Tenurial Reforms and Agricultural Development in Viet Nam, Part One
T. Haque
Director, Centre for Asian Studies
National Institute of Rural Development
Rajendranagar, Hyderabad 500 030, Pakistan
L. Montesi
Senior Officer, Rural Development Organizations
FAO Rural Development Division, Rome
The Socialist Republic
of Viet Nam is undergoing a process of transformation from a centrally
planned economy to a market-oriented economy. Based on field
surveys and activities carried out in 1994-95, within the framework
of the FAO project Agricultural Support Services Programme, this
article is intended to: analyse the nature and extent of reform
in the land tenure system and agricultural support services in
Viet Nam; examine whether the undergoing process of reform would
be conducive and sufficient to insure market-led, sustainable
agricultural and rural development; and analyse the major constraints
to market-oriented agricultural development and suggest appropriate
remedial measures.
Réformes de régime foncier et développement agricole au Viet Nam
La république socialiste
du Viet Nam connaît un processus de transformation passant
d'une économie centralement planifiée à
une économie de marché. Basé sur des enquêtes
de terrain et des activités menées entre 1994 et
1995, dans le cadre du projet de la FAO «Programme de services
de soutien agricoles», ce document vise à analyser
la nature et l'étendue de la réforme du régime
foncier et des services de soutien à l'agriculture au Viet
Nam; examiner si le processus de réforme en cours sera
conducteur et suffisant à assurer un développement
rural et agricole durable guidé par le marché; analyser
les principales contraintes à un développement agricole
orienté vers le marché et suggérer des mesures
appropriées pour y remédier.
Reformas de la tenencia de la tierra y desarrollo agrícola en Viet Nam
La República Socialista
de Viet Nam ha encaminado un proceso de transformación
desde una economía planificada a nivel estatal hacia una
economía orientada al mercado. El presente artículo
ha sido elaborado sobre la base de la experiencia de trabajo de
campo y de las actividades que se llevaron adelante en los
años 1994-95 en el marco del Proyecto FAO "Programa
de Apoyo a los Servicios Agrícolas". Los principales
objetivos del documento son: analizar la naturaleza y la dimensión
de la reforma del sistema de tenencia de la tierra y de apoyo
a los servicios agrícolas en Viet Nam; examinar la capacidad
del proceso de reforma para asegurar la funcionalidad del mercado
como también un desarrollo agrícola sostenible;
analizar las mayores dificultades del desarrollo agrícola
en un sistema orientado hacia el mercado y proponer algunas medidas
de corrección.
Contents
Part One
- Introduction
- Nature and extent of tenurial reforms
- Land Law of 1987
- Land Law of 1993
- Critical appraisal of the land tenure system
- Right of land transfer
- Allocation of forest land to individuals and households
- Right of land lease to foreign investors
- Ceilings on landholdings
- Further reforms in land law and land administration
- Permanent settlement of land-use right
- Statutory land commission
- Reorganization of land administration
- Improvement of the right of land lease
- Modification to the right of land transfer
- Consolidation of holdings
- Settlement of land disputes
- Liberalization of the rules on the use of land
- Land taxation in Viet Nam
Part Two (separate document)
- Impact of tenurial reforms on land-use efficiency and agricultural productivity
- Improvement in land-use efficiency
- Change in cropping patterns and the trend towards agricultural diversification
- The growth of agricultural production
- Areas of concern for sustainable agricultural development
- Yields of rice are low in many regions
- Overall declining trend in crop yields in recent years
- Sustaining the changes in factor productivity
- Slow growth in use of modern inputs
- Decline in the growth of livestock output
- Need for further reforms in infrastructure, institutions and policy environment
- Conclusions
- Bibliography
Introduction
Viet Nam is undergoing a process
of transformation from a centrally planned to a market-oriented
economy. The agricultural production organizations have been decollectivized
and lands have been allocated to private individuals and households
for stable, long-term use. Cooperatives and state farms provide
only inputs and services to farm households on a selfaccounting
basis. There is also an effort to develop a free market delivery
system. These measures are intended to accelerate the pace of
diversified, market-oriented agricultural development. Nevertheless,
the Vietnamese agricultural economy still suffers from various
infrastructural, institutional, technological and agroclimatic
constraints and, in addition, the land tenure system and the overall
policy environment may require further improvement to satisfy
the needs of sustainable agricultural development. This article
analyses some of these aspects of agricultural development in
Viet Nam.
The article is based on data
collected by the authors as members of the FAO Mission in Viet
Nam from March to August 1994. It concentrates on relevant government
documents and reports; field observations; the results of discussion
with policy-makers and government officials; and the results of
a survey conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Industry
(MAFI, the counterpart national agency). Tabular analysis and
graphics have been used to present the final results and conclusions
and an exponential trend equation was estimated to calculate the
variations in the growth rates of inputs and outputs of the agricultural
sector during the pre- and post-reform eras, covering the years
from 1976 to 1992. Changes in factor productivity in Vietnamese
agriculture were examined by calculating the differential growth
rates of output over inputs.
[ Contents ]
Nature and extent of tenurial reforms
Prior to 1981, the land tenure
system in Viet Nam was highly unstable and inefficient. In North
Viet Nam, the cooperative-managed collective farming system was
firmly established in the 1960s and 1970s but, in South Viet Nam,
collectivization started only after unification in 1975, and before
it could take a firm hold the national land policy was changed
in 1981. The pre1981 land tenure system did not motivate
farmers to improve soil fertility or land-use efficiency as they
did not feel attached to the land. Each farm household received
a share of outputs according to the recorded labour hours of its
members. In January 1981, the Executive Committee of the Communist
Party of Viet Nam promulgated Decree No. 100, aimed at improving
agricultural productivity through increased individual incentives.
Decree No. 100 did not alter the collective production relations
as such, but it provided the workers with greater incentives,
because they were allowed to keep 100 percent of the surplus they
produced over the contracted output, although land and production
materials were still controlled by the cooperatives. Individuals
and families were allocated land and simple tools, while other
production services and inputs were provided by brigades. The
farmers were free to add more inputs and allocate their own time
and labour to produce higher yields and surpluses.
In the pre-1981 system, the
production brigades were allowed to keep 70 percent of any surplus
produced above the contracted level and farmers were given only
30 percent, so the post-1981 system represented a marked improvement
in terms of production incentives. On the other hand, it also
brought greater costs to those who failed to produce the contracted
level of output, as now farmers were required to pay 100 percent
to make up the deficit, while in the earlier system, it was to
be paid on a 30:70 percent basis by brigades and farmers respectively.
The new system, therefore, provided greater managerial freedom
and production incentives to farmers for higher production.
In 1987, however, there was
a shortfall in agricultural production partly owing to bad weather
conditions and partly to some of the negative aspects of Decree
No. 100, coupled with unsuccessful government policies. It was
noticed that direct private investment in agriculture was not
increasing in proportion to the investment for capital construction
from the government. Therefore, in 1985, the farmers' share in
surplus output was reduced and the initial encouragement provided
by Decree No. 100 began to decline. While the managerial
efficiency of cooperatives deteriorated, the farmers also felt
that there was little they could do to improve the situation.
Land Law of 1987
In December 1987, a new Land
Law was enacted, which recognized the land-use rights of individual
households. It abolished the old contract system and allocated
lands to individual households for a period of three to 15 years
on the basis of the number of family members or the labour capacity
of the household. The land-users could keep the entire output
after fulfilling their tax and other obligations.
According to the 1987 Land
Law, however, land-use rights were not transferable and land could
not be used as collateral for loans. The rights of sale and inheritance
were not recognized.
In April 1988, the political
bureau of the Communist Party passed Resolution No. 10 which recognized
the household as an independent economic unit and issued instructions
for the allocation of land to households for up to 15 years, advising
the cooperatives to sell production materials to their members
at low prices. It was felt, however, that the Land Law of 1987
did not generate sufficient farmer incentives for sustainable
agricultural development. In many areas, lands were allocated
to farmers for a period of only three to five years and plots
of land were either transferred or taken back arbitrarily. Cooperatives
continued to believe that they had control over land and production
materials and, in the absence of land titling and records, farmers
continued to feel insecure and probably did not utilize their
production potentials fully. In addition, the law did not provide
any mechanism for the settlement of land disputes which assumed
grave proportions in many localities.
Land Law of 1993
In order to remove some of
the above mentioned handicaps, a new Land Law was enacted
in July 1993 which became effective from 14 October of that year.
The new law provides for the allocation of land to organizations,
individuals and households for long-term and stable use. The period
of land allocation is 20 years for annual crops and 50 years for
other perennial crops and forestry (Article 20). The tenure can
be renewed on expiry, if the land-users need to do so and if they
have used the land properly according to law. All land-users will
be given land-use right certificates (LURCs) (Article 2). In addition,
Decree No. 64, which the Communist Party (CP) issued in September
1993, and Decree No. 02 (issued on 15 January 1994) have provided
measures for regulating the allocation of agricultural land and
forest land respectively. The government passed an ordinance on
15 March 1994 for the regulation of land-use above specified ceilings.
All these measures are intended to create a land tenure system
that will be conducive for sustainable agricultural and rural
development.
[ Contents ]
Critical appraisal of the land tenure system
The question that arises is
whether the recent tenurial reforms will ensure the emergence
of a stable, albeit individual household-based, land tenure system,
in which farmers do not feel insecurity of tenure, can make long-term
investment in land improvement, take other measures for productivity
growth and help in the growth of a market-oriented agricultural
economy. Under normal circumstances, 20 years for annual crops
and 50 years for perennial crops should ensure stability in the
system, particularly when the term is renewable if the landholder
so wishes and has used the land properly in the first period.
However, the question remains as to whether there will be arbitrariness
in the decision of the state when assessing whether the land-users
have used the land in accordance with law and whether this will
lead to insecurity of tenure, discouraging any long-term land
improvement measures by the cultivating households. Some aspects
of these provisions look similar to the tenancy laws of India,
which govern the security of tenure of tenanted land, but in the
present context, Vietnamese farm households appear to be the tenants
of state and not of private landowners although the law does not
explicitly say so. Hayami, a noted agricultural economist, suggested
that the land tenure period in Viet Nam should be extended to
50 years for annual crops (FAO, 1994a); there seems no reason
why it should not be 99 years, as in China, or even permanent,
as elsewhere, which would allow market forces to decide who leaves
and who stays on the land in future.
Data for the period up to
June 1994, show that LURCs had been issued in only 19 percent
of the total communes, covering about 18 percent of the total
farm households in the country (Table 1).
TABLE 1 - Communes and households covered by issuance of land
use right certificates (June 1994)
| Region |
Province |
Percentage of communes covered |
Percentage of households covered |
| | |
|
| North Mountain | Ha Giang
| 30.5 | 33.8 |
| Tuyen Quang | 26.2
| 18.6 |
| Cao Bang | 14.3
| 9.1 |
| Lang Son | 4.0
| 5.3 |
| Bac Thai | 14.7
| 41.7 |
| Lao Cai | 6.7
| 4.2 |
| Yen Bai | 6.9
| 3.8 |
| Lai Chau | -
| - |
| Son La | 6.8
| 7.5 |
| Quang Ninh | 2.8
| 7.8 |
| | |
|
| Mid Land | Vinh Phu |
61.0 | 42.8 |
| Ha Bac | 12.2
| 7.1 |
| | |
|
| Red River Delta | Hoa Binh
| 28.0 | 35.0 |
| Hai Tay | 6.0
| 7.0 |
| Hanoi | 13.9
| 15.8 |
| Hai Phong | -
| - |
| Hai Hung | 46.6
| 16.1 |
| Thai Binh | 1.4
| 1.0 |
| Nam Hainh | 15.9
| 13.5 |
| Ninh Binh | 5.3
| 5.6 |
| | |
|
| Central coast of North Land | Thanh Hoa
| 21.7 | 21.0 |
| Nghe An | 1.3
| 1.5 |
| Ha Tinh | 2.3
| 2.3 |
| Quang Binh | 15.0
| 10.1 |
| Quang Tri | 16.9
| 15.4 |
| Thua Thien Hue | 19.3
| 20.5 |
| | |
|
| Central coast of South Land | Quang Nam Da Nang
| 5.3 | 4.7 |
| Quang Ngai | 10.6
| 9.9 |
| Binh Dinh | 13.1
| 7.7 |
| Phu Yen | 36.4
| 12.3 |
| Khanh Hoa | 15.6
| 17.8 |
| Ninh Thuan | 3.8
| 2.4 |
| Binh Thuan | 6.4
| 1.9 |
| Dac Lac | 35.2
| 23.5 |
| Lam Dong | 31.1
| 17.4 |
| Gia Lai | -
| 10.8 |
| Kon Tum | -
| - |
| | |
|
| Northeast of South Land | Dong Nai
| 16.1 | 23.5 |
| Song Be | -
| - |
| Tay Ninh | 60.2
| 38.7 |
| TP Ho Chi Minh | 5.0
| 10.1 |
| Ba Ria Vung Tau | 15.1
| 19.0 |
| | |
|
| Mekong River Delta | Long An
| 0.6 | 24.2 |
| Tien Giang | 19.4
| 12.5 |
| Ben Tre | 22.4
| 18.3 |
| Dong Thap | 83.3
| 59.0 |
| Vinh Long | 75.0
| 68.3 |
| Tra Vinh | 33.3
| 18.4 |
| Can Tho | 63.2
| 28.1 |
| Soc Trang | 76.6
| 33.2 |
| An Giang | 100.0
| 72.0 |
| Kien Giang | 15.8
| 12.4 |
| Minh Hai | 45.0
| 44.4 |
| | |
|
| TOTAL |
|
19.1 | 17.9 |
On the basis of discussions
with various field functionaries in the provinces and interviews
with the administrative authorities, it was revealed that the
main reasons for this slow progress in the issuance of LURCs included:
- a lack of
adequate finance to carry out the work of mapping, measurement
of land and issuance of LURCs;
- a lack of trained
cadres to carry out the work efficiently;
- a lack of interest
and enthusiasm on the part of officials;
- a lack of proper
direction and supervision;
- disputes among the
cadres.
The complete process of cadastral
surveys, mapping, registration and certificate issuance is a costly
affair and it is doubtful whether the Government of Viet Nam,
with the limited resources at its disposal, will be able to accomplish
the task in the near future. The country cannot afford to delay
the process, however, particularly because the development of
the market factor in agriculture would become highly uncertain
as a consequence of doing so.
Right of land transfer
Article 3 of the 1993 law
stipulates that households or individuals receiving land allocated
by the state shall be entitled to exchange, transfer, lease, inherit
and mortgage the landuse right. The right of lease, however,
seems to be highly restrictive; why should the lease period be
restricted to three years, as long as the land lessee uses the
land for its stipulated purpose, within the ceiling limit?
Allocation of forest land to individuals and households
Decree No. 02 provides for
the allocation of forest land to individuals and households. The
main objectives of allocating forest land to individuals and households
are: to involve individuals and households in the protection of
the forest from fire, theft and environmental degradation; and
to promote the utilization of forest land and the greening of
bare lands with trees by encouraging individuals and households
to participate in afforestation for economic gains.
According to the existing
procedure, it is the cooperatives which decide whether individuals
or households have the capacity to afforest land within three
years of its allocation and, when the decision of the cooperative
is approved by the commune and district people's committee, the
individuals and households receive forest land for 50 years with
an obligation to pay to the cooperatives a share of the timber
harvested, which is generally 20 percent for newly planted trees
and 50 percent for previously planted trees. However, it must
be ensured that this does not become an exploitative sharecropping
arrangement and that it remains free from corruption.
Right of land lease to foreign investors
Articles 80 to 84 of the new
land law are devoted to regulations on land leased to foreigners.
The law permits the leasing of land to foreign investors if the
lease is based on the economic and technical justification that
is approved by the authorized state body according to the law
on foreign investment in Viet Nam.
Nevertheless, the law does
not specifically mention how foreign companies interested in agribusiness
or export can enter into contracts with local small producers
directly or with state farms engaged in plantation crops; these
procedures are not clearly spelled out.
Ceilings on landholdings
Decree No. 64, dated 27 September
1993, provides that there will be a ceiling of: 3 hectares of
annual cropland in 16 provinces where the per caput land availability
is high; 2 hectares of annual cropland in another 37 provinces;
10 hectares of perennial cropland in the delta region; and 30
hectares of perennial cropland in the hilly and mountainous regions.
Mollar and others (SPC/FAO, 1993) cautioned against the imposition
of low ceilings on landholdings but, given the present pressure
of population on land and the lack of nonfarming employment
opportunities, there seems to be no escape from the imposition
of low ceilings on landholdings. Any policy must be related to
a particular stage of development and according to the needs of
a particular socioeconomic situation. In addition, the recent
data show that the Red River Delta region, which has the lowest
average land per household, has also witnessed the most impressive
growth in rice output (FAO, 1994b).
Further reforms in land law and land administration
At present, the National Assembly
is considering further amendments to the land law with respect
to land transfer and the regulation of land above ceilings (which
existed prior to the 1993 law and were subsequently regularized).
While the full details are not known, it is expected that the
restriction on the land-use period for lands above the ceilings
will be withdrawn and rights of land transfer, lease and mortgage
may be explicitly laid down and improved.
In order to accelerate the
pace of market-oriented agricultural development, agrarian reforms
have to be undertaken much beyond the level of present thinking
at government level. Some of the essential measures are outlined
below.
Permanent settlement of land-use right.
The land-use period should be declared permanent and inheritable
without any condition. This would result in optimum, efficient
utilization of land for productivity growth and would also help
to develop the land market.
Statutory land commission.
The government should set up a land commission to complete the
task of surveying, mapping, land registration and the issuance
of LURCs within a time-bound programme. Some senior officials
of the Central Department of Land Administration are of the opinion
that, at the present rate, it would take at least 15 years to
complete the work. This would result in uncertainty in the minds
of agricultural producers and adversely affect productivity. Meanwhile,
temporary certificates should be issued immediately to all land-users
to avoid uncertainty.
Reorganization of land administration.
The three divisions of the Central Department of Land Administration
(namely land mapping, land registration and land inspection) have
to work in an integrated manner. If possible, these divisions
should be merged into one and put under the charge of an additional
director-general who should also function as the chairperson of
the proposed statutory land commission. This would lead to better
coordination of the work and speedy implementation of land law
at the grassroots level. This unit will also have to be properly
strengthened in terms of its scientific workforce and financial
resources. In addition, the Institute of Land Planning and Investigation
and the Institute of Mapping should be merged to allow better
coordination of the work and improvement in work performance.
The Land Policy Group of MAFI and the General Department of Land
Administration should have greater collaborative linkages in order
to evolve an efficient land-use planning system.
Improvement of the right of land lease.
Article 78 of the Land Law should be modified so as not to restrict
the lease period to three years, otherwise the present provision
will restrict the development of the land market. All recorded
leasing within the stipulated ceiling limit should be permitted
without any time limit. The state farms producing plantation crops
should also engage in long-term lease contracts with small producers
and dispense with all year-to-year contracts.
Modification to the right of land transfer.
Article 75 of the Land Law should be modified to remove the long
list of restrictions imposed on land transfer and allow land transfer
for more productive purposes according to market norms.
Consolidation of holdings.
The law should provide for consolidation of fragmented holdings
which restrict agricultural production efficiency. Quality differences
in land should not stand in the way of reallocating land to any
individual household in one fragment, particularly if the size
of holding is accordingly adjusted. The government has already
fixed a price scale for various categories of land.
Settlement of land disputes.
The law should specifically provide that all land dispute cases
should be settled at the village level through a specially constituted
people's representative group at the first instance. Disputes
should be referred to courts only when conciliatory efforts fail.
This is necessary in order to avoid the expensive law-enforcing
mechanism that operates through the courts, particularly at this
early stage of the country's development.
Liberalization of the rules on the use of land.
Articles 42 to 51 should be suitably modified to make the land-use
rules less restrictive. For national security and social equity,
certain restrictions may be necessary but, within the ceiling
limit, land-use patterns should be decided by the individual producers
according to their market and profit expectations.
[ Contents ]
Land taxation in Viet Nam
Generally speaking, agricultural
taxation is used as an instrument for resource mobilization and
social equity. An irrational tax policy can, however, cripple
production incentives and agricultural growth. In Viet Nam, agricultural
taxes include land-use tax, land transfer tax and taxes on agricultural
exports and imports. As well as these, there are cooperative fees,
irrigation charges, turnover tax on agribusiness, etc.
The land-use tax rate is
fixed at 7 percent of the average value of output from land obtained
during the previous three years. The tax rates vary from 50 kg
per hectare to 550 kg per hectare, with rates of up to 650 kg
per hectare for various categories of perennial cropland. Once
defined, the land categories remain unchanged for ten years. Several
categories of land are either totally or partially exempted from
the payment of land-use taxes. The rates of land transfer tax
vary from 10 to 40 percent of the value of the land, depending
on the purpose for which the land transfer takes place. The irrigation
fee ranges from 300 kg of paddy per hectare for two crops for
pump-irrigated areas to 250 kg per hectare for two crops for gravity-irrigated
areas. The cooperative fee varies from 5 to 7 percent of output.
The government also imposes export tax, ranging from 1 percent
on the export value of rice, maize, crabs and fish (other than
shrimp, prawn and culture fish, for which it is 2 to 3 percent)
to 4 percent on bovine hides and skins. The turnover tax ad
valorem, ranges from 1 percent in the case of food, insecticides
and seed to 6 percent on noodle production and industrially processed
food products.
It is generally felt that
the turnover tax is slightly too high. The export tax is considered
to be reasonable and does not seem to affect either agricultural
exports or agricultural production adversely. However, the long
list of exempted categories of land for the purpose of land-use
tax and land transfer tax need rethinking, in order to generate
resources and to avoid a rent-seeking attitude among the tax enforcement
authorities. The land categories should not be rigidly fixed for
ten years for the purpose of taxation, as land development through
public investment should be a continuous process.
[ Contents ]
To: Tenurial Reforms and Agricultural Development in Viet Nam, Part Two