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Programa de acción para hacer frente a la inseguridad alimentaria en las crisis prolongadas

Programa de acción para hacer frente a la inseguridad alimentaria en las crisis prolongadas

Las crisis prolongadas son algunos de los contextos más difíciles en los que combatir la inseguridad alimentaria y la malnutrición.  En 2010 CSA llegó a la conclusión de que las crisis prolongadas requieren una atención especial y lanzó un proceso para desarrollar un Programa de acción. Esta consulta electrónica tiene como objetivo obtener sus opiniones sobre el Borrador Cero del Programa y contribuirá a la preparación del primer borrador.

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¿Cuál es el papel de las relaciones y redes sociales en la seguridad alimentaria y la nutrición familiares?

¿Cuál es el papel de las relaciones y redes sociales en la seguridad alimentaria y la nutrición familiares?

La capacidad de consumir y tener acceso a alimentos nutritivos es en cierta medida el resultado de la pertenencia y las relaciones con otros miembros de la sociedad. Esto es especialmente cierto en tiempos de crisis. Esta discusión se centra en las relaciones sociales y las redes de seguridad alimentaria y nutrición, con el objetivo de identificar y debatir casos de éxito, retos y vías a seguir para lograr la seguridad alimentaria y nutricional.

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De las crisis prolongadas a la seguridad alimentaria a largo plazo

De las crisis prolongadas a la seguridad alimentaria a largo plazo

Oxfam ha estado trabajando durante muchos años en crisis prolongadas y participó recientemente en la Comité de Seguridad Alimentaria Mundial (CSA) para abordar esta cuestión. Trabajamos con otros asociados, -en particular en el Cuerno de África y en el Sahel-, buscando soluciones creativas a los problemas con que nos enfrentamos.

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Why has Africa become a net food importer?

That Africa has become a net importer of food and of agricultural products, despite its vast agricultural potential, is puzzling. Using data mainly for the period 1960-2007, this report seeks to explain Africa’s food-trade deficit since the mid-1970s. The core finding is that population growth, low and stagnating agricultural productivity, policy distortions, weak institutions and poor infrastructure are the main reasons. A typology of African countries based on data between 2000 and 2005 reveals that the state of food import dependency is different across the continent and varies according to countries’ levels of income. Although the few and relatively rich countries in Africa had the highest net food imports per capita (USD 185 per year in real terms), they had ample means to pay for their food import bills using revenue from non-agricultural sources. Conversely, the majority of the Africa’s low-income countries (mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa), where twothird of its population lives, had been net food importers; they imported far less food per capita (USD 17 per year) but had difficulty covering their food imports bills, as their export revenues were limited. Overall, between 1980 and 2007, Africa’s total net food imports in real term grew at 3.4 percent per year, but this growth was mostly fuelled by population growth (2.6 percent per year); the increase in per capita food import was only about 0.8 percent per year. Food consumption on per capita basis grew only at about 1 percent per year, while food production grew at an even smaller rate of less than 0.1 percent per year. The slow growth of food consumption and imports per capita is consistent with the weak economic growth and unchanged dietary pattern in the continent. Food import share, regardless of income levels, is relatively small and represents less than 5 percent of per capita income (GDP per capita). Because the share of food expense in household income is generally high in Africa, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, that the share of food imports over GDP is small implies that domestic production has largely contributed to feeding Africa’s population. Still, domestic food production has remained relatively low and increased only by 2.7 percent per year, just barely above population growth rate. This implies that any increase in per capita consumption had to be met by an increase in imports. The weak growth in food production arises from various constraints including those linked directly to agricultural productivity. Data and evidence from literature highlight that technical, infrastructural and institutional constraints share the blame. Likewise, distortions arising from both internal and external economic and agricultural policies (especially the protection and subsidies from developed countries and taxation on food production within Africa) have affected food productivity, production and trade in Africa. However, the examples of a few successful practices in African agriculture and the fact that the domestic food production has managed to keep up with population growth inspire optimism that the future is not all dark. There is a lot of room for improvement for agricultural productivity in these low-income countries to the point at which production growth outpaces the growth of population and per capita consumption.