Introduction
Extensive survey methods in livestock transaction studies
The progeny history technique
References
Collectes de données sur les transactions de bétail
Barbara E. Grandin
Anthropologist, Arid Zones (Eastern and Southern Africa) Programme, ILCA,
Kenya
This paper focuses on livestock transaction data. It discusses the need for data on livestock transactions in pastoral production systems and then considers several methods through which desired data can be collected..
Livestock transactions are defined as all voluntary offtake and acquisition of livestock, whether permanent or temporary. Thus for acquisition they exclude birth, but include purchases and acquiring animals as gifts, on loan, as bride price or by any other "socially mediated" means. For offtake they exclude death but include such transactions as sales, gifts, exchanges of animals (for other animals or any other product), slaughter, loans etc. Although births and deaths are excluded by definition from livestock transactions, methods used to collect data on transactions can frequently be extended to include data on births- and deaths.
Need for data on livestock transactions in PSR
Previous studies in pastoral systems have provided little quantitative data on the range of livestock transactions. The anthropological literature contains numerous descriptions of the ranges of livestock transactions open to producers of different societies. On the whole, however, ideal norms rather than actual behaviours are described. In contrast, the economic literature focuses primarily on the "final offtake rate". This is not consistently defined, but normally includes only sales out of the area and in some cases slaughter for home consumption (Etcher and Baker, 1982).
This paper argues that in investigating a pastoral production system it is critical to study all transactions which affect offtake and acquisition; whether or not they are commercial and whether or not the animal leaves the area (or enters from outside). :Firstly this data is necessary to understand how the producer manipulates his animals to fulfill both short and long-term needs and goals. As Gilbert, Norman and Winch (1980) noted with reference to FSR, "The objectives of the farmer or farming families are directly incorporated into the designing and testing of strategies.. An attempt is made to understand the farmers' objective functions in the initial descriptive or diagnostic stage."
Secondly, data on complete transactions; coupled with data on births and deaths, provide a means of assessing livestock productivity which is complementary to the recording of direct production parameters. If overall productivity is defined as the overall offtake rate together with herd increase (or decrease)., total offtake as well as total acquisition must be assessed to properly interpret rates of change both in the number of animals and the structure of the herd.
To underline the importance of studying total transactions, Fig. 1 presents data obtained on one group ranch in Kenya. It shows for poor and rich households the mean annual value of permanent offtake. It also shows this value broken down by type of transaction: sale, exchange, gift and slaughter for home consumption. While the actual value of transactions varies greatly between the rich and poor households, the percentage by transaction type does not. For both groups, sales represented only slightly more than half of the transactions. Approximately 45% of the value of transactions was through non-commercial channels. This emphasises the need to study the full range of transactions. This information is critical not only for understanding the producer's goals in herd accumulation, hut also for tapping his wider strategies. It is well documented that social: transactions of animals are important in African pastoral systems not just as mechanisms of herd accumulation and disposition, but because they serve diverse functions such as risk aversion and development Of social networks which may play a critical role in future access to resources.
Fig. 1. Value of permanent offtake by transaction type: A Maasai example.
Specific types of data required
As always in a PSR context, the first questions must be what exactly do we need to know, and what is the most cost-effective way of obtaining the necessary data. The answer to these questions will depend on the nature and phase of the pastoral systems research project itself. Thus it is not possible a priori to suggest specific data required nor specific methods for every case. Despite this need for goal-oriented specificity in research, it is nevertheless useful to describe what information about livestock transactions is generally needed especially au-ring descriptive phases of research, as well as possible methods of collecting it.
Important background information for understanding pastoralists behaviour and strategies which can be obtained by informal surveys include:
1. The general uses of livestock within the society, including both economic and social aspects.2. Within the economic sphere the general goals of the enterprise (milk/meat; commercial/subsistence).
3. The distribution of rights to animals and their products, which are frequently not exclusive in pastoral systems.
4. Culturally available means of acquisition and offtake of animals.
For individual transactions, data should at least include information on the transaction type, the species, age category and sex of the animal. However, information collected on livestock transaction is easily extended to provide data on a number of other production/consumption parameters. For example, information on price is obviously important for household budget studies. Information on the person with whom the transaction was done (e.g. his residence, relationship) provides important social network data, while information on what precipitated the transaction provides further insights into production strategies.
For the more quantitative data on the totality of livestock transactions, the use of some recall techniques is essential unless one can have trained recorders in every household. This paper will briefly discuss multiple-visit techniques,. then explore in more detail the single-visit progeny history technique.
As voluntary offtake or acquisition is relatively infrequent, important and discrete, its occurrence is usually well remembered by pastoralists. To my knowledge there has been no study comparing data obtained by enumeration at different intervals in multiple-visit techniques for livestock transaction data. The Kenya team has used twice weekly data collecting. The other Mali team, as part of its continuous livestock productivity studies described earlier in this workshop by Wilson, collects data monthly on a series of tagged herds and flocks. The timing of the visits will depend on resources available and on what other data are being collected. Thus, for example, the high frequency in one Mali sample was chosen to coincide with the collection of labour data rather than because it was felt to be necessary in and of itself. The frequency will also depend on the depth of data desired on the decision-making about livestock transactions. While the more discrete details of transactions etc.) are likely to be remembered for a long time, details on decision making (e.g. why that specific animal at that time) are better elicited at more frequent intervals.
With single-visit techniques the reference period can be quite problematic. As part of its initial survey in the group ranches, the Kenyan team asked producers about their sales for the previous year. The figures on the whole were several times those elicited subsequently by more frequent visiting. It is clear that a major problem was the reference period. As the out-off point "one year ago" was not clearly distinguished in the pastoralists' mind; once they started reporting sales they just kept on until fatigue or memory problems intervened.
With single-visit techniques, it is recommended that the reference be not a period of time. The progeny history technique, which is discussed later, avoids the reference period problem by using individual animals as the focus of questioning.
As livestock transaction events are relatively easy to recall, perhaps the most important factors which encourage inaccurate reporting are social/psychological ones. For example, in Maasailand certain transactions are considered to be more prestigious than others. Generosity is stressed in Maasai culture, whereas it is thought improper to brag about the number of animals you have acquired. As a result, producers tend to report giving more animal gifts than they receive. For the same species/age/sex category, gifts given are also appraised at a higher value than gifts received. In one study site, this resulted in the value of animals reported received being only 43% of the value of animals reported given away.
Similarly, exchanges are probably selectively underreported. In Maasailand, exchanges of an adult castrate for a young female are quite common. These exchanges are described as being initiated by a person "begging" for the castrate because of some "problem". Female breeding stock are highly valued. It is more prestigious to be able to increase one's breeding stock by acquiring a young female than to have to sacrifice such an animal by exchanging it for a needed castrate. In a parallel fashion, it is more prestigious to have a surplus adult castrate to exchange out than to need such an animal from outside the herd. Given this, it is not surprising that? whereas in one year a random sample of producers reported exchanging in a large number of immature females (13 cattle, 25 smallstock), they reported exchanging out very few (1 cow and 1 smallstock). This discrepancy is primarily due to selective reporting as partners in exchanges are primarily other Maasai from the same or neighbouring group ranches.
A useful method for collecting data on livestock transactions, especially offtake, is the progeny history technique. It was originally developed in Ethiopia by a team from the Ministry of Agriculture and has been used extensively by several ILCA staff, including Cossins in Ethiopia, myself in Nigeria (Grandin, 1981), and most recently by Wilson and Wagenaar (1982) in Niger. It is also currently being used by the ILCA Kenya team, although results from this/exercise are not yet available. This section describes the technique, then discusses the extent to which it can be varied and intensified.
In the progeny history technique, with reference to each adult female animal sampled, the producer is asked how it entered the herd, then about the offspring to which it gave birth. Information on the sex and disposition is solicited about each offspring in turn.
The progeny history method essentially depends on the ability of the pastoralist to know, recall and be willing to tell you the life history of his animals. I and other who have used the technique feel that particularly for the major species of animals it is quite accurate.
For a very rapid appraisal, the choice of the animal can be opportunistic. For a more in-depth study, a more systematic sample of animals would be preferable. On the basis of this minimal information, it is possible to calculate roughly what percentage of the animals of each sex leave the herd through death, sales, gifts, or any other socially-mediated means of transacting animals.
A number of intensifications of the technique are possible. These require more a priori knowledge of the system and more time to elicit the information. One important way of intensifying the data is to solicit information on the timing of events. Using local terms for seasons it is frequently possible for the pastoralist to remember at what season the particular animal was born, died or was otherwise disposed of. This is particularly true for recent progeny. Furthermore should a calendar of local events be available, in many cases it is possible to determine the year in question. For cattle, a calendar of 10 to 15 years would be sufficient, for smallstock a shorter one would suffice, while for camels IS years may be necessary.
Secondly, information about strategies and motivations can be elicited. This may include social data on the party to a transaction, reasons for disposition etc. In Maasailand, for example, pastoralists will readily state what motivated a sale (specific need for money, infertility of the animal etc.). Thirdly, for deaths, the pastoralist's diagnosis can be elicited.
The interview need not necessarily be done with the producer or herd owner. Rather, it is preferable to interview the person who is most likely to know the history of the animals. In pastoral societies in which animals are allocated to women for milking, or other reasons, it may be most useful to interview the women of the household rather than the producer. For example in Maasailand ILCA personnel have successfully interviewed older herd boys for progeny histories. Particularly when herd boys are members of the family, they tend to know a good: deal about the history of the animals under :their care. This information is transmitted to them as part of their pastoral training.
The progeny history technique has the distinct: advantage of providing lime-depth' information Given the cycles of drought and ' post-drought recovery which typify pastoral systems, this is an important element of information-gathering. Although it is dependent upon the recall ability of pastoralists; pastoral research specialists have often noted: that the history of animals and their progeny is well remembered as it is considered critical information for management and selection purposes.
For example, older Maasai women have been able to recall numerous details of the progeny of offspring allocated to them at their weddings 20 to 30 years earlier. Certainly recall will be better for animals stir-1 in the herd as well as for more discrete events. Disaster often confuses memory of sequential events. -Thus, Maasai at least, have more difficulty in remembering specific events which occured during the last major drought seven years ago. They will often say, "The dam had several offspring that died in the drought but I don't remember the details."
To the best of my knowledge, however, this technique has never been assessed for its reliability. As part of its ongoing work, the ILCA team in Kenya is concurrently doing progeny history and extensive data collection (by: monthly interviews) on livestock offake and acquisition.: We will soon be in a position 'to compare these two methods of collecting data on livestock transactions.
The progeny history technique is not quite as good for collecting data on acquisition as it is for disposal. However, it can be supplemented easily in order to get some time-depth. If the dam was born into the herd, the origin of its mother is recorded. Secondly, particularly if a complete herd enumeration has been made, it is possible to find out the origin of all of the animals currently in the herd. If there is no such enumeration available, it is possible to ask the producer which of his animals were not born into the herd and subsequently ask how and why they were acquired.
Eicher, C. and Baker, D.C. 1982. Research on agricultural development - in sub-Saharan Africa: A critical study MSU International Development Paper 1. Dept. of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State University, East Lansing, p. 171.
Gilbert, E.H., Norman, D.W. and Winch, F.E. 1980. Farming systems research: A critical appraisal. MSU Rural Development Paper 6. Michigan State University, East Lansing, p. 6.
Grandin, B.E. 1981. Small cows, big money: Wealth and dwarf cattle production in southwestern Nigeria. 'Ph. D. Dissertation, Stanford University, California.
Wilson, R.T. and Wagenaar, K. 1982. An introductory survey of livestock population demography and reproductive performance in the area of the Niger Range and Livestock Project. ILCA Mali. Arid and semi-arid zones programme Bamako.
Résumé
Cette étude examine la nécessité de données sur les transactions de bétail dans les systèmes de production pastorale et envisage plusieurs méthodes grâce auxquelles les données souhaitées peuvent être recueillies
Les transactions de bétail sont définies comme étant l'écoulement et l'acquisition de bétail soit à titre temporaire, soit à titre définitif Les études précédentes sur les systèmes pastoraux ont fourni très peu de données quantitatives sur les transactions de bétail. Ce document soutient qu'en étudiant un système de production pastoral, il est important d'étudier toutes les transactions relatives à l'écoulement et à l'acquisition, que ce soit à titre commercial ou non, qu'il s'agisse d'entrée d'animaux dans la zone ou de sortie de celle-ci. Ces données sont nécessaires pour comprendre comment le producteur manipule ses animaux pour satisfaire ses besoins et réaliser ses objectifs à court et à long termes. Les données sur les transactions conjuguées avec les données sur les naissances et les décès complètent à merveille les relevés de paramètres directs de production et constituent un moyen adéquat d'évaluer la productivité de l'élevage.
Parmi les informations de base qui permettent de comprendre le comportement et les stratégies des éleveurs figurent les utilisations générales du bétail dans la société, les objectifs généraux de l'exploitation, l'attribution de droits aux animaux et à leur produits et les moyens culturels d'acquisition et d'écoulement des animaux. Ces données peuvent être recueillies grâce aux enquêtes informelles.
Pour les données plus quantitatives sur l'ensemble des transactions de bétail, l'utilisation de certaines techniques de rappel est essentielle à moins qu'on ne dispose d'observateurs qualifiés dans chaque ménage. L'une des méthodes les plus utiles pour la collecte des données sur les transactions de l'élevage, notamment en ce qui concerne l'écoulement des animaux, est la technique de l'histoire de la progéniture. Celle-ci est née en Ethiopie où elle a été mise au point par une équipe du ministère de l'agriculture. Elle est actuellement utilisée par l'équipe du CIPEA au Kenya. Avec la technique de l'histoire de la progéniture, pour chaque femelle adulte faisant partie de l'échantillonnage, on demande au producteur comment elle est entrée dans le troupeau puis on lui pose des questions sur sa progéniture. Des informations sur le sexe et sur le caractère sont demandées ensuite sur chaque rejeton. La méthode de l'histoire de la progéniture se fonde essentiellement sur la capacité de l'éleveur de retracer l'histoire de ses animaux. La technique a l'avantage distinct de fournir des informations qui remontent à une période reculée. Etant donné les cycles de sécheresse et de reconstitution qui caractérisent les systèmes pastoraux, il s'agit là d'un élément important de la collecte des données. La technique n'est pas aussi bonne pour la collecte des données sur l'acquisition qu'elle l'est pour la collecte des données sur l'écoulement. Toutefois, elle peut être facilement complétée pour obtenir des données qui remontent à une période assez reculée. L'équipe du CIPEA au Kenya effectue en même temps la collecte extensive de données et utilise l'histoire de la progéniture en ce qui concerne l'acquisition et l'écoulement de bétail. L'équipe sera bientôt en mesure de comparer ces deux méthodes de collecte de données sur les transactions de bétail.
