0574-C1
Stephen Wyatt 1
Partnerships between communities and forestry companies are becoming increasingly important in sustainable forest management. This paper examines the experience of the Atikamekw of Wemotaci in central Quebec who are establishing a sawmill in partnership with two forestry companies. This case supports the work of other analysts who have investigated the potential benefits and difficulties of such partnerships. As a study of community-company collaboration in forestry, the Wemotaci experience also demonstrates the importance of social and cultural factors in a partnership. In particular, there are important differences in relation to forest management institutions, the objectives of the parties, the history and rights of each, systems of consultation and communication and development goals. In terms of these factors, each party possesses its own forestry paradigm, which serves as the foundation of their ways of understanding and managing the forest. Successful partnerships will therefore need to develop innovative structures and techniques for forest management in order to respond to the differing interests of the partners.
Establishing partnerships is increasingly perceived as an essential element of policies and projects aimed at fostering sustainable forest management and community development. In recent years, the importance of private industry in such partnerships has been growing, perhaps reflecting a belief that commercial interests have more money available than governments. This paper examines cultural issues in a relationship between an indigenous community in Quebec, Canada, and two forestry companies that operate on their traditional lands. The Atikamekw of Wemotaci and the foresters of Smurfit-Stone and Gérard Crête et fils have quite different ways of viewing and using the forest, but their partnership for a new sawmill requires them to understand these differences and find ways to co-exist and co-operate.
A recent authoritative review by Mayers and Vermeulen (2002) examined the experiences of partnerships between forestry companies and local communities around the world. They noted a great variety of such deals, based on policy environments, land tenure systems, infrastructure, markets and other characteristics of local situations. There is also variety in the nature of benefits being sought by the parties. Companies seek access to resources, new business opportunities and direct economic benefits such as returns on investment and profits. Communities have development and employment goals, but may also be seeking non-financial benefits including land tenure and environmental protection. However, Mayers and Vermeulen (2002) also note that there is little evidence of partnerships impacting poverty, improving employment conditions or increasing bargaining power for communities.
The identification of factors contributing to successful partnerships is an important theme in recent research. Mayers and Vermeulen (2002) suggest possible actions for the various parties and emphasise the importance of innovation; of developing new structures, techniques and systems that can overcome the various problems that a partnership can face. Similarly, within Canada, analysts have examined the growing number of partnerships between First Nations (Canada's indigenous peoples) and forestry companies and have identified the importance of careful selection of partners, clarification of objectives, comprehension of each others culture and other steps in establishing partnerships (Brubacher 1998; NAFA/IOG 2000). There is also a growing number of alternative forest management arrangements including improved consultation processes, application of traditional knowledge (MacKinnon, Apentiik et al. 2001), co-management (Notzke 1995) and land tenure arrangements (Ross and Smith 2002).
While comparative studies enable the analysis of a number of different cases, they tend to focus on particular factors, such as economic considerations or forest tenure. Cultural issues are often mentioned, but are rarely examined in detail, perhaps because of methodological reasons or of variation between groups. In contrast, the investigation of a single case can assist the identification of a full range of factors, including cultural issues, that can affect a partnership between two very different groups.
In 1997, the Atikamekw of Wemotaci (located in central Quebec, Canada) began discussions with two forestry companies, Smurfit-Stone and Gérard Crête et fils, to establish a sawmill in their community as a joint venture in which the Atikamekw would hold a majority share (60 %). Wemotaci is a community of about 1200 people, surrounded by forests and located over 100 km from the closest town. These forests are the traditional lands of the Atikamekw who led a semi-nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyle until the early part of the twentieth century. Traditionally, the Atikamekw would pass the majority of each year hunting and trapping in small groups on family territories, subsequently meeting at particular sites in summer for social gatherings and trade (Clermont 1977). Since the arrival of European traders and settlers in the 1700s, the Atikamekw have had to adapt to changes, such as the fur trade, missionaries, a railway, hydroelectric development and the forest industry, trying to integrate these into their traditional lifestyle (Poirier 2000). In 1986 the Atikamekw established their own forestry company to undertake contract work for larger forest industry companies. The predominance of forestry in the regional economy and the lack of other employment opportunities contributed to the local council's decision to establish the Tackipotcikan sawmill. However, the process of establishing a forestry partnership is often long and tortuous and, at the time of writing in October 2002, the partnership has not yet been able to finalise a financial package that will enable the construction of the sawmill.
Researchers from Université Laval in Quebec have been following the establishment of the Tackipotcikan sawmill since 1998 in order to examine the different perspectives that the partners are bringing to the project, their objectives, their utilisation of the forest and their approaches to forest management. This has been an explorative study, aimed at identifying themes and concepts of importance to the parties, rather than collecting information to compare with other cases. Research methodology has been based on qualitative techniques, notably semi-structured and informal interviews and participant observation, supported by documentary sources. In particular, specific studies have been made of the current utilisation of the part of the forest that will supply the sawmill and of the different processes for consultation between the industry and the Atikamekw. It is important to note that research has examined both sides of the partnership, the forestry companies as well as the Atikamekw.
The experience of the Atikamekw and the forestry companies involved in the Tackipotcikan sawmill supports many of the factors identified in the studies cited above. Economic benefits are important for both parties, but there is also the expectation of significant non-economic benefits. Establishing appropriate corporate structures and arranging financial packages have proved particularly difficult for the partnership. The partners are also experimenting with harvesting and management techniques in response to Atikamekw concerns. However, research has also identified a series of cultural issues affecting the partnership. It appears that these issues underlie many of the other factors, and contribute particularly to the need for innovative structures and processes.
Analysis of the Tackipotcikan partners' interests identifies several key issues where there are important differences between the Atikamekw and the companies. In particular, we can look at the institutions that exist for forest management; the objectives of each party, both for the partnership and for the forest in general; the history and rights of each party; the systems of communication and consultation that exist within and between the parties; and their views on economic development. These issues are summarised in Table 1. Finally, we note the existence of two quite different ways of viewing the forest and forestry - what we refer to as differing forestry paradigms.
The forest industry operates within a clear legislative and institutional framework. The majority of the forests around Wemotaci are on public lands. Planning and management activities are the responsibility of professional foresters employed by forestry companies following guidelines established by the provincial government. Management plans are principally aimed at determining timber harvesting programs based on forest stand inventories (species and age combinations) and on sustainable yield calculations. However, there are also operational Atikamekw institutions. The forest is sub-divided into family territories with responsibility for the co-ordination of resource use lying with a particular person, known as ka mitatc. He (or sometime she) is the person most knowledgeable about the land and the resources and operates on the basis of respect for his knowledge and advice, rather than on a power of coercion or of approval. However, Atikamekw management institutions are almost completely ignored in current forest management planning.
There are two principal objectives for Atikamekw participation in forestry and in the Tackipotcikan sawmill. The most commonly stated is that of creating employment for the people of Wemotaci, particularly the youth, with approximately 100 new jobs being provided by the project (compared to less than 200 jobs in the community in 1996). However, the sawmill will also provide particular forest management rights for the Atikamekw and give them a greater ability to influence forest management practices. Both forestry companies identify objectives beyond a simple share in the potential profits from the sawmill. They stress the importance good relations with the Atikamekw, acknowledging that this requires particular recognition in planning. Such good relations appear to contribute to an absence of conflicts and hence to ensuring regular timber supplies to the companies' mills. The sawmill also provides the partners with access to increased volumes of timber from public forests, which will contribute to the profitability of their other operations. The sawmill project provides the Atikamekw with opportunities for economic development and for greater control over the exploitation of the forest resources while the industry partners gain greater security in the wood supply, an enhanced image as a corporate citizen, and the prospects of increased profits.
Both companies have long-term histories within the region. Gérard Crête et fils is a family owned company entering its third generation with rights to log significant volumes of timber from public forests. The second partner commenced operations in the Wemotaci area in 1909, owns 3,700 km2 of private forestlands near Wemotaci and was, in 2000, acquired by the US firm Smurfit-Stone. The Atikamekw have, of course, an even longer history and their traditional territory covers the forests that supply the mills of Gérard Crête, Smurfit-Stone and other forestry companies. Recognition of indigenous land rights has been evolving in Canada over recent decades, leading to an increasing legal basis for the First Nations participation in resource management. However, translation of these rights into concrete agreements has been slower and the Atikamekw have been in negotiations with the federal and provincial governments for over 25 years. The current situation is one where industry rights and access to the forests are being confirmed, whilst Atikamekw rights are still under negotiation.
Public consultation mechanisms are becoming more important in Quebec, in line with global trends towards participation in forest management. Smurfit-Stone, Gérard Crête and other forestry companies have introduced specific processes for consultation with the Atikamekw, even where not required to do so by the law. The companies seek Atikamekw comments concerning forest management and request them to identify particular sites that should be subject to modified harvesting rules. The Atikamekw have established a forestry team to facilitate this process and to give them the expertise necessary to communicate with the company foresters. However, many major questions of forest management, such as the volume to be cut, are not open to consultation. It should also be noted that the traditional Atikamekw management institutions, as discussed above, are not well integrated into the new consultation processes. Individual Atikamekw who have particular knowledge are not always involved in consultations, while concerns about values and life-style are difficult to express in the map-based information systems used by the forestry companies. The consultation processes do enable the Atikamekw to have some influence on forest management, but they also reflect a forest management system where responsibility lies with the companies and not with the Atikamekw.
For the forest industry and for many others (including some Atikamekw), the Tackipotcikan sawmill represents economic development. Such development may also impact upon the capacity of the Atikamekw to practice traditional activities on the territory, and there are some Atikamekw who do not agree with the sawmill. However, it is an oversimplification to present this as a conflict between traditionalists and modernists. Most Atikamekw are seeking to combine both views - to have economic development that will enable them to maintain their lifestyle on the territory. In fact, this represents a continuation of the strategy that the Atikamekw have used in the face of other developments over the last two hundred years. For the Atikamekw, the Tackipotcikan sawmill presents an opportunity to adapt the model of industrial forestry to their own needs and their own reality. Poirier (2000) has described this as "contemporanity", the synthesis by the Atikamekw themselves of their traditional institutions with those of the dominant society.
Table 1 Cultural differences in the Tackipotcikan partnership
The Atikamekw |
Gérard Crête & Smurfit-Stone | |
Management Institutions |
Ka mitatc responsible for co-ordinating use of family territories |
Industry foresters operating within governmental framework |
Objectives |
Employment in forestry |
Maintaining good relations |
History and rights |
Traditional occupation |
Active in forests for over 50 yrs. |
Communication and consultation |
Aiming to maintain occupation and utilisation of territory. |
Aiming to maintain logging while recognising Atikamekw use. |
Economic development |
Development as a way of maintaining a territory-based lifestyle. |
Development as a goal, while recognising impact on lifestyle. |
The differing perspectives of the Atikamekw and their industrial partners on these issues can be resumed in the concept of differing forestry paradigms. A "forestry paradigm" is the set of values, of beliefs and of management systems related to the use of the forest that are shared by members of a particular group and which form the basis for their decisions and actions concerning the forest. This definition is drawn from those of Kuhn (1970) and Brown and Harris (1992). The existence of differing paradigms held by the parties raises the question of whether or not the Tackipotcikan sawmill, and indeed the Quebec forest industry, will be able to respond to the interests of both the Atikamekw and the forestry companies.
The Atikamekw forestry paradigm is best expressed using terms from the Atikamekw language, which is still in everyday use at Wemotaci. Aski denotes «Mother Earth», including all components of the biosphere (living, non-living and human). The forest or the territory is notcimik, again including the forest ecosystem, but also signifying "the place that I come from." Tipahiskan is a system of management incorporating land divisions, knowledge and mechanisms for consultation and control. Nehirowisw indicates being autonomous, either in the context of a person who has the knowledge and skills necessary to live on notcimik, or as the Atikamekw nation being responsible for itself. These are characteristics of the current Atikamekw use of the territory - they are both traditional and contemporary. Within this forestry paradigm, the Atikamekw accept timber harvesting as a way of using notcimik and of being nehirowisiw. However, they expect that it be done in ways that are respectful of aski (such as maintaining the diversity of the forest ecosystem) and of tipahiskan. Critically, the paradigm calls for recognition of the role of the Atikamekw, and for their traditional mechanisms, in forest management.
On the industrial side, the forestry paradigm is based on the scientific management of the forest, principally to provide a sustainable supply of wood fibre. In Quebec, resource planning is sector-based and so forestry planning is distinct from planning for management of fauna, water or recreation. The forestry companies use state-of-the art technology in forest inventory, stand modelling, mapping and planning to optimise the efficiency of their harvesting and silvicultural operations. As noted above, they are also assisting the Atikamekw to participate in the forest industry and are working to incorporate Atikamekw knowledge into their planning and management systems. However, the companies have an obligation to harvest the full volume of timber allocated to them in accordance with government calculations of maximum sustainable yield. Planning for the protection of other values, including Atikamekw practices, is usually treated as a constraint to commercial exploitation of the forest. Finally, the forestry companies are also operating in very competitive economic environment that emphasises optimising production while minimising operating costs.
The existence of different paradigms does not mean that the partnership for the Tackipotcikan sawmill will not succeed. Rather, it shows the need for innovative structures and techniques, as noted by Mayers and Vermeulen (2002). International experiences in community forestry, joint forest management, co-management and so on have shown that new forest management structures can be developed through the integration of traditional and industrial methods and that these can meet the objectives of the different parties. The Tackipotcikan partners recognise that there are a number of differences and that the sawmill cannot be operated in exactly the same way as other Quebec sawmills. Innovations include operating schedules that enable workers to continue traditional activities, modified harvesting rules, and "green" accounting methods. In doing so, they have benefited from government flexibility on rules for the industry and from openness on the part of Smurfit-Stone and Gérard Crête. It is probable that these companies consider their involvement in the Tackipotcikan sawmill as a way of developing techniques for use elsewhere.
Partnerships between communities and the forest industry can offer advantages for both sides, but the expectations and the objectives of the partners will often be very different. This examination of the experience of the Atikamekw and their industry partners has shown the importance of a number of cultural factors in the relationship. These differences can be understood as differing forestry paradigms; each of the parties has their own way of viewing and understanding the forest landscape and each has developed their own systems for managing their utilisation of forest resources. The creation of a partnership requires that each partner respond to the interests of the other, in addition to their own needs. If the partners are prepared to do this, then they will need to develop innovative new structures and techniques for management. If partners are neither prepared nor able to innovate, then they could be faced with the failure of the partnership, or one of the partners may be obliged to conform to the interests of the other.
The characteristics of the Tackipotcikan partnership are specific to the situation at Wemotaci and it is unlikely that other partnerships will show exactly the same cultural factors. However, the analysis proposed here supports the increasing recognition of the role of communities in forest management around the world. The experiences of the Atikamekw at Wemotaci and their industry partners illustrate the importance of recognising underlying social and cultural differences in partnerships, and the necessity for innovative ways to enable the coexistence of differing forestry paradigms.
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1 Université Laval, Quebec, Canada. [email protected]