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Topic: Crisis

Agenda for Action for Addressing Food Insecurity in Protracted Crises

Agenda for Action for Addressing Food Insecurity in Protracted Crises

Protracted crises situations are those in which food insecurity and malnutrition are particularly severe, persistent and at scale.
This discussion seeks feedback on the zero draft of the Agenda for Action for Addressing Food Insecurity in Protracted Crises and will contribute to the preparation of the First Draft.

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What is the role of social relations and networks in household food security and nutrition?

What is the role of social relations and networks in household food security and nutrition?

The ability to access and consume nutritious food is to some extent an outcome of their membership and relationships with other members of society. This is especially true in times of crises. To identify and discuss success stories, challenges and way forward to achieving food and nutritional security, this discussion focuses on social relations and networks for food security and nutrition.

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From Repeated Crisis to Long Term Food Security

From Repeated Crisis to Long Term Food Security

Protracted crises, as described by the latest State of Food Insecurity - SOFI report, affect 22 countries worldwide and pose an ongoing and fundamental threat to both lives and livelihoods, from which recovery becomes progressively more difficult over time.
While many solutions are well known or have been at least partially adopted, there are evident barriers to effective programming that are worth investigating.
 

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07.12.2010 - 27.12.2010
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Why has Africa become a net food importer?

That Africa has become a net importer of food and of agricultural products, despite its vast agricultural potential, is puzzling. Using data mainly for the period 1960-2007, this report seeks to explain Africa’s food-trade deficit since the mid-1970s. The core finding is that population growth, low and stagnating agricultural productivity, policy distortions, weak institutions and poor infrastructure are the main reasons. A typology of African countries based on data between 2000 and 2005 reveals that the state of food import dependency is different across the continent and varies according to countries’ levels of income. Although the few and relatively rich countries in Africa had the highest net food imports per capita (USD 185 per year in real terms), they had ample means to pay for their food import bills using revenue from non-agricultural sources. Conversely, the majority of the Africa’s low-income countries (mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa), where twothird of its population lives, had been net food importers; they imported far less food per capita (USD 17 per year) but had difficulty covering their food imports bills, as their export revenues were limited. Overall, between 1980 and 2007, Africa’s total net food imports in real term grew at 3.4 percent per year, but this growth was mostly fuelled by population growth (2.6 percent per year); the increase in per capita food import was only about 0.8 percent per year. Food consumption on per capita basis grew only at about 1 percent per year, while food production grew at an even smaller rate of less than 0.1 percent per year. The slow growth of food consumption and imports per capita is consistent with the weak economic growth and unchanged dietary pattern in the continent. Food import share, regardless of income levels, is relatively small and represents less than 5 percent of per capita income (GDP per capita). Because the share of food expense in household income is generally high in Africa, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, that the share of food imports over GDP is small implies that domestic production has largely contributed to feeding Africa’s population. Still, domestic food production has remained relatively low and increased only by 2.7 percent per year, just barely above population growth rate. This implies that any increase in per capita consumption had to be met by an increase in imports. The weak growth in food production arises from various constraints including those linked directly to agricultural productivity. Data and evidence from literature highlight that technical, infrastructural and institutional constraints share the blame. Likewise, distortions arising from both internal and external economic and agricultural policies (especially the protection and subsidies from developed countries and taxation on food production within Africa) have affected food productivity, production and trade in Africa. However, the examples of a few successful practices in African agriculture and the fact that the domestic food production has managed to keep up with population growth inspire optimism that the future is not all dark. There is a lot of room for improvement for agricultural productivity in these low-income countries to the point at which production growth outpaces the growth of population and per capita consumption.