How much progress has been made in the fight against hunger?
Why has the global number of hungry come down?
There is only two years left for countries to reach MDG 1c and the World Food Summit goal. Why is there optimism that the MDG hunger target can still be achieved?
Which countries have made the biggest progress in hunger reduction?
Which countries have made the least progress in hunger reduction?
Very slow progress was recorded in several African countries, including Botswana, Cote d’Ivoire, Madagascar, Malawi, Namibia, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia, where the number as well as prevalence of undernourished people in the population is now higher than in 1990-92. The same was true of Asian countries such as the Democratic Republic of Korea, Iraq and, to a much lesser degree, Tajikistan. In Latin America, El Salvador and Guatemala show relatively slow progress, despite the good performance of the region as a whole.
Based on SOFI 2013 and SOFI 2012 figures, FAO recognized countries that had reached the MDG1c hunger target and the WFS goal last June and in June 2013. Are these results confirmed by the 2014 figures?
Why does FAO monitor undernourishment only in countries from the developing regions?
Has FAO changed its methodology for computing the prevalence of undernourishment this year compared to the previous editions of SOFI?
What is the Minimum Dietary Energy Requirement and how does FAO compute it?
What is the relationship between hunger and undernutrition?
SOFI mentions that developing an enabling environment is crucial in the fight against hunger and malnutrition. What is the “enabling environment”?
Why were these seven countries selected for analysis in SOFI?
Because they are different from each other. We examined countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean that are developing or emerging. Some have achieved the MDG hunger target, others have not yet done. Some have experienced political instability or conflict, such as Madagascar and Yemen. Cultural identities differ from one country to another – in Bolivia for example, 64 percent of the population is made up of indigenous peoples. The agriculture sectors of the case study countries also differ: in Brazil, small family farms coexist with commercial farms; in Malawi and in most of the other countries, agriculture is dominated by small family farms. This factor also influences the policy focus. Although all the countries we examined follow the twin-track approach - combining measures to promote agricultural productivity and rural development with social protection mechanisms to increase access to food – some countries allocate the bulk of their funds to increasing productivity.
By looking at these countries, one can assess the evolution of the enabling environment and draw useful lessons.
What key lessons can be drawn from the country case studies?
– Political will and legal frameworksSustained political commitment at the highest level is crucial. It moves food security and nutrition to the top of the agenda and helps removing any constraints that hinder institutional reforms and budget allocations that may be necessary to make policies and actions effective in fighting hunger. Often, sustained political commitment results in legal frameworks - such as recognition of the human right to food - that ensure that all stakeholders work responsibly.
– Coordination mechanismsFood security is an intersectoral priority. Coordination mechanisms are also crucial. Policies and programmes that promote food security and nutrition involve many sectors and stakeholders at national, regional and local levels. Countries have a range of policies and programmes that promote food security and nutrition: interventions to increase productivity, policies to promote access to markets for both inputs and outputs, social protection programmes, such as school meals and conditional cash transfers. In all countries we examined, the policy range is broad and involves a large number of government departments and ministries, civil society, farmers, cooperatives, traders, schools, hospitals, and others. Institutional mechanisms that promote cooperation and coordination among ministries and stakeholders and clearly define responsibilities for each of them facilitate coordination of actions and policy coherence. Uncoordinated actions result in a diffusion of responsibility and accountability among institutions and other actors.
– Broad participation of stakeholdersBroad participation in policy formulation and implementation is necessary to ensure that the views of all are taken into account, creating space for civil society and, more importantly, to empower the poor and the vulnerable to voice their needs. Such inclusion results in equitable policies that address the needs of the vulnerable.
– Linking policiesGood coordination results in linking policies to maximize benefits and impacts. For example, school meal programmes can be designed to procure safe and nutritious food from smallholder farmer cooperatives. This provides markets for farmers, promotes their productivity, raises their incomes and stimulates local economies.
Such policy instrument integration is implemented in Brazil and Haiti.
Cash and in-kind transfers that raise incomes and improve diets also have positive spill-over effects. Cash transfer programmes can influence the productive capacity of beneficiary households, in particular by helping households with limited access to financial services for investment and risk mitigation. The provision of regular and predictable cash transfers to poor households in the context of missing or malfunctioning markets generates economic and productive impacts at the household and local levels. Cash transfers lead to increasing local wages, and can enhance small producers’ accumulation of productive resources, thereby stimulating production and productivity increases, both on- and off-farm.