Posted September 1996
A number of books and publications exist about the political history of Sikkim, and about the annexation of Sikkim by India. However, there is not as much information about Sikkimese socioeconomic structure apart from a few anthropological and ethnographic studies (e.g. Kotturan 1983; Sengupta 1985). There are no known publications about the status of women in Sikkim.
An introductory note on the ethnic structure of Sikkim is useful. Historically, the Kazis were strategically placed persons from privileged families of Bhutia (Bhutanese) households, who occupied an aristocratic place in the feudal system (Sihna 1983). The former Chogyal (king) of Sikkim, who was deposed during the Indian annexation of Sikkim, was the head of the Bhutia aristocracy. Today Bhutia families represent a minority of the population (about 15%), but tend to be better educated and wealthier than other groups in Sikkim. Bhutias also control many former and highly productive Kazi agricultural holdings, as well as the profitable cardamon crop. Bhutias are Lamaist Buddhists aligned with the traditional Tibetan and Bhutanese aristocratic houses (Sinha 1983).
Lepcha families represent the original inhabitants of Sikkim, and are also primarily Buddhist. Lepchas have intermarried with both Bhutia and Nepali families, and their numbers are said to be in decline. Lepchas represent approximately 10-15% of the total population, and are concentrated in the southern and central portions of the state. Limbus and Tsongs are indigenous groups of very small populations, none of whom were encountered in the field work.
Nepali Hindus constitute by far the largest portion of the population of Sikkim, estimated at more than 70%. Nepalese mass immigration in Sikkim was initiated by the British, reportedly to counterbalance the power of the Kazis. Nepali castes include Chettri, Brahmin, Sharma, Kami, Tamang, Gurung, Thami, and Rai, with Chettris among the most numerous. There are cultural and dietary differences between the Nepali castes, and most villages have at least two or three different castes represented. It should be noted that there is some resentment toward Nepalis and toward other Indian nationals by some members of the other ethnic groups, for historic and political reasons.
As minorities, Bhutias, Lepchas, Limbus and Tsongs have been declared scheduled tribes by the Government, and are therefore eligible for special subsidies, as noted in the RRA and mission reports.
We found that few generalizations can be safely made about gender roles in rural households, and that each village should be viewed separately, with distinct labour patterns. Our research concentrated on the gender division of labour with regard to livestock management, given the focus of the FAO project. In the four villages, however, we found that the following overall patterns tended to prevail, although with variations:
Labour is a serious constraint for most rural households. Collection of water and of fodder for livestock occupies considerable time for most households, and is done by men, women and children depending on the village. It is not possible to say that any one household member assumes primary responsibility for goat rearing in any of the villages surveyed. This activity appears to be very much of a household endeavor, with all family members contributing at least some labour to the wellbeing of the flock. There is a clearer pattern with regard to chicken rearing, with women having the primary responsibility for management, although other family members may do some tasks (such as housing construction, decisionmaking, marketing, etc.).
Labour constraints may affect marriage arrangements and family composition. One household was identified where two sisters in their thirties had never married (i.e. marriage had never been arranged for them) because they were required to look after the family's herd of 28 goats. However, this was the only example discovered of such a practice, and the family herd was larger than any other in the village.
Lama (1994) notes that among Lepcha and Bhutia households "there is no hard and fast division of labour between the sexes, although the heavier works are done mostly by men. There is...practically no such distinction as men's work and women's work. Both men and women run small businesses and shops...women also work as porters..."
Children, and particularly girls, have a high labour contribution to the household economy. Girls are sometimes withdrawn from school after three years (when they have learned to write their names) to work, with preference for education given to boys. We were unable to determine how widespread the practice is of "draw-out" of girls, although it appears to exist in all four villages surveyed. This was felt by the team to be a major gender disparity, in terms of more limited educational opportunities available for rural girls.
Lepchas are polygamous, and marriages are not arranged -- Lepchas are free to choose their partners. There was apparently a tradition of polyandry among the Lepchas at one time (Kotturan 1983). Among both Lepchas and Bhutias, all property, either moveable or immovable, belongs to the father, or male head of household. Women have no legal right to family property. However, women and girls are given gifts and assets including livestock, utensils, ornaments, land (if the household is wealthy) and other goods, which may be taken with them after marriage. This practice is described in the RRA report, and is known as pewa.
As both Bhutias and Lepchas are scheduled tribes they are not subject to the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955, which was extended to Sikkim in 1989. Custody of children and of household property is determined by customary law, which relies on elders to resolve custody issues. Child marriage and the dowry system are unknown in Bhutia and Lepcha households (Lama 1994). Bhutia and Lepcha daughters have no rights of inheritance to their fathers' properties, even when there are no sons. Bhutia and Lepcha women who marry outside of their ethnic group forfeit their rights to any personal and pewa property.
Among Nepalis, marriages are commonly arranged. At the time of marriage a non-compulsory gift or dowry known as daijo is given, which may include household goods or livestock. As Hindus, Nepalis are subject to the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955, which governs property relations in marriage among Sikkimese Hindu households.
Land tenure is always registered in the name of the male head of household in Sikkim, regardless of ethnicity. Panchayat land records only note the name of the male head of household. Upon the death of the male head of household, women retain usufruct rights to the family holding, and continue to live there until their death. Landlessness is not a widespread problem, affecting probably less than 10% of rural households. Precise data was not available on landlessness. Landless families cultivate land on a sharecropper arrangement known as kut, which is described in the RRA report.
Bhutia women probably have benefitted most from increased access to educational facilities. Women in aristocratic Bhutia households have had access to higher education, as well as education abroad, since the beginning of the 20th century (Lama 1994).
As noted, withdrawal of girl children during the primary school years was observed in all the villages assessed. Although the information obtained by the team is qualitative, the practice is apparently fairly common in rural areas. Data on literacy rates, graduation rates, or access to higher education by gender were not immediately available in Gangtok, although there are apparently data available from the Central Statistical Service that were compiled from the most recent census.
The Rural Development Department (RDD) and SRDA (Sikkim Rural Development Agency) both have a strong rural presence in the form of subsidies and maternal and child welfare programmes, respectively. The RDD has put into place an impressive infrastructure of rural electrification and rural water supply, although both systems lack maintenance and upkeep, and suffer from intermittent service. The water system in particular affects women in rural villages by its intermittent nature, by creating considerable work for women to obtain water from distant sources. In addition, as noted in the RRA report, aspects of the RDD programs are regarded as a disincentive to effective, sustainable rural development by creating a "hand-out" mentality.
It was noted that there is a complete absence of extension services to most rural households. This cuts across several departments and sectors, including public health, animal husbandry and veterinary services, forestry, and agriculture. As a result there is a widespread lack of knowledge about basic human and animal health practices, livestock management, and soil conservation. Although all rural people are affected by this problem, women seem to be particularly ignored by the extension system, and are uninvited by the local panchayats when an extension activity does occur. In addition, none of the government departments encountered are familiar with participatory approaches and methods, and rely on hierarchical, top-down approaches to rural development that are based primarily on subsidies.
In terms of employment, it was noted by the mission that most households in Sikkim have at least one family member employed as a Government civil servant, even in rural areas. Overall, 20.74% of government employees are women, of which 35 % are of Lepcha or Bhutia ethnicity (Lama 1994).
The organizational structure of rural villages is based upon the Indian panchayat model, with panchayat members voted in by popular election. Only a few women panchayat members were found, notably in Rhenock, where one women has had a long and active life of public service at the panchayat and district (zilla panchayat) levels. However, generally panchayats are comprised primarily of men.
In Lepcha villages, chieftaincy remains a male preserve, but men and women are otherwise regarded as social equals. Lepchas have evolved a surprising sense of cohesion, with villages mostly self-sufficient and to a large extent self-governing (Kotturan 1983).
With regard to local institutions, weekly markets are perhaps the most important feature of rural life. Women probably make up the bulk of small-scale vendors at weekly markets, particularly those without stalls or shops, which are primarily run by Hindu men. Women were observed as vendors of most items with the exception of footwear and clothing. A number of Bhutia and Lepcha women selling livestock reported that they had travelled unaccompanied on foot for four or five days to reach the local market.
With regard to religious institutions, both Lepcha and Bhutia women are admitted to Buddhist monasteries in Sikkim, although their numbers are very small (Lama 1994).
No national organizations of women were identified, and there is no official representation to India (national level) on behalf of Sikkimese women. There is no delegation representing Sikkim attending the 1995 Beijing conference, and no Sikkimese women attended the 1985 Nairobi conference.
Not only is there an absence of state-level and local women's organizations, there is also an absence of international and national (Indian) women's organizations (e.g. YWCA, SEWA, or other Indian NGOs addressing gender concerns) in Sikkim. The geographic, cultural and economic isolation of Sikkim from India probably is a major factor, as there are few associations in general that exist in the country. However, this isolation may be changing, as many Bhutia families have begun to send their children abroad for higher education, and due to the recent acquisition of numerous satellite dishes by urban and many rural households.
There appears to be few social or professional organizations of any kind in Sikkim, for either men or women. It should be noted that Sikkim is a very small state, and that a good deal of economic and political relations occur on a social and private basis, particularly among the Bhutias and Lepchas, as most public and civil servants know each other personally.
 
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