NOTES ON THE IFIP MISSION,18–24 FEBRUARY 1990
This report details observations made during a visit to the Lake Edward/George Complex and Lake Albert, in the company of a mission from IFIP, the Inland Fisheries Project for Eastern and Southern Africa, Mr. George Ssentongo and Ms. Monique Maes of IFIP, Africa, based in Bujumbura.1 The purpose of the IFIP mission was to assess the current situation of the western lakes fisheries in preparation for the proposed meetings between Ugandan and Zairois fisheries authorities, which the regional project is attempting to organise. These meetings, tentatively scheduled for late May 1990, would address common problems of fisheries management in the shared waters of Lakes Edward and Albert (Lake Mobutu Sese-Seko), and provide a means of developing a co-ordinated approach to ensure the continued successful exploitation of the resourse bases.
The team first visited with Fisheries Department personnel and local fisherfolk in the Kichwamba Region, including the landings at Katwe and Rwenshama on Lake Edward, Katunguru on the Kazinga Channel, and Kasenyi on Lake George (maps, Figs. 1 & 2). Two days were subsequently spent in the Fort Portal Fisheries Region, and a trip was made to visit the fishing village of Ntoroko, on the southern tip of Lake Albert (maps, Figs. 1 & 3). A full itinerary and list of persons contacted is presented in Annex 1.
Earlier SEC Field Reports (No. 2 -- Odongkara 1989; No. 6 -- Reynolds and Mukasa 1989) provide general descriptions of the fishing activity and most of the fisherfolk communities scattered through the Lake Edward/Kazinga Channel/Lake George complex, and these may be referred to for background. Further detailed information on the historical, biological, and socio-economic circumstances of the fishery are provided in the studies of Dunn (1989) and Enfield (1989).
There are two fundamental features of the L.Edward/Kazinga Channel/L. George complex which have all-embracing consequences for the lives of those who dwell in the fishing communities. The first relates to its physical setting, largely inside Queen Elizabeth National Park. Most fishing villages exist as shoreline enclave settlements within the park, often in fairly remote locations, and residents are legally bound to observe strict regulations governing access and the pursuit of subsistence or commercial activities. The second feature of the fishery relates to its “controlled” status, such that (a) all operations must take place from certain officially designated landings; (b) entry is formally limited to fixed numbers of licensed canoes; and (c) gillnet mesh sizes and fleet numbers are supposed to comply with certain specifications. The restrictive physical and legal environment of the fishery makes it an exceedingly complicated one, fraught with actual and potential conflicts between Park, Fisheries Department, and fisherfolk community interests. For Lake Edward, lying astride the border between Uganda and Zaire, the complications are further compounded with an international dimension.
2.1 Kichwamba Fish Processing Research Project
Since the last FISHIN team visit to the region in June 1989, the Fish Processing Research Project work being conducted by Mr. Ansen Ward and his Fisheries Department counterpart Mr. Peter Sunday has made substantial progress in developing a demonstration unit at the katwe landing. A Chorkor oven type fish smoking unit has been constructed using the services of local artisans and students from the katwe Technical School. The unit is capable of processing about 200 kg of fresh fish per smoking session. Trial operations began in August 1989. These involved measurements of fuelwood consumption according to the weight of fish being smoke-dried and various methods of fish preparation, including splitting of tilapia (the main fish marketed in the region) and combinations of sundrying, brining, and smoking routines. The trials have produced some promising results in terms of fuelwood savings. The chorkor system can save from 15% to 20% on fuel requirements, thus offering a means for local fish processors to realise considerable financial savings in their operations over time. By the same token, it also could yield advantages in terms of reducing fuelwood demands in those fishing villages where smoking is a common practice, meaning that there would be less pressure on wood stocks in the Park.
whilst work on the Fish Processing Project has progressed well, it is obvious that activities have been hampered by lack of adequate funds and equipment. Several facilities originally planned for the demonstration unit have not been completed. This is most unfortunate, as the Project is a valuable one for the region. The emphasis has been on devising basic technological improvements using locally available resources -- an approach which warrants strong support. At this stage, every effort should be made by relevant agencies -- the Fisheries Department, the Park authorities, and donor agencies -- to provide the Project with the wherewithal to complete the outfitting of the Katwe demonstration unit and to begin extending efforts outwards to the fishing villages, possibly in the form of pilot Chorkor units at those sites where smoking operations are most intense. A project proposal for a modest level of further funding for this important work could be drafted forthwith and submitted for donor consideration. Existing plans call for the Project to wind down in September 1990, meaning that review and appraisal should proceed with all due speed.
According to local opinion, there has been a significant decline in the catches since the last team visit in June 1989. This was strongly commented upon by all the boat owners, barias,2 and other informants interviewed during the current tour. It was noted that whereas there were three or four pick-up loads of fresh fish leaving the landing every morning a few months ago, there is only enough fish to fill one pick-up at present. As a result of this decline, the local processors who prepare salted and dried fish for the Zaire market -- traditionally a major outlet for Katwe fish -- face a lack of raw product for their operations. In order to make a reasonable profit, processors must be able to buy fish a little more cheaply than those who deal only in fresh sales. When the catches are off and fish are few, beach prices tend to remain high and most fish goes onto the market in a fresh state.
The alleged decline is not however reflected in the official Fisheries Department statistics on the landing. Returns for the calendar year 1989 show a peak in tonnes landed per month for November (107 tonnes), and a pattern of higher production in the latter half of the year as compared to the earlier half (Table 1). This gap between official records and local perceptions of catch levels needs to be further investigated.
Activity at the landing seemed to be more or less as it was last June. Forty-two canoes were counted as actively fishing, 24 of which were equipped with outboard engines. This very high level of motorisation was noted also during the last visit. At least one new unit is in operation since June, operated by a group of soldiers who are part of the local army detach. This unit is reportedly doing exceptionally well, owing to the serious and businesslike performance of its operators.
Fishing routines continue as before, with boat crews preparing for their trips from mid-afternoon, and departing for the grounds around 1600h. Once nets are set, the crews remain to guard them throughout the night, pulling them in the morning to return to the beach with their catches around 0800h. Crew “salaries” are negotiated each day with the boat owners. The common practice is for a boat crew to separate out some part of the catch as their payment before returning to the beach. Owners first sell “their” portion of the daily catch separately. The crew portion is sold off afterwards, with the proceeds being split between crew and the “boat” -- i.e. the owner(s). Daily crew remuneration usually amounts to about 20% of the value of the total catch, subject to the agreement of the owner or owners of the fishing unit. Such factors as catch level, ex-canoe prices, and repair costs affect the negotiations between owners and crew on any given day. In some cases, owners follow a system whereby they buy the crew portion directly, at a somewhat lower price level than that which prevails on the beach. Owners then sell this portion off along with theirs, at the going rate. Thus, for example, an owner might buy tilapia of the crew portion for UShs. 60/- per fish, and sell the same fish to traders at 100/- each.
Ex-canoe prices at Katwe fluctuate according to the relative abundance of fish, which itself is a function of the season and the lunar phase. Catches generally tend to increase during rainy periods and fall off during dry spells. During moonless nights, the catch of tilapia tends to rise, and that of Bagrus to fall off; during times of bright moonlight, it is just the opposite. Fish prices at the time of visit were fairly high, owing to generally reduced catch levels. Tilapia was selling for UShs. 100/- to 120/- per fish (about 200/- per kg.); Bagrus was going for about 250/- per kg.; Clarias was reported to be very rare in the catches but was selling for about the same price as Bagrus, since there was no heavy demand for it; finally, Protopterus, being quite a popular fish, was selling more dearly, at around 300/- per kg.
As is usually the case for such brief visits, there was no opportunity to conduct systematic interviews with a wide range of operators. Two fishermen were interviewed at some depth, however, and some idea of their recent experiences with running costs and returns on effort was gathered from their daily accounts. For the first half of February 1990 (a total of 15 fishing days), the average daily return for one outboard canoe unit operated by three crew, after meeting expenses for fuel, beach labour, and muncipal cess, was about UShs 3000/-, with actual day-to-day returns fluctuating between a low of only 500/- and a high of 7300/-. Although the average daily return may seem quite reasonable, it must be remembered that fishing unit owners may be servicing equipment and gear loans and incurring maintainance costs on their equipment, all of which must be accomodated within their operations. Indeed, it is for these reasons that the two owners interviewed were not wholly satisfied with their earnings, and stressed the need to increase profits. The principal obstacle to increased catches was seen as the lack of enough nets, even though the returns described above were based on a fleet of around 80 nets per boat, of 4.5" and 5" mesh sizes.
The question of net sizes and numbers also figured prominently in the general discussion held in one of the Katwe weighing sheds between team members and about 20 fishermen during the early afternoon. The opinion was widely shared that there were simply not enough nets available for sale through local suppliers, or as inputs from the Uganda Commercial Bank to those who had secured loans through the Rural Farmers' Scheme (RFS), discussed in a separate section later on. At the same time, there were those who also argued for the idea of revising restrictions on net fleet size per canoe (limit 10) and mesh sizes (5") in light of the fact that they were largely being ignored. One veteran of the landing pointed out that the legal requirements were set long ago, at a time when there were more fish and fewer fishermen. He suggested that because more people were involved in fishing these days, there had to be more nets to catch more fish. He also noted that relatively few people were using the 5" mesh size anymore, opting instead for the 4.5" and its better catching power. This was said to be a trend that had developed over the last 10 years or so. When asked if the size of the fish had generally decreased over recent years, the same informant admitted that this was the case. Following further discussion, the point seemed to be taken that smaller mesh sizes eventually deplete the stock.
Further observations and comments were made by the meeting participants on issues of licensing arrangements, income tax requirements, and restrictions imposed by the Park authorities. These are quite serious problem areas, judging from the sentiments expressed by various speakers. Licensing is alleged to be inequitable, the level of tax too high, and Park restrictions very onerous. These views are widely shared by other Kichwamba fisherfolk.
It is difficult to manage an adequate visit to Rwenshama in the course of only one day, since so much time must be spent simply travelling to and from the landing. This is true whether one goes by road or, as in the case of the present mission, across the water from Katwe by canoe. Either way, actual contact with fishing operators and fish processors is necessarily of very limited duration.
Not much seemed to have changed at Rwenshama since the SEC team visit last June. Road access conditions remain tenuous and unpredictable, particularly along the Katunguru link. Informants reported that there were currently two Zairois lorries bogged down on this stretch, obstructing it completely. Most traffic in and out of the area passes along the track from Ishasha and Rukungiri. The village and landing beach appear much the same as before. A new open-sided hut is being constructed by the Rwenshama Fishing Company to replace the earlier one which was blown down by heavy winds. There has been very little progress on the community water system project, which has stagnated for a year or so. Some decline in the number of residents may have occurred. When the Kichwamba Fish Processing Project team paid a visit to Rwenshama in January 1990, they observed that “People were moving away from Rwenshama due to a clampdown on illegal fishing activities.”
It was reported that there has been an increase in the average size of fish since last September, when the Fisheries Department enforcement action against illegal nets and boats was carried out. Catches were also said to be maintaining themselves at a good level, unlike the case in Katwe. Official returns indicate that the monthly catch level was actually on the rise towards the end of 1989, and that the latter half of the year was much more productive than the earlier half (Table 2). Official figures for all the Lake Edward landings combined (i.e. Katwe + Rwenshama + Kayanja + Kazinga + Kishenyi) depict a similar picture of higher production during the last six months of 1989 in comparison with the first six months (Table 3 and Fig. 4).
All canoes working out of Rwenshama are registered under the Rwenshama Fishing Company, whose shareholders hold the entire set of the 40 boat registration numbers allocated to this landing. The shareholders of the company therefore control all formal access to the fisheries in the southern portion of Uganda's sector of Lake Edward. Such an exclusive arrangement, though wholly to the satisfaction of those who happen to be shareholders, must certainly be frustrating to would-be licensees. Formal access to the fishery is effectively blocked unless one has special connections. Control of a fishing vessel registration number is a carefully guarded asset and is treated rather like a land title deed, to be retained within family lines. Although some of the original Company shareholders are long deceased, their descendents or other relations carry on as “legatees”, continuing either individually or jointly with fishing operations as shareholders (and therefore license-holders) in the Company.
New boats may be constructed at the expense of shareholders or their agents, but must enter the fleet only as replacements for worn-out craft, taking over the respective registration numbers of the latter. It is only possible to become an agent through the payment of a substantial consideration (in effect, a fee to operate with the canoe license under franchise), with the exact rate being subject to negotiation with the Company and its shareholders. The Company assesses a set fee of UShs 3000/- per month for each canoe, in return for which certain services such as the coverage of income tax deposit and license charges are provided. The Company pays income tax deposit as one enterprise, rather than having each shareholding unit pay on an individual basis. By the same token, the Company can arrange loans under the RFS (administered for Rwenshama by the Rukingiri Branch of the UCB) on behalf of its members.
Fish traders also pay to the Company a small fee per fish leaving the beach. The charge for each tilapia, Barbus, Momyrus, and Labeo is UShs 2/-, whilst other fish including Bagrus, Claries, and Protopterus are charged UShs 4/-. Proceeds from these cesses go towards maintaining the landing site.
The Company shareholders and their agents usually rely on barias to do the actual fishing. Teams of three crew generally work one canoe, and split a third part of the catch proceeds between themselves as payment. Units stay on the fishing grounds overnight, purportedly to guard the gear against theft (usually blamed on Zairois fishermen), and to avoid the extra time and energy that twice daily trips would require of paddlers, or the extra fuel expenses for those using outboards. Night watches may also provide a good opportunity to practice “active” fishing (scaring the fish into the nets by beating on the water with sticks). Darkness could also serve to cloak the activities of those who engage in unofficial transactions for various commodities with contacts from Zaire.
Only four canoes are at present using outboard engines. Although a number of other outboards are around, their owners tend not to use them because of high fuel costs. The cost of 20 litres of petrol in Rwenshama is UShs 7000/-, as compared to the 5000/- price in Katwe. Heavy reliance on engines is thus only justified when catches are very high.
In addition to net theft and fuel cost problems, fishing operators cite difficulties obtaining a regular supply of new gear. Many operators have benefitted from the Rural Farmers Scheme (RFS) administered by the Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), which has arranged loans through the Rwenshama Fishing Company. But the supply of new nets has not kept up with demand. A further problem area cited is that of encroachment into Ugandan waters of the Lake by Zairois operators, who are alleged to use smaller mesh-sized nets (4" and below), and thus to compete unfairly with Uganda-based fisherfolk.
Although members of the Fishing Company regard the Rwenshama fishery as principally one for tilapia, official records indicate that Bagrus has been the major species in terms of tonnage landed (Table 2). Other fish which figure in the catches to a relatively minor extent include species of Protopterus, Clarias, Barbus, Momyrus, and Labeo. On the day of visit, beach prices were running as follows:
| SPECIES | UShs/kg |
| tilapia | 140. |
| Bagrus | 200. |
| Protopterus | 110. |
| Clarias | 200. |
| Barbus | 200. |
| Momyrus | 140. |
Fish traders begin purchase negotiations for catches as soon as canoes are run up on the beach following their return from the fishing grounds. Buyers are said to agree between themselves about the top prices they will pay. Fish are removed from the canoes after the Fisheries Assistants finish their enumerations. They are then placed on papyrus mats laid out over the sand and are counted again for the purpose of levying Company commissions. After traders have paid their fees, the fish are transported by wheelbarrow into the village for salting and smoking, as described in SEC Field Report No. 6. Most of the smoked fish go to Kabale area markets (map, Fig 1) via pickup, one or more of which usually comes every Thursday to collect bulked consignments. For salted fish, the trade is primarily concentrated in the hands of a single businessman, who has an export license to ship to Zaire, and who depends on three local agents to buy up consignments from processors and store them until they can be moved out by lorry.
The Kichwamba Fish Processing Project team reported in January 1990 that the level of fish smoking continued high at Rwenshama village, consistent with its status as the largest smoking centre in the region. Dry salting of fish for export to Zaire was said to be affected by poor market conditions, resulting in reduced prices for tilapia (down to UShs 50 – 75/- per fish, or about the same as the 140/kg price as noted above).
2.4 Katunguru (Kazinga Channel)
The team paid brief visits to both of the Katunguru landings -- Katunguru (Bushenyi) and Katunguru (Kasese), located opposite one another at either end of the bridge spanning the Kazinga Channel. At Katunguru (B) an informal meeting took place involving a group of about 50 fishing unit owners and barias. On the Kasese side, a smaller assembly was convened on the verandah of one of the shops in the market centre. In both meetings, concerns were expressed about the limited operating area -- about a ten mile stretch of water -- to which Katunguru fishermen have access. There were suggestions by some that Katunguru operators should be allowed to fish into Lakes Edward and George so that they would not be so “squeezed.” It was also alleged that the Park authorities were too strict in enforcing regulations pertaining to firewood collection and trespassing.
The official assignment of boats at these landings is 30 at Katunguru (B) and 14 at Katunguru (K), though in practice there is some variation caused by boat transfers. Despite the fact that these transfers are officially sanctioned, it seems that they are not always reflected in official returns, perhaps because their inclusion would suggest that more than the authorised number of boats are operating from a particular landing. These channel craft are small and rudimentary in construction, and only cost around Ushs 20,000/- to build, as opposed to the Ushs 200,000/- figure for the larger L. Edward canoes. Most are owned by individuals either singly or in partnership, though several are operated by church groups. The Katunguru Cooperative Fishing Company also retains a few hulls which it rents out to those without their own boats.
A handful of operators have been granted loans through the RFS for the purchase of nets. Nets are not readily available locally and this scarcity was cited by operators as a major constraint on their enterprises. There are no outboard engines in service as fishing grounds are generally close by, the boats are very small, and there are extensive areas along the shore which are too shallow and muddy for effective use of a motor.
The Katunguru landings host a gillnet fishery for the most part, but there are relatively more longliners operating along the Channel than are found elsewhere in the Lake Edward/George complex. The longliners fish for Protopterus and Clarias, and use small Haplochromis as bait. Rigs can consist of up to 400 No. 8 hooks.
Catches were said to be on the low side for both the gillnetters and the longliners, and it was pointed out that there was not much processing of fish at present for this reason. Reference to the official Fisheries Department records shows that catch figures for the month of December 1989 were in fact the lowest for that year, though not markedly so (Table 4). According to locals, the annual harvest follows a seasonal cycle, falling off during dry periods and picking up during the rains.
When catches are high, fish in both fresh and processed form is marketed as far away as Fort Portal to the north, and Mbarara to the the southeast (map, Fig. 1). When there is less fish, as at the time of visit seemed to be the case, marketing is restricted to the Kasese area and up the escarpment to the south. A tour of the processing site at Katunguru (K) revealed that only 3 out the 8 pit kilns were in operation. Frying of tilapia and, to a lesser extent, of Protopterus pieces is carried out at this site as well, though only two frying operations were working on the day of visit. Processors often use Nile perch oil imported from Masaka or other points served by the Lake Victoria fisheries. Fuelwood is constantly in short supply for both the friers and the smokers. Friers have been relying on teawood from the pruning operations now being carried out as part of estate rehabilitation on top of the Banyaruguru escarpment.
Kasenyi village was once a relatively thriving and bustling place, due to the presence of the TUFMAC (The Uganda Fish Marketing Company) processing plant. TUFMAC has been defunct for many years, and the plant is now a rusting collection of rundown and partly vandalised and looted buildings and machinery sheds, standing just to the north of the village and landing beach (see SEC Fld Rpt 6). The landing and village do not appear to have changed at all in the period since the last SEC team visit in June 1989. The large colony of hippos which is usually found to be lying up resting for the day in the water just in front of the beach was still in residence. Fisherfolk and hippos usually manage a peaceful co-existence on Lake George, and are often seen to go about their respective activities in close proximity to one another. Last December, however, an encounter between a cow hippo protecting her calf and a boatload of local people resulted in the death of six individuals, injury to several more, and the destruction of their boat.
No civic improvements of any note were apparent since the last visit in June, either on the landing or in the village. Of the ten pit kilns seen to be operating previously, only five were reported to be functioning now -- a possible indication of decreased catches due to declining stocks or fishing effort. Evacuation of fish from Kasenyi continues to be problematic, despite the relatively good road access. There is now only one pickup which collects smoked fish from the village on a weekly basis, whereas two were noted on the previous visit. Fresh fish is not generally marketed out of Kasenyi, apparently because traders must traverse a little greater distance than they are obliged to do between other landing sites like katwe (Lake Edward) and Hamukungu (Lake George) and the major market areas. The movement of more illegal fish out of the kayinja area may also be having a detrimental effect on marketing from Kasenyi.
The team sat with a group of some 50 Kasenyi fisherfolk and onlookers assembled close to the landing beach under the shade of the large village meeting tree. This is also a favourite roosting place for the Marabou storks (kaloli, the large scavenger bird that inevitably frequents local fishing communities). Despite occasional interruptions plummeting from the branches overhead, the meeting was able to discuss various issues at some length. Of particular concern was the question of declining catches, and whether the Government should reduce the legal mesh size to 4.5" from 5", since it was alleged that fishing operators were no longer able to catch enough fish with the larger mesh size. According to some of the operators, at times the catch can be as low as three fish per day per 5" net -- a rate that yields marginal returns and makes it difficult to repay any outstanding loans.
The fall-off in catches reported by Kasenyi fisherfolk is not corroborated by recent official Fisheries Department returns. These latter give instead an impression of fairly steady levels of production over the last year, fluctuating between a low of 21 tonnes (1989) and a high of nearly 34 tonnes (Nov.), with a mean of 27.6 (σ = 3.41) for the whole of 1989 (Table 5). Generally higher monthly tonnages were recorded for the latter half of the year than for the first half. The official portrayal of catch trends thus rather contradicts the local version.
Daily catch per boat around the time of visit was said to be running at about 30 kg, which roughly translates to something over 30 tonnes per month for the entire Kasenyi fleet of 36 canoes. Further analysis of records over the long term would shed more light on the issue of decline versus continuity in catch levels. But it must also be recognised that local perceptions of the state of the fishery are conditioned by changes in the relative market worth of the harvest. What can a fish buy now in comparison with the days when TUFMAC was active, in the decades of the 50s and 60s? When this question was put to the meeting, it was agreed that the buying power of a fish has deteriorated very considerably. During the early days, elders recalled, it would only take the sale of about two tilapia to yield enough cash to buy a bunch of bananas, whereas nowadays it takes about 13 fish.
Several of the older members of the assembly spoke fondly of the days when TUFMAC was in full operation. According to their testimony, “living was better” for the people of Kasenyi during those times. The company provided a good and ready market for daily catches as well as credit facilities so that fishing operators could purchase inputs. In addition, for some, there were the benefits of direct employment in the plant itself. The question of rehabilitation and re-opening of the TUFMAC factory is regularly posed to visitors to kasenyi, and has probably become a stock issue for the community. While re-opening may seem a good idea on the face of it, one must recall that at the time of the factory's heyday, special marketing monopoly conditions existed which were intended to ensure the company with a steady supply of raw material. Although there are several factors underlying the collapse of operations, including mismanagement to a strong extent, local objections to TUFMAC's buyer's monopoly and local circumvention of the arrangement contributed to a significant extent (Dunn 1989).
Whilst several speakers in the group made the predictable argument that Government should now move to legalise the smaller (4.5") mesh size, on the grounds that (a) this would increase catches and (b) the smaller mesh size is being widely used at present anyway, there were some who expressed the opposite point of view. These latter pointed out that a return to strict use of the 5" size would eventually lead to the return of larger fish, so that operators would no longer be catching “those born yesterday”.
Based on the remarks of many Kasenyi informants, a considerable amount of illegal entry is occurring in the Lake George fishery. Illegal boats operated from the islands and from around the landing of Kayinja are said to outnumber the licensed craft, perhaps on the order of two to one. Illegal operators are alleged not only to be using unlicensed craft and gear, but destructive methods as well, including beating the fish into nets, and fishing in nursery areas. A good deal of the illegal catch is reputedly evacuated from the kayinja side of the lake. A further problem often associated with the entry of so many pirate operators is that of net theft, which persists despite the fact that licensed fisherfolk colour code their nets with paint. When pressed on this point, kasenyi informants admitted that they did not really know who was responsible for all the thefts -- i.e. whether it emanated “from across the lake” or was something occurring “amongst ourselves”.
Although not a point raised by fisherfolk themselves, the team took note of a further and possibly far more critical problem that relates to the entire fishery of Lake George and, by extension, the watershed complex of which it is a part. The old Kilembe Mines operations are located on the flanks of the Rwenzori foothills just to the west of the highway on the approach to Kasese Town from QENP, north of Katunguru. Along this stretch it is evident that large quantities of excavated materials have washed down the slope and across the road at various times, flooding onto the lakeshore plains to the east. Apparently there have been breaches in the dikes impounding pools of slurry on the mine site, resulting in serious spillage of hazardous substances across a wide area. These substances contain waste copper and cobalt compounds which, should they ever seep into Lake George, would certainly cause great damage. They represent a major threat to the food chain upon which the exceptionally rich tilapia fishery of these waters ultimately depends. The dangers posed by this pollution warrant immediate and fully urgent attention, in that the consequences are potentially catastrophic -- for Lake George in the first instance, and all the waters to which it is effluent in the longer term. It is understood that a team from the Institute of Environment and Natural Resources at Makerere University has been studying the impact of the Kilembe spillages (IUCN 1989).
The major fishery covered by the Regional Fisheries Office, Fort Portal, comprises a complex of landings on the southernmost portion of Lake Albert. These include those of Ntoroko, Kanara, Songa-Kiyanja, Kamoga, Katanga (Songa Uchaki), Rwangara, Rukwanzi, Katolingo, and Mulango. Although there are over 50 minor lakes within Kaborole District which also fall under the jurisdiction of the Regional Fisheries Office, few are fished to any significant extent. This is because most are crater lakes; being deep, clear, and relatively poor in nutrients, they do not support large fish stocks. Incidental fisheries occur in the Kanyatete Swamp, Lake Kayanja Kabaleka, and Lake Saaka. The latter lake, though producing only a very small yield, is of some interest in that it hosts Nile perch, Lates niloticus, which was introduced in the early 1960s. Some of the fish have achieved quite respectable size: the biggest on record weighed in at 42 kg. But the Lates catch overall is of minimal importance, in that only about 5 fish per month are netted.
Since Lake Saaka flows into the Mpanga River, a tributary of Lake George, the question of downstream escapement arises. The chances of this ever occurring are thought to be nil, however, since the river first drains through extensive areas of papyrus swamp -- an effective barrier to the perch.
3.1 Ntoroko Landing, Lake Albert
The major landing of the Fort Portal Region, located at Ntoroko Village, at the southern tip of Lake Albert (maps, Figs. 1 & 3), was visited by the team in company with the FDO, Fort Portal. The trip required an entire day, most of which was spent in transit along the extremely rough track which passes down the Rift Valley escarpment and across the Semliki (Toro) Game Reserve to the village. When conditions are good, it may take from 3 to 4 hours to traverse the 80 or so kilometres between Fort Portal and Ntoroko, depending upon the type of vehicle. When rains turn the sections of the track into quaqmires, the trip may take days, if indeed it is possible to pass at all. Even at the best of times, the track poses a severe test to any vehicle.
In effect, communications between the highlands above the escarpment and the southern end of Lake Albert have to some extent reverted to their former state, before the Ntoroko road was constructed in 1961 (Cadwalladr and Stoneman 1966). Prior to that time, the only land link between Ntoroko and other parts of Western Uganda consisted of a poor and unreliable track to Bwamba, up on the escarpment to the southwest, along the zaire border. Ntoroko and the secondary fishing villages on the southeastern tip of the lake thus served primarily to supply fish to the Kasenyi market, across the water on the Zaire shore. With the building of the Fort Portal road, it became possible to market fish more readily over land, either via Fort Portal or Bwamba. During the 1960s and the 1970s, according to local informants, the trip between Ntoroko and Fort Portal could be made in little more than an hour! With the subsequent deterioration of the road, the easiest link to the Zairois markets once again became the one directly across the water to Kasenyi. Historically, the relative inaccessibility of the Ugandan hinterland for the evacuation of either fresh or cured fish has been the principal factor underlying the basic orientation of the Ntoroko and indeed all the Ugandan Lake Albert fisheries towards the Zairois market. Associated with this marketing pattern is heavy consumer demand for salt cured fish in Zaire -- a demand not matched in Uganda. Salted fish is the main product of the Ntoroko and other Albert fisheries -- an effect not only of poor possibilities for the evacuation of fresh product and the market demand in Zaire, but also of the generally hot and dry conditions which prevail along the lakeshore, and the consequent scarcity of fuelwood for smoke curing.3
Ntoroko Village itself came into existence comparatively recently, in 1956, following three decades during which all fishing activity in the southern waters had been officially suspended. According to Cadwalladr (1970), the sequence of events was as follows:
…after 30 years closure because of sleeping sickness regulations, the southern waters of the lake were re-opened in 1953, and in 1956 the major fishing village of Ntoroko was established when the fishing centre on mud-flats in the papyrus swamp at Rwengara was found to be unsatisfactory. Major trading of fish followed between Ntoroko and Kasenyi, until 1961 when the road was constructed to the village connecting it with Bwamba and Fort Portal, giving fresh impetus to fish marketing from the village [12].
Ntoroko has grown into a fairly large settlement over the years, not only as a landing but as a collection, processing, and commercial centre as well. According to the RC I Register, there are some 3000 people who reside in the village at present. Those who have settled here come from many places all over Uganda and neighbouring countries. It is reported by local informants that 37 different ethnic groups are represented, which explains why Kiswahili is the principal language spoken at this landing.
Although by far the largest settlement on this part of the lake, Ntoroko strikes the outside observer as a rather small and quiet place where there is little to divert residents from their main pursuits, which focus on the fish business its related activities. It is possible that circumstances will change rather drastically in future, if there is ever significant commercial development of the oil deposits suspected to exist under and around the lake bed. Recent air magnetic surveys carried out by the Geological Department (personal communication) show that there are promising geological parameters indicating oil-bearing sediments. If the area is ever opened to commercial oil exploitation, there would naturally be far-reaching implications for the lives of local community residents. Obviously there are also crucial fisheries interests which must be borne in mind in deciding upon the way in which any such exploitation should be allowed to develop.
The main road into Ntoroko ends at a “T” junction, and most of the houses and shops are clustered around this junction and along each side of a wide murrum track which runs to the right and left of this point, along a north-south axis roughly paralleling the shoreline, some 50 or so metres to the west. Amenities and services include a primary school (P5), police outpost, dispensary/health unit, six hotels (tearooms and eating places) four lodges, and numerous retail shops. Two of the shops sell fish nets and other basic inputs such as hooks, but there is no formal fish net agent. There is no petrol station nor any regular public passenger transport. Transport can be arranged on an ad hoc basis with the ten or so fish and freight haulers, who are known to come and go with their Land Rovers on specific days, depending on road conditions. The village also has five boatbuilders-cum-carpenters who are available on contract, and one outboard engine mechanic. The ability of the latter to fix engines is often constrained by a lack of spare parts. Presently some 20 engines were said to be lying idle in various states of disrepair, due to lack of spares.
At the time of visit, some 100 boats were operating out of the landing as fishing and transport craft. The fleet size varies however with the season and fishing conditions. At times operations shift to smaller island and mainland points, with Ntoroko remaining a transhipment and processing centre. Nearby Kinara beach, which is counted as part of the Ntoroko for the purpose of statistical returns, currently hosts an additional fleet of some 40 boats. The island landing of Songa Kiyanja, about a half hour's trip from Ntoroko by outboard powered canoe, was reported to have 60 active canoes.
Ntoroko/Kinara and the other sites of the southern Albert complex host a multi-species, multi-gear fishery, with tilapia as its mainstay. Returns for 1989 indicate that tilapia account for some 60% of all species landed in terms of tonnage (Table 6). There appears to be a strong seasonal variation in catch composition and overall landings (Table 6 & Fig. 5). After the tilapia, the main species represented in the catches, in decreasing order of their contribution to total tonnage, include those of the genera Hydrocynus (= ngassa/ngassia), Synodontis (= ndolo, wahrindi, kwoke), Clarias (= mbissa), Bagrus (= semutundu), Lates (= mputa), Labeo (= karuka), Alestes (= ngara), and Protopterus (= mamba). Of rarer occurrence in the catches are Barbus (= kisinja), Citharinus (= mpoi), Distichodus (= wachone), Malopterus (= ntera), and Auchenoglanis (= bubu). Gillnets of various mesh sizes are deployed to exploit the stocks of these fish, as indicated in the list below.
| MESH SIZE | TARGET SPECIES |
| 1.5" | Synodontis |
| 2.0" | Hydrocynus, Alestes |
| 2.5" | Hydrocynus, Alestes |
| 4.0" | tilapia |
| 4.5" | tilapia, Lates, Bagrus |
| 5.0" | tilapia, Lates, Bagrus, Clarias |
| 6.0" | Lates, Bagrus, Clarias |
| 8.0" | Lates, Auchenoglanis |
Net fleet size varies with the target species, and also, of course, with the availability of inputs at the local shops. Many crew use only two to four nets for tilipia, since they practice “active fishing” (i.e. beating the water and scaring fish into the nets) and are constantly deploying and pulling their sets throughout the night. Larger fleets of from 50 to 100 nets are used for other species. In these cases, the nets are set in one place for the whole night. Some longlining for Lates and Bagrus also occurs, but is of limited extent and mostly confined to the fishing areas around the islands.
Ntoroko operators claim that there is “no harmony” between the fishing gear and methods employed by Ugandan and Zairois operators. It is alleged that the Zairois use smaller-meshed nets and even seines to catch tilapia, and that the stocks in their national waters have been depleted for this reason. Encroachment by Zairois fisherfolk into Ugandan territorial waters is also said to occur. The extent to which these allegations are true could not be determined independently in the course of such a short visit.
Ntoroko fishing craft are primarily of the “Congo barque” type: rudimentary, flat-bottomed planked boats which are very heavy, slow, clumsy, and unseaworthy. The design was introduced in the early 1950s from Kasenyi, on the Zaire side of the lake, at a time when construction of the traditional dug-out canoe was beginning to decline due to a lack of suitable trees, and their obvious limitations in terms of stability and range (Cadwalladr 1970). Whilst the barques may have the advantage of being relatively easy and cheap to construct, they seem totally unsuitable in every other respect. For reasons which are not clear, there are relatively few of the “Lake George” type of canoe represented in the Ntoroko fleet. These smaller craft are cheaper to construct, lighter, safer and more maneuverable than the barques, and are altogether more efficient as fishing platforms. It is of interest that the individual who is regarded as the best fisherman at Ntoroko operates with several canoes of the Lake George design. His teams are able to cover a far greater fishing area with these craft. Rather than working with a large fleet of nets, they employ only two per boat. These are constantly set and reset during the nightly trips, with the water being beaten by long poles to scare fish into them.
A canoe design of larger proportions, known as the “Kabalega”, an adaptation of the traditional Lake Victoria “Sesse” canoe, was introduced during the late 1950s (Gooding 1969). Around Ntoroko, the Kabalega appears to be used more as a transport than a fishing craft. Whilst far safer than the barque, it is also reputed to be far more expensive to build. In general, the question of craft performance (safety, construction and maintenance costs, durability, maneuverability, etc.) is one that warrants closer scrutiny, since it appears to be a major problem area affecting the development of the Lake Albert fisheries. It should be stressed also that the safety of passengers and crew is at issue here. The basic instability of the barque design is a danger that is seriously compounded by the tendency of transport operators to overload their craft. Last year there were 32 drownings on the lake which were related to watercraft accidents; most of these deaths resulted from one incident of capsizing, in which 29 people lost their lives.
Twenty-three of the larger Ntoroko-based barques are reported to operate as transport boats for the carraige of passengers, fish, and food between the landing and various island points. Local residents must depend on outside sources for a good deal of their food supply. Cultivation opportunities around the village are practically nil owing to poor soils and rainfall, and also because of restrictions on the use of Game Reserve land. Cassava, bananas, groundnuts, beans, and other vegetables are mostly brought in from the hills towards Fort Portal, and the market at Ndaiga, in the bay to the east of the peninsula on which Ntoroko is located.
Only three of the transport boats were outfitted with engines at the time of visit. Aside from the fact that many engines are laid up because of a lack of spares, as noted above, some operators are reluctant to use their outboards because of the high price of petrol at Ntoroko -- about 60% above the official rate. For the same reason, the use of outboards for fishing trips is minimal.
In terms of the post-harvest dimension of the Ntoroko complex fisheries, practically all the catch is processed through salt-drying before distribution to regional markets. Some boat owners process their daily catches directly, whilst others sell them off to the traders who wait on the beach as the fishing canoes and fish transport boats return to offload. Prices at the time of visit were running at about UShs. 100/- per kg. for tilapia and 80/- per kg. for Hydrocynus, the principal fish being landed.
Fresh fish is consumed almost exclusively by residents of the shoreline settlements themselves, since it is virtually impossible to transport it to inland points without spoilage. A limited quantity of the catch is smoked at Ntoroko village and neighbouring Kinara, with the product being sold in the Fort Portal area. The trade in smoked fish is not significant owing to the scarcity of firewood and modest consumer demand. The highland Toro area in general does not have a strong fish-eating tradition.
Salted fish processed at Ntoroko village is distributed into Zaire through two official routes -- either by lorry via Fort Portal, to Bwera and the nearby border crossing at Mpondwe, or by landrover load to the market at Bundibugyo (maps, Figs. 1 & 3). By far the greatest volume of this overland trade, amounting to some 7 tonnes per week of salted tilapia and minor quantities of salted Nile perch, passes through the Bwera - Mpondwe route. The Bundibugyo market receives about a tonne of mixed product per week, comprising salted Hydrocynus and Alestes in addition to tilapia. The dramatic impact that Victoria Nile perch have had on markets remote from that lake is also evident at Budibugyo, where as smoked fish it is regularly sold and in very great demand.
Historically much of the traffic in fish across to Zaire was handled by Greek traders based in Kasenyi, in the then Belgian Congo. This old link was reactivated for a few months last year, when one of the Kasenyi traders organised a collection system by boat directly from Ntoroko, working under license. This operation was interrupted by the arrest and imprisonment of the trader's agent, although there are reports that the matter is now being settled and the business may resume.
The quantities of processed fish which pass directly to Zaire across the water without being officially enumerated are of course not known exactly; but according to the reckoning of local Fisheries staff, it may be as much as 75% of the total Ntoroko complex catch. Regardless of whether it passes through official or unofficial channels, the salted product has a good shelf life (up to two months or so) and therefore travels well and penetrates deeply into the markets of eastern Zaire.
There are around 30 traders (some 10 women, 20 men) operating out of Ntoroko, about half of whom buy fresh fish direct from the beach and perform the salt-drying themselves. The other traders simply buy the salted product from processors. Transport is arranged with lorry and landrover owners, who charge per bundle of fish. Transport all the way to Bwera-Mpondwe amounts to UShs 10,000/- per bundle of approximately 500 pieces of salted tilapia. When sold at Bwera, a piece of salted tilapia fetches about 130/-, or the equivalent of 520/- per kg. After meeting the processing and transport costs, a trader can net a profit of around 100% over the Ntoroko beach price for tilapia (around 30/- per fish or 100/- per kg. for a fish caught in a 4.5" mesh net).
4. CREDIT: THE RURAL FARMERS SCHEME
Extension of credit to fisherfolk through the Rural Farmers Scheme (RFS), administered by local branches of the Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), commenced in the Kichwamba and Fort Portal Regions during the first half of 1989. Terms for the RFS loans are 40% interest per annum, with repayment periods of from six to twelve months. With usual rates of commercial interest standing at around 50%, the RFS rates are concessionary. The loans are also exceptional in that they are granted on the basis of an applicant's character and reputation as a fishing operator rather than on the basis of what collateral can be offered. Before any loans are granted, bank officials make on-site visits to landings in order to gather a first-hand assessment of applicants' qualities. In addition to a person's character, the officials enquire about fishing skills and level of experience, and observe existing gear and equipment. Their On-Site Visit Reports become the basis of the Bank's decision to (a) grant a loan at all, and (b) establish the level of the credit to be extended.
Loans are generally given in the form of inputs, including nets, twines, cords, and outboard engines. Life saving jackets and compasses are also available. In a few cases, the Bank has advanced credit to enable fishing operators to construct a new canoe. Prices charged to loanees for their inputs are set close to those currently prevailing in the standard market, in order to discourage immediate resale of the goods, as occurs in those input supply schemes which heavily subsidise the prices for items offered.
4.1 Experience in the Kichwamba Region
An interview with the managers of the Katwe and Kasese branches of the UCB indicated that repayment performance from those in the Kichwamba Region has been quite good on the whole, and the Bank has not actually had to confiscate the equipment of any defaulters as of yet. Three engines at Katwe were briefly impounded recently, however, because of repayment delinquency. Those with the engines had made no repayment installments whatsoever since taking out their loans. They were given 14 days to settle their accounts, which they managed to do. The bankers are of the view that the loans are fairly easy to service and retire if a fishing operator takes the business seriously. They claim that the Bank is quite prepared to adjust repayment requirements if a loanee meets unanticipated problems like low catches, net theft, family illness, etc., which may affect his or her ability to make regular installments to service the loan.
Since April/May 1989, 119 Kichwamba Region fisherfolk have received loans under the RFS, amounting to a total of some UShs 46.8 million. Individual loan amounts have ranged from UShs 0.3 to 1.2 million. About 9.9 million of the total sum loaned out has so far been recovered from those who have either retired their loans or have kept up repayments. Twenty-three of the loan recipients are women operators, who are regarded by the Bank as generally better credit risks than men. The experience has been that women are “more responsible”, “more business-minded”, and also “more fearful of the consequences of defaulting” than are the menfolk. Because of the nature of the property laws currently existing in the country, women applicants are required to obtain a guarantor for their loans, usually in the person of their husband.
There is a very strong demand for the RFS loans, especially in the form of nets. The Bank has generally been unable to satisfy the stated requirements of those who are granted loans, and has had to apportion inputs as a result. The breakdown of inputs thus far issued out under the scheme for Lake George and Lake Edward (excluding Rwenshama) is as follows:
| ITEM | UNITS ISSUED |
| Nets (5", 4 Ply) | 2600 |
| Nets (4.5", 3 Ply) | 4000 |
| OB Engines (6.5 HP) | 10 |
| OB Engines (9.9 HP) | 6 |
| OB Engines (15 HP) | 5 |
| Twines (Various sizes) | 310 |
| Cords (Various sizes) | 283 |
| Life Saving Jackets | 4 |
| Compasses | 0 |
It is noteworthy that many more 4.5" nets have been issued under the RFS than the 5" size, even though it is the latter which is legally stipulated for the Kichwamba fishery.
It is also noteworthy that hardly any fishing operators have asked for life jackets through the RFS, and that nobody seems interested in the compasses. This reflects an indifference towards issues of water and craft safety which actually characterises the artisanal fishery of the country as a whole. Instances of overloading, the use of unseaworthy craft, and poor helm judgement are easily witnessed, and are evident also in the many reports of water related accidents, capsizings, and drownings that regularly appear in the press.
4.2 Experience in the Fort Portal Region
The RFS for fisherfolk in the southern Lake Albert zone, administered from the UCB ‘B’ branch in Fort Portal, got underway in February 1989, when the first inputs became available. The response to the announcement of the scheme was excellent, and people from the Ntoroko area “flocked” to request loans. It was found however that many lacked the basic requirements for successful fishing operations, including boats, nets, and know-how. The Bank conducted On-Site Visits to observe conditions, interview candidates, and obtain recommendations from local RCs and Fisheries personnel. Those who met the qualifications of being of reputable character, properly skilled and outfitted with a boat and gear, were given input credits immediately. In some other cases, where operators were deemed to have good prospects but were without adequate craft, money was advanced in order tho allow them to construct boats as part of their loan package.
Inputs made available through the scheme include nets, outboard engines, twines, cords, and life jackets. Requests for the latter item were even thinner than those made in Kichwamba, being in fact nil. As for the dispersal of nets and engines to date, the figures were noted as follows:
| ITEM | UNITS ISSUED |
| Nets (6", 8 Ply) | 200 |
| Nets (5", 4 Ply) | 435 |
| Nets (4.5", 3 Ply) | 400 |
| OB Engines (Various HP) | 11 |
Loan awards to Ntoroko fisherfolk through the RFS have thus far amounted to a total of UShs 20.5 million, and have ranged from as little as UShs 0.1 to as much as 2.5 million. They have been allocated between 25 operators, of whom 4 are women. As in the case of Kichwamba, the Bank in Fort Portal has found women to be more reliable in terms of honouring their commitments in comparison to men. Women are held to be “more cautious” about risking default, and are also said to be “more hardworking” and inclined to “save more.”
At first there was quite a good repayment response, and the Fort Portal Bank staff was impressed. Three of the fishing operators soon retired their loans, and eight others are keeping up their repayments in a satisfactory way. The remainder of the debtors, however, have not shown the same cooperation, and are now being regarded as potential defaulters. The Branch Manager has himself been to Ntoroko on four different occasions to try to encourage better repayment, and has issued a number of reminder letters. He has allowed terms of a two month grace period and repayment over one year, and claims that leeway is given to loanees during slack fishing periods, and also to those who report that their production has fallen off due to nets or engines being stolen. He also recognises that the extremely poor state of the road makes it difficult for people to travel to Fort Portal regularly to visit the Bank. By the same token, of course, it is also difficult for Bank officials to visit the landing to put pressure on those lagging behind in their repayments. Of the UShs 20.5 million that has been loaned out, only 2.9 million has been repaid. A hold has been placed on granting any new loans until the outstanding ones have been retired. With the continuing devaluation of the Uganda Shilling, nominal prices of imported nets and engines are bound to be substantially higher than they were for the first consignment. Furthermore, the longer the delay before a new consigment can be arranged, the more the prices will spiral upward.
5. COMMENTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The fisheries of the western Uganda Great Lakes historically have been some of the most productive in the country Orach-Meza, Coenen, and Reynolds 1989), and constitute a crucial national asset that must be exploited with care in order that future generations may benefit from its bounty. Yet the direction events will take is by no means clear. Certainly there have been setbacks of late which are related to the wider pattern of instability and economic disintegration to which the entire country has been hostage. Infrastructural facilities and Government services are still substantially unrehabilitated and are likely to remain so for some time to come. While gradual improvements in facilities and services can be expected to have some positive effects, for example in the form of better roads for the evacuation of fish to market or greater capability of the Fisheries Department to respond to the needs of local communities, the array of problems and points of concern which must be confronted by administrator and user alike is of considerable proportions. Some of these problems and concerns are of a general nature, relating to the western lakes fisheries as a whole; others relate to specific waters or even individual landings. Taken altogether, they give rise to the impression that the western fisheries are now poised at a kind of crossroads: will their future be one of continuity and development, or of crisis and decline?
There are several general observations that can be made about the fisheries in both the Kichwamba (L. Edward/Kazinga Channel/L. George) and Fort Portal (southern L. Albert) regions. These pertain to issues of input supply and credit, licensing and income tax requirements, and relations between fishing operators based in Uganda and those across the waters in Zaire.
Fisherfolk at all the landings visited expressed dissatisfaction with the input supply situation, which was everywhere regarded as extremely difficult. Complaints are raised about shortages and high prices for all manner of items, from nets, hooks, and twines to outboard engines and fuel. Local agents do not keep adequate stocks of inputs, often because they are simply not obtainable in sufficient quantities from wholesale outlets or manufacturing firms, or because of transport bottlenecks. In some cases supplies are being smuggled in from across international borders. The RFS has been a major supplier of inputs over the last year, and, as has been noted, many local operators have benefitted from loans through this scheme. Many others evidently would like to follow suit. Even so, the complaint was raised that the UCB has been too strict in the enforcement of repayments, and that fishermen have found it difficult to service their loans because the repayment period is short and catches have been low. Cases of seizure by the Bank of outboard engines from loan defaulters were reported, although later inquiry established that these were exaggerations. On the other hand, there are indications that those who neglect to service their loans are hurting the chances for their fellows to benefit from the RFS.
>>> To the extent that outstanding RFS monies cannot be collected, new credit arrangements are likely not to be extended by the Bank, nor fresh supplies of inputs imported. Such delays will only bring higher costs, which must ultimately be met by the loan consumer. Clearly there is a role for Fisheries Department field staff to encourage responsible behaviour on the part of those with outstanding RFS loans.
5.1.2 Licensing and Income tax
The requirement that one must pay an income tax deposit (now fixed at UShs. 40,000/-) to the Department of Inland Revenue before being allowed to take out a fishing vessel license was a subject of criticism in several of the landing site meetings and informal interview sessions conducted in the course of the mission. Income tax deposit grievances are almost a stock feature of any discussion with local fishing operators about the problems they face. However, closer inquiry suggests that many fisherfolk manage to circumvent the deposit procedure in one way or another.
>>> The income tax deposit system in practice appears to be another of those legal requirements which is largely unenforced and possibly unenforceable, and therefore a good candidate for early and serious review.
5.1.3 International boundaries and relations
The news brought by mission members about facilitating coordination between national fisheries authorities of Zaire and Uganda in order to harmonise regulations and management practices for the shared waters of the Great Lakes was greeted with enthusiasm on the part of all those who were met, fisherfolk and Fisheries Department personnel alike. Those on the local scene quite rightly point out that it does not make a great deal of sense for Ugandan authorities to insist on certain gear requirements (e.g., 5" minimum mesh size), when those across the border can fish without such restrictions (e.g., using 4" or even smaller meshes). Fishing operators in any context would find it difficult to accept strong limitations on their own enterprise when it is perceived that others, rightly or wrongly, are simply able to ignore them.
>>> Local fisherfolk of Lakes Edward and Albert strongly support efforts to rationalise and harmonise the regulations and management practices of the respective national fisheries.
As has been reported in earlier accounts (SEC Fld Rpt. No. 6; Dunn 1989), fishing operators from Ugandan landing sites on Lake Edward frequently blame the Zairois for various wrongdoings (net theft, poaching in Ugandan territorial waters, and other provocations). At Ntoroko on Lake Albert, similarly, the Zairois operators were claimed to be troublesome to Ugandan fisherfolk. Whether such accusations are warranted or not is an open question. Whilst net theft is certainly a major problem in both the Lake Edward and Albert fisheries, for example, the extent to which the “foreigners” from across the water are to blame is very difficult to know. Locals may find it more convenient to blame outsiders than to acknowledge the possibility that the true culprits are to be found closer to home. On Lake George, where there is no international boundary to cloud the picture, net theft seems an equally common phenomenon. Here the “foreigners” become those from other landings around the shoreline. Wherever it occurs, the only real protection against such theft is for fishing crews to stand by their nets throughout the night. The extent to which the cover of darkness also facilitates the practice of “active fishing” -- i.e. beating of the water to chase fish into nets -- is not known, although this method of capture is definitely practised by some. At all events, it can be said that, on the whole,
>>> Local fishing operators of Lakes Edward and Albert would very much welcome any bilateral meetings through which disputes with their Zairois counterparts might be aired and resolved.
Areas of problems and concerns noted specifically for the Kichwamba Region include those of: fish processing, marketing facilities, and road communications; relations between fishing communities and Queen Elizabeth National Park authorities; gear restrictions; licensing arrangements; discrepancies between official returns and local perceptions of catch levels; and possible pollution of the watershed complex.
5.2.1 Kichwamba Fish Processing Project
Work under this project has proceeded well, especially given its very limited resources in funds and equipment. Trial curing operations conducted at Katwe Landing have shown that it is possible to achieve significant savings in fuelwood consumption through the application of simple and locally feasible methods. The issue of fuelwood “poaching” has provoked a good deal of ill-will between Park authorities and local community residents, and any reduction in wood demand for fish smoking purposes would certainly help to alleviate this. Also, it can be anticipated that smoke curing will remain an important element of the post-harvest dimension of the Kichwamba fisheries for a long time to come, since the improvement of feeder roads, and the easier evacuation of fresh fish which this measure would facilitate, is not likely to be accomplished very soon.
>>> Immediate consideration should be given to the continuation of the Kichwamba Fish Processing Project beyond its orginally scheduled time frame. The technological improvements in smoking kiln construction that the project has demonstrated on a pilot basis should now be extended to those landing centres in the region where fish processing is most intense, in order to reduce pressure on fuelwood stocks located within Park lands.
5.2.2 Park - local community relations
The team listened to some rather emphatic comments concerning the restrictions imposed by Park authorities on residents of the enclave fishing settlements. Residents of these settlements must depend for much of their supply of fuelwood, basic food items, and other commodities from outlying areas. No livestock or crop production activities are allowed under statutes which were laid out many years ago to govern the relationship between the settlements and the Park. The original idea behind such rules was no doubt to preserve the character of the villages more as fishing camps rather than permanent settlements, and to minimise the impact of human use activity on the surrounding wildlife conservation and scenic areas. Local residents see little of value in such arrangements, and are unlikely to do so until the Park can produce benefits that have direct relevance to their lives (e.g. community service improvements through the use of Park revenues from tourist fees, building of better roads, etc.), and until more harmonious and mutually supportive relations can be established between residents and Park authorities. The situation as it now stands does not seem at all satisfactory. The Park authorities are largely regarded in a negative fashion, being seen to play a hostile and policing role rather than a friendly and helpful one. As one of the Lake Katwe elders put it, “They won't even let us grow tomatoes around our houses.”
Such statements need to be kept in perspective, however. A quick glance around Katwe, for instance, shows that livestock keeping in the form of cattle and goats is practiced quite blatantly, and that there are at least some residents who grow small vegetable and fruit tree gardens in the enclosures of their house compounds. Indeed, the settlement would be a much more pleasant place were it not for the local herds which constantly roam about, browsing on almost every leaf of greenery within reach. Katwe folk have not been particularly ambitious in their attempts to make their area more appealing and comfortable by planting it up with suitable shade trees, even though the settlement is a long establised one. The little planting of seedlings that has been carried out is more or less of no consequence because of the depredations of livestock. More initiative on the part of local residents in this and other areas of community upkeep would give their complaints about the Park and its authorities somewhat more credibility.
>>> Relations between Queen Elizabeth National Park authorities and local fishing village residents continue to be fraught with tension and a lack of mutual understanding. Measures need to be taken to make the Park, as a physical entity and a set of legal restrictions, more compatible with the interests of local fisherfolk. At the same time, greater effort on the side of the villagers to foster civic improvements, and to seek assistance from the Park authorities in trying to resolve such pressing problems as fuelwood shortages (through community treelots, for example), is also indicated.
It seems to be commonly accepted amongst local fishing operators in Kichwamba that increased use of smaller mesh size nets has a long term detrimental effect on fish stocks due to recruitment losses. But whether such acknowledgement of obvious biological imperatives on the abstract level can be translated into acceptance of gear restrictions by individual operators making decisions in light of their specific economic imperatives is another question. If 4.5" or even 4" mesh nets yield greater returns at least in the short run, then it may prove very difficult to put abstract principles into practice. From the perspective of fishing operators who require relatively high returns on a day-to-day basis to meet their operating and maintenance expenses, and household and family obligations, any measures to reduce catches, even if only on a pro tem basis, would not be welcome. It is for this reason that the recent action by the Kichwamba Regional Fisheries Office to clamp down on the use of 4" nets was not received with much favour in some quarters. The fall-off in catches over the last few months, if this indeed occurred, could be partly attributable to a reduction in the number of smaller meshed nets. The situation is ambiguous, however, since many 4.5" nets also have been introduced since mid-1989 through the RFS.
Particularly in relation to the fisheries of the Kichwamba Region, the supply of smaller mesh-size nets seems incompatible with the official policy of encouraging the use of larger, 5" nets.
>>> The chance of using the Rural Farmers Scheme effectively as a kind of passive management tool appears not to have been taken up. Since nets are in short supply generally, ensuring easy and ready access to those of appropriate sizes would certainly encourage conformance to what is officially required or recommended, without having to resort to strong-handed enforcement measures.
>>> As the situation now stands, it is understandable that local fisherfolk should have contradictory perceptions of Government initiatives. On the one hand, the legal requirements for mesh sizes are well known; but on the other hand, the Government seems to be sanctioning the use of undersize meshes through the Rural Farmers Scheme.
Current licensing arrangements by the Department of Fisheries were also questioned by some of the operators interviewed. At Katwe, it was alleged that there are some who continue to get their Katwe-based licenses even though they have in effect dropped out of the Katwe fishery, and have transferred their boats elsewhere. It was also claimed that some individuals have been granted licenses even though they don't have enough nets to be effective operators. This situation is said to encourage the theft of nets, as people try to augment their small fleets.
In Rwenshama, the fishery has a doubly controlled character. It is not only that statutory instruments limit the number of boats and other effort factors to certain official levels. Access to the resource is also limited in an unofficial way through the local Company, since control of licenses (boat registration numbers) tends to be retained within the narrow confines of certain kin and cohort units. Licenses are thus treated more or less as private property titles, passed down through particular lines and rarely if ever offered to new applicants in a public way. Original Company shareholders remain as “ghosts” in the fishery, in a sense, as their decendents or other kinfolk have taken over the right of access that the original boat registration number assignment first established.
And nearly everywhere, there are reports of extensive use of unlicensed fishing canoes.
>>> In the Kichwamba fishery generally, enforcement of licensing in order to control the numbers and movement of canoes appears to be an uphill battle. Reports of large numbers of unlicensed craft and other irregularities raise doubts as to whether the current approach is proving effective in achieving its intended purpose of protecting fish stocks.
>>> Questions of equity also exist, since many aspirants are being denied formal access to the fishery.
At two of the Kichwamba landings, Katwe and Kasenyi, it was noted that substantial discrepancies exist between the state of the fishery according to the official catch returns on the one hand, and what local people report of their experience on the other. At Katwe particularly, it seems that catches have declined markedly over the last six months or so. This is evidenced by a lack of sufficient fish for the processors and the fact that only one pick-up load of fresh fish is departing each day, as opposed to the four which previously were secured. Over the same period, the official returns depict of picture of higher production levels.
>>> It is possible that official returns on catches for at least some of the landings in Kichwamba are seriously distorted, since they do not correspond at all closely with the perceptions or experiences of local landing site users. This matter warrants closer investigation.
5.2.6 Pollution: Lake George and the Kilembe Mines
The possibility that toxic substances from the wastes of the Kilembe Mines could be seeping into the waters of Lake George (and eventually the entire watershed complex including the Kazinga Channel and Lake Edward) must be viewed with the gravest concern.
>>> Attention to the pollution threat posed by the Kilembe Mines waste is called for on an immediate and fully urgent basis.
5.3 Fort Portal: The Southern Lake Albert Fisheries
Points of importance noted specifically for the fishery of the Ntoroko area at the southeastern tip of Lake Albert relate to problems of road access, the traffic in unrecorded fish products, and the quality of the fishing and transport canoe fleet.
Passage by road from Fort Portal down the Rift Valley escarpment and across the Semliki Plain to Ntoroko has become extremely difficult in recent years, owing to an almost total lack of upkeep. The road is rough even at the best of times, when the weather is fine. During rainy periods, it can become totally impassible. This has obvious consequences for the fishery of the Ntoroko complex. Basic supplies including fishing inputs are hard to obtain and not consistently available; as a result, their prices are often inflated well beyond levels normally prevailing elsewhere. Road conditions now preclude the inland trade in fresh fish which had developed to a minor extent when the Fort Portal link was in good order. For historical and geographical reasons eastern Zaire provides the main market for fish from the Uganda sector of Lake Albert. The principal demand is for a heavily salted and sun-dried product, owing to factors of consumer preference, the keeping qualities of salted fish, and the limited supplies of fuelwood for smoke curing. The overland movement of salted fish to Zaire is channelled through Fort Portal and around the Rwenzori range to Bwera and Mpondwe, or through the track that leads off of the Fort Portal road and skirts the escarpment around to Bwamba and the marketing centre of Budibugyo. This traffic in “official” fish is subject to the ability of vehicles to negotiate a passage. Transporters and traders must simply suspend their operations during times of heavy rain and mud.
>>> Restoration of the road between Fort Portal and Ntoroko would bring significant benefits to the fishing communities of southern Lake Albert in terms of better overland access to productive goods, foodstuffs, and other commodities on the one hand, and better access to principal markets for both fresh and processed fish on the other. If an increase in Lake Albert products available to the Ugandan domestic market is to be encouraged as a matter of policy, then restoration of the road link is an absolutely necessary condition for this to be achieved.
5.3.2 Statistical enumeration and informal trade
Fisheries Department staff based at Ntoroko seem conscientious in the performance of their enumeration work, but they know that the resulting records are grossly understated. This is because most of the catch in the complex ends up being processed and transferred directly to Zaire, without ever being counted officially. The poor state of road communications reinforces this pattern of illegal traffic, of course, because the overland route is so inconvenient and unreliable. There appears to be no immediate prospect of improving the situation. Furthermore, even if the road link was good, movement of fish and fish products across the water would probably still be common because it is relatively quick and cheap. In light of these considerations, there are two suggestions that can be made.
>>> On-the-spot surveys might be used to establish a correction factor for purposes of statistical enumeration, so that the Ntoroko complex returns could regularly be raised by a certain percentage in order to derive a more realistic estimate of production in the area.
>>> A better option might be to establish a customs post at Ntoroko. Traders would thereby be able to operate through official channels, some revenue might accrue to Government which is otherwise lost, and the Fisheries Department would be able to monitor more accurately production and processing activity.
5.3.3 Fishing and transport craft
The extensive use of the “Congo barque” type craft in the Ntoroko complex fisheries poses some very serious problems which deserve close attention. The craft are heavy and clumsy and have a very limited range. It is difficult to see their advantages as fishing craft in comparison to other designs, especially that of the smaller and lighter “Lake George” canoe. Furthermore, barques are an outright danger to passengers and crew, being unstable and unmanageable in any sort of sea. This basic lack of safety inherent in the design of the craft is made all the worse by the way in which operators consistently ignore fundamental safety precautions, most especially in regard to overloading.
>>> A major effort is called for to encourage the use of fishing and transport craft designed for efficient and safe performance. At the same time, an educational campaign needs to be mounted in order to promote wider appreciation of basic water safety practices amongst operators of small craft as well as the passengers who utilise them.
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