Items produced and sold include boxes, tables, chairs, bed frames, and stools.
TABLE 3.9 Timber and Furniture Prices
Selected Timber Prices (TSH/running foot - 1992)
|
Species |
Government Price |
Forest Site Price |
Village Price |
|
Breonadia salicina |
- |
85 |
100 |
|
Ocotea Usambarensis |
64 |
55 |
65 |
|
Khaya anthotheca |
48 |
30 |
58 |
|
Podocarpus latifolius |
36 |
30 |
58 |
|
Pterocarpus angolensis |
74 |
85 |
100 |
|
Cordia africana |
50 |
55 |
58 |
Selected Furniture Prices (TSH/item - 1992)
|
Item |
Species |
Market Price |
|
box |
Podocarpus latifolius |
1400 |
|
chair |
Ocotea usambarensis |
1400 |
|
table |
Ocotea usambarensis |
1400 |
|
stool |
Ocotea usambarensis |
450 |
|
cupboard |
Commiphora ugogoensis |
15000 |
|
bed |
Pterocarpus angolensis |
7000/bed |
|
double chair |
Khaya anthotheca |
9000/unit |
|
TABLE 3.10 ACACIA ABYSSINICA |
|
TABLE 3.11 ACACIA ABYSSINICA |
Fuata nyuki, ule asali
Follow the bees that you may eat honey
Traditional beekeepers make their living from the forests where hives are put in carefully selected trees. Honey is a uniquely exploited product in that it does not compete with other land uses, or cause land degradation, although burning has been mentioned as an adverse effect of traditional beekeeping practices. Honey and wax appear to be under-exploited and demand for both is said to be stronger than the supply. In addition to food, honey is also used in making pombe and medicines.
|
Honey is one of the most important commercial products from the forest of Tanzania. |
A farmer in the Kilimanjaro area said that he produced about 7 to 10 debes of honey a year (1 debe = approximately 20 litres or about 20 kilograms). If he sold it in the village he received 7000 TSH per debe, whereas in Moshi he received 10000 TSH per debe. One traditional beehive produces from 15 to 45 kilograms per year of honey and 1 kilogram per year of wax. In some villages on the slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro, farmers reported that some of the bees had disappeared due to coffee pests, or perhaps the use of pesticides.
Hives are made of hard durable species such as Commiphora eminii, Rauvolfia caffra, Acacia albida, and Ocotea usambarensis. They are usually hung in trees that are easy to climb, and are not too large or soft.
Afzelia quanzensis was mentioned as a tree bees prefer for nectar. Farmers also noted that the following species are highly preferred by bees for gathering nectar: Rauvolfia caffra, Commiphora ugogoensis, Albizia gummifera, Grewia spp., Parinari excelsa, Syzygium guineense, and Ficus sycomorus.
|
TABLE 3.12 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
|
TABLE 3.13 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Kivuli cha mvumo huwfunika walio mbali
The shadow of a date palm provides a shelter for those who are far away
It is almost impossible to generalize across Tanzania about the use of forests for ritual and spiritual functions. The variety of cultural functions are as numerous and diverse as the communities and tribes of the country. However, without doubt, through time forests have been and still are an integral aspect of the social structure, religion, art, history, medicine, and politics of a community. Forests feature, both tangibly and intangibly, in all aspects of daily life. They are viewed as both sources of and protectors against evil and as providers of fortune and power.
Certain trees can serve to link the living with their ancestors, as is often symbolized by the relationship between the sky and the earth. Sometimes gifts are given as a means of showing ancestors that they have not been forgotten. Gifts such as flowers or alcohol are placed at the foot of the tree as an offering which is symbolic of giving food to ancestors through the tree. Certain Commiphora spp. are regarded as spiritual trees that provide a means of communicating with ancestors.
Trees also serve as a symbol for beliefs within an individual's life. In Arusha, Ficus sycomorus is believed to bring good luck. Those passing by place grass or flowers at the base as an offering and in return ask God to bless them and bring them good luck. Another important tree is Trichilia emetica which serves as a resting spot during a journey. Before leaving the traveller prays for good luck and health.
Select species are often considered sacred, possessing special powers that can aid, for instance in fertility and birth, sickness, or expelling evil spirits. For example, Ficus sycomorus is revered by some in Dodoma as a provider of water. Euphorbia candelabrum is used to drive witches from a village. Members of the village take branches and leaves and place them on branches and leaves and place them on the doorstep of the witch. This indicates to all that the witch has been identified and acts as a warning that the witch should leave the village immediately. Both Lannea schweinfurthii and Lonchocarpus capassa are used to rid the body of witchcraft. If someone has been bewitched or has had a disaster, the person boils the roots of L. schweinfurthii and then washes in the water, which is then poured out at the nearest road junction. The root of L. capassa is tied around the leg of the bewitched person. After a certain time the bark of the root is boiled in water and the bewitched person takes a bath in the water.
|
Forests and particular trees are also the setting for many cultural events and serve both practical and symbolic judicial roles. |
Grewia bicolor is a special shade tree in some villages in Dodoma where traditional meetings and burials take place. In the rural areas of Moshi, every chief must have the shade of a Ficus thonningii to sit, pray, and think under. In several areas sacred groves of trees are protected by local people, and are a place to settle disputes. Each community has its own traditions associated with sacred trees, and as a result the species tend to vary greatly.
|
TABLE 3.14 Often-mentioned trees having special cultural significance in localized areas and never cut include, Ficus sycomorus, Syzygium cordatum, and Kigelia africana. ALBIZIA GUMMIFERA |
Ukiona zinduna, ambari iko nyuma
If you see amber, ambergris is not far behind
Dyes of various shades (black, red, orange, yellow, green, and blue) can be extracted from the leaves, bark, or roots of many of the indigenous trees of Tanzania. Dyes are primarily used to colour fabric and fibre materials (used to make baskets and mats); for decorating the walls of houses and buildings with murals; in crafts, for example painting spoons and walking sticks; and as a form of make-up for women. Women use dyes as body paint to colour their toes, fingernails, lips, hands and feet (usually either red or black).
Dyes are usually extracted from the leaves, bark, roots, or stem by boiling in water. The dye is then 'fixed' or made permanent by adding lemon juice and salt. Some species that were mentioned as good sources of dye include: Bridelia micrantha, Milicia excelsa, Pterocarpus angolensis, and Syzygium cordatum. Henya, a popular red dye, could be purchased in some of the larger town markets for about 10 TSH per spoonful.
Despite the numerous potential uses for and sources of dyes, in many parts of the country women and to a lesser extent men, felt that they did not know enough about the whole process to use dyes regularly. There seemed to be a lack of widespread information on which species and specifically which tree parts, can be used for dye. In many villages people said they had never used dyes and they did not know of any trees which could be used for dyeing. However people, especially women expressed the desire to learn more about using plants in general for dyeing. This situation indicates the need for developing and promoting the use of natural dyes in Tanzania.
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TABLE 3.15 Species that were identified as having other important uses which also have parts that can be used for natural dyes, include: ACACIA LAHAI |
Aisifuye mvua imemnyea
He who praises rain has been rained on
Many indigenous species provide environmental benefits as well as multiple economic uses. Even though much research on the ecology, reproduction, agroforestry potential, and economic uses of indigenous species remains to be done, it is known that many of these trees have positive effects on soil properties, and contribute to the environmental sustainability of traditional agroforestry systems (Young 1989).
Indigenous trees play a well-recognized role in maintaining and improving agricultural production by protecting water supplies, stabilizing soil, and by improving soil fertility and water retention. The value of trees in general, as stabilizers and enhancers of the environment is well-known and certainly is not new to most farmers in Tanzania. Most farmers could name at least 3 local species which they regarded as valuable for protecting the environment. In many cases farmers had planted these species by vegetative propagation (cuttings or grafting) on their own land.
A significant use of indigenous trees that was mentioned frequently by farmers was for water conservation and as a water source. Ficus thonningii and Ficus sycomorus were cited frequently for this purpose. Xeroderris stuhlmannii was highlighted as being a useful tree for windbreaks.
The uses of trees for conserving and enriching the soil are well-known to local people. Indigenous species such as Acacia and Albizia are able to fix nitrogen in the soil, adding to soil fertility. The ability of trees to recycle nutrients that are not otherwise available to crops can reduce the need for chemical fertilizers. In addition, some trees of Tanzania, such as Commiphora spp. and Rauvolfia caffra are intercropped by Chagga farmers for their herbicidal or insecticidal properties (Fernandes et al. 1984).
|
Trees grown as windbreaks should: * tolerate harsh environments; |
The leaf fall from deciduous trees provides mulch, and helps to build up the organic content of topsoil. Leaf fall also adds nutrients, and improves soil texture. The root systems of trees improve drainage and aeration, and aid in retaining soil on sloping land. The shade and litter provided by trees lowers soil temperatures, and creates a habitat for microorganisms, which aid in the breakdown of organic matter into humus.
Indigenous trees can be intercropped with annual crops, and provide agroforestry benefits such as improved productivity, diversity of products (such as fodder), or erosion control. For example, Chagga farmers intercrop an average of 39 indigenous trees with their annual crops to obtain a wide range of economic and environmental benefits (Fernandes et al. 1984).
Several indigenous species can be used in the treatment of erosion, particularly if they are fast growing, nitrogen fixing, and tolerant of harsh conditions. Tree planting alone may not control severe erosion and land degradation problems, because the establishment of a ground cover is also important in retaining the topsoil. However, many local trees are known to improve the fertility and condition of the soil and control erosion, and may be better suited to local conditions than exotics with similar properties. In structural conservation measures such as hedgerows, terraces, and microcatchments, species such as Acacia spp., Balanites spp., Tamarindus indica, and Olea spp. have been used successfully in Kenya (Rocheleau et al. 1988).
|
Trees grown for soil protection and improvement should: * grow quickly under adverse conditions; |
|
TABLE 3.16 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) N |
Ukuukuuwa kamba si upya wa ukambaa
A well-worn coir rope is better than a new rope made from raffia
Indigenous trees are an important source of fibre for use as thread, rope, twine, cloth, and building materials. These items are important in terms of household use, agricultural production, and for fishing and hunting implements. Maize and grain storage containers are often made of fibres from the forest. Baskets and bags for agricultural produce made from Oxytenanthera abyssinica are used for transporting vegetables and fruits, for example tomatoes in Iringa. Adansonia digitata is well-known for its fibre which is used for ropes, in bed making, and though infrequently these days, for cloth.
Thread from tree roots is used for sewing items such as bags and sacks and is harvested from Acacia nilotica, Tamarindus indica, Cordia africana, and Lannea schweinfurthii, among just a few local species. In Dodoma, thread from the roots of Brachystegia spiciformis and Acacia tortilis was sold in local markets for 50 TSH per kilogram.
Many people still prefer to use thorns as needles since metal ones cost approximately 70 TSH each and often are not as strong or durable. Tasks which require sewing with such sturdy needles include closing grain hags and sewing drums. Preferred species for needles include Olea capensis, Albizia schimperana, Acacia nilotica, and Dichrostachys cinerea.
|
Table 3.17 ACACIA GERRARDII |
Ungalijua alacho nyuki, usingalionja asali
Had you known what bees eat you would not have tasted honey
There are a number of edible plant products gathered from forests including leaves, roots, seeds, nuts, tubers, fungi, and salt. These foods are important as they add diversity and variety to the diet, while supplying essential vitamins, minerals, and protein.
The contribution of forest foods to household diets seems to vary tremendously from area to area and in most places it was difficult to assess. Problems arose in identifying species, as in many villages the names given were local and not known even to the foresters working in the area. Trying to determine the frequency and quantity of forest foods consumed was also problematic. As a result, many local names recalled by farmers are not included in this section and no attempt was made to try to estimate the quantity of forest products consumed at the household level.
Leaves are used for domestic consumption as a relish that is eaten with most staples. They are gathered primarily from herbs and bushes in fields and gullies, although occasionally they are harvested from trees. However, in most parts of Tanzania it appears that the forests are of minor significance for the collection of these leaves when compared with fields and gullies. Green leafy vegetables are mainly picked during the rainy season when they are growing in fields and on uncultivated land. As livestock grazing gradually becomes more controlled, human consumption of suitable wild plants is likely to increase as these plants will be spared from animals. Mushrooms are sometimes collected from the forest during the rainy season.
Some of the more popular species from which drinks are made include Adansonia digitata, Acacia nilotica, and Tamarindus indica.
|
TABLE 3.18 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
|
TABLE 3.19 ACACIA NILOTICA |
Mwanzo kokochi, mwisho nazi
The beginning is a bud, the end is a coconut
Fruits and berries collected in the forest or from trees retained on shamba lands, are an important source of minerals and vitamins, especially for children. Findings from the surveys indicate that the significance of these fruits is nutritional rather than economical, as most are consumed in the forest rather than sold in markets. The fact that different species ripen during different seasons (although they are more frequent during the dry season), enables indigenous fruits to compensate for variations in nutrient intake from green leafy vegetables and cultivated fruits and vegetables.
In some villages people indicated that local fruits are not often eaten as a supplement to their diets and that they rely fully on cultivated fruits. They said that fruits, such as banana, papaya, mango, and citrus, are much more convenient to harvest and that harvesting is spaced to ensure an adequate supply of fruits. However, in most villages indigenous fruits and berries were seen as a free source of food that required no preparation and provided a nutritious snack for children while in the forest. Adults also mentioned that they occasionally ate local fruits.
TABLE 3.20 Fruits and Berries
|
Species |
Ripening Period |
Market Price (TSH - 1992) |
|
Adansonia digitata |
May-Aug |
10 TSH/fruit |
|
Annona senegalensis |
Dec-Mar |
8-10 TSH/fruit |
|
Azanza garckeana |
May-Aug |
occasionally sold |
|
Balanites aegyptiaca |
Mar |
children eat |
|
Berchemia discolor |
Mar-May |
children eat |
|
Ficus sycomorus |
Jun-Dec |
children eat |
|
Flacourtia indica |
Dec-Jul |
children eat |
|
Grewia bicolor |
Apr-Sept |
20 TSH/cup |
|
Parinari curatellifolia |
Oct-May |
pulp occasionally sold |
|
Strychnos cocculoides |
Apr-Jul |
not sold |
|
Syzygium guineense |
Feb-Jun |
20 TSH/cup |
|
Tamarindus indica |
Jun-Aug |
9 TSH/fruit |
|
Uapaca kirkiana |
Sept-Dec |
10 TSH/2-3 fruits |
|
Vangueria infausta |
Jul-Dec |
occasionally sold |
|
Vitex doniana |
Jan-Apr |
1 TSH/fruit |
|
Vitex payos |
Dry Season |
10 TSH/30 fruits |
|
Ximenia americana |
Varies |
children eat |
|
Ximenia caffra |
Jan-Feb |
5-10 TSH/fruit |
|
TABLE 3.21 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
Mganga hajigangi
A witch doctor does not cure himself
The importance of traditional medicine for humans, as well as animals, in most parts of Tanzania is difficult to ascertain. It would be an understatement to say that traditional medicine plays a significant role in the health care system, since this is the only affordable and accessible health care in many parts of rural Tanzania. However, it is difficult to assess the extent to which traditional medicines are still used. For example, in the Hai Mashariki division on the southern slope of Mt. Kilimanjaro a study carried out by O'Ktingati found that 30% of all trees in Chagga home gardens produced medicine for either humans or animals (O'Ktingati 1986). Discussions with farmers in the area revealed that for most serious illnesses people went to the mission for treatment. It was estimated that a household might spend about 20000 TSH per year on non-traditional medicine.
Assessing the use of traditional medicines is further complicated by the fact that in Tanzania common plant treatments are known and used by the majority of rural people. These day-to-day uses of medicinal plants do not require a medicine man or woman and are often included as part of the diet. There was no clear indication of the extent to which medicinal plants grown in home gardens were used by households as opposed to being prescribed by local healers. In some cases the distinction between the consumption of these remedies for food versus medicine is not clear. For example the Masai use of 'soups' can be for food, as an appetite increaser, or as a digestive aid.
In addition, there is a variety of healing practices and beliefs and most practices do not distinguish between the physical and psychological elements of an illness. Many tribes in Tanzania have a dual classification for diseases: those having natural causes and those due to witchcraft or angered ancestor spirits. Most of the diseases classified by healers have a scientific equivalent in western medicine. Diseases are generally diagnosed by a healer according to both the cause and the classification of the illness. Diseases attributed to natural causes are generally treated by a herbalist or at a hospital. If the illness is due to witchcraft, a sorcerer is needed to employ counter magic. However, if the disorder is the result of angered ancestors or evil spirits, a ritual or ceremony is held to placate them. If the cause of the illness is broken cultural rules or taboos, an act of penance or restitution is prescribed (Chhabra 1984).
Tanzania is estimated to have more than 60000 traditional healers (Weenen 1990). In most parts of Tanzania there are 4 types of healers (Chhabra 1984): Herbalists, Herbalists-ritualists, Ritualists-herbalists, and Spiritualists. Most remedies in traditional medicine are prepared from various natural substances, animals and vegetables. The vegetable remedies account for about 90% of all remedies used for treatment (Chhabra 1984).
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It is important that significant medicinal and aromatic plants are identified, so that appropriate conservation measures can be taken to ensure that these medicinal products continue to be available to sick people on a sustainable basis. |
Even though botanical studies in Tanzania have identified a vast number of medicinal plants from the forest that have the potential for medicinal uses, it is difficult to assess which species are of major economic importance locally. This situation is further complicated by the secretiveness of medicine people, and the tendency to hide information concerning the importance of specific local medicinal plants. Markets provide an excellent starting point for identifying species for which people are willing to pay. Sometimes the price of a particular medicine is set and advertised, while in other cases the price is either negotiated or patients pay what they can.
There are a number of commonly used tree medicines that are marketed with the intention of reaching the urban consumer. Most medicines were collected by the seller who is a medicine woman or man. However, all markets surveyed had medicines available that were not local to the area.
A very common item in all markets surveyed is mswaki or chew sticks. Mswaki sticks which are used as toothbrushes are frequently purchased by rural people as well as those living in urban areas.
The following table gives an indication of the variety of medicines sold in local markets in Tanzania.
TABLE 3.22 Variety of Medicines in Local Markets
|
Species |
Price: TSH/unit - 1992 |
Medicinal use |
|
Warburgia salutaris |
200-300/bark piece |
malaria, colds, diarrhoea, general body pain |
|
Olea europaea |
200/bark piece |
bottle sterilizer, round worm repellant animals and people |
|
Lannea schweinfurthii |
140-200/14-20 spoonfuls of root powder |
hernia |
|
|
750/bark piece |
stomach ulcers, stomach problems - pregnant women |
|
Salvadora persica |
25-50/brush |
toothbrushes (mswaki sticks) |
|
Lonchocarpus capassa |
250/spoonful of stem and root bark |
impotency, bilharzia, hookworm |
|
Grewia bicolor |
20/bundle of bark, roots |
colds, stomach problems, snake bites, syphilis |
|
Parinari curatellifolia |
50/root bundle |
epilepsy |
|
TABLE 3.23 ACACIA ABYSSINICA |
Kupanda mchongoma, kushuka ndio ngoma
You may climb a thorn tree, but coming down again is a dance
Live fences are grown around houses and home gardens. They have a number of advantages over wooden posts which are often considered to be unproductive parts of the land management system. The cost of live fencing is low, and apart from some attention at the beginning, the fence will continue to grow on its own.
With properly selected species the fence can be a source of fuelwood, medicine, fruit, food or other useful household products. Live fences also act as barriers to wind and can improve soil conditions if appropriate species are selected.
Highly valued species for live fences are Euphorbia tirucalli, Albizia harveyi, and Commiphora africana. Species used for fence poles include Dichrostachys cinerea. Species for both uses that were identified by farmers are found in Table 3.24.
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Trees grown for live fences should: * grow under adverse conditions with little or no maintenance; |
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TABLE 3.24 Live Fences Post Fences |
Due to lack of detailed information on these groups of uses, only species lists will be included for gums, tannins, resins, and crafts.
Table 3.25 lists species which were identified as useful for crafts (carvings, masks, games). Species identified as important or preferred for gums, tannins, or resins are listed in Tables 3.26, 3.27, and 3.28.
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TABLE 3.25 ACACIA ABYSSINICA |
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TABLE 3.26 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
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TABLE 3.27 ACACIA ALBIDA (F. ALBIDA) |
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TABLE 3.28 ADANSONIA DIGITATA |
