Land tenure, land use and farming systems

Land tenure

Since the 1980s, there has been renewed interest in land tenure (Box 17) in Africa as a response to the changing environment, especially as a result of increasing population pressure and land scarcity, commercialization of agriculture, urbanization, and globalization. In most African countries where land reform has been initiated, this has taken the form of tenure reform, i.e. conversion of customary land tenure to individualized land tenure. Land reform in Africa since 1980 has been linked closely to global macroeconomic policies and the promotion of efficient commercial agriculture and private investment in the agriculture sector. Individualization of land was considered to be a necessary step for achieving economic development in Africa.

The impact of individualization and titling on agricultural performance has been one of the central issues of land tenure in Africa, and a number of empirical studies have focused on this issue. As a critique to systematic state intervention to convert indigenous land tenure to individualized tenure, a new paradigm of evolutionary theory of land rights has been developed emphasizing adaptability and flexibility of indigenous African land tenure. However, with rapidly changing socio-economic conditions, indigenous tenure has increasingly failed to cope with emerging conflicts, and to regulate and enforce norms and rules that previously governed land.

Land reform in the Limpopo River Basin countries

Land and tenure reform is important in the four countries sharing the Limpopo River Basin. In post-war Mozambique, the return of refugees necessitated their resettlement. For post-apartheid South Africa, land reform was one of the top policy agenda items. Zimbabwe has entered a new phase of its land reform and resettlement programme and a new draft land policy has been issued. Land commissions have been set up in all four countries. Initiatives for the enactment of new land laws have also been undertaken in Mozambique and South Africa. Land tenure reform has taken different forms in the four countries, reflecting their socioeconomic, political and historical conditions. In Zimbabwe and South Africa, where skewed land distribution existed along racial lines, tenure reform was combined with land redistribution and resettlement. In Mozambique, community land rights were recognized with a possibility of group registration. In Botswana, the decentralized land board system has provided an adaptable legal framework for customary land tenure reform.

Forms of land tenure and property regime

Land tenure involves the institutional as well as the social factors that govern access to and ownership of land and natural resources. It is defined in terms of a “bundle of rights” - specific rights to do certain things with land or property (Bruce, Migot-Adholla and Atherton, 1993). The form of land tenure and its relationship to agricultural performance in African countries has been one of the central issues among economists. Conventional views on the relation between land tenure and agricultural intensification assume that increasing population pressure and land scarcity will lead to evolution from a communal or collective property regime to a more privatized property regime. The underlying assumption is that more precise private ownership of land and title will encourage farmers to make investment in the land for intensive agricultural practices and technological innovations, thus contributing to the efficient use of scarce land and land conservation. However, it is important to acknowledge tenure security along with other essentials to promote agricultural development, such as informal credit, availability of technology, training and extension services, access to roads, markets and other agrarian structures (Hunter and Mabbs-Zeno, 1986; Pinkney and Kimuyu, 1994; Roth, Cochrane and Kisamba-Mugerwa, 1994; Golan, 1994; Roth and Haase, 1998).

Most African land tenure, including the countries that cover Limpopo River Basin, is a dual system of customary and statutory land tenure. Customary tenure systems are managed by more traditional practices that are often referred to as informal, communal or collective, in contrast to private or individualized tenure. Customary tenure is regulated and managed under the rules and norms of specific community and kinship systems. The colonial governments introduced customary law to codify the norms and rules of customary land tenure. Statutory land tenure is governed by formal land law and could be contested in statutory court to protect the formal land rights of landholders. Efforts are being made to formalize customary tenure with written documentation including certificate title.

With the exception of South Africa, the major common characteristic of the basin countries is that land is held mainly under customary tenure (Figures 33 and 34). Various customary land tenure systems are generally based on similar principles, namely inheritable land rights of usufruct, land held within family lineage, with land issues being regulated and sanctioned by customary authorities. Inheritance rules vary from group to group but generally provide secure access rights for different family members. Customary land tenure is understood to be flexible, dynamic and adaptable to changing conditions such as agrarian change, population growth, and agricultural markets. However, whereas the relatively secure and flexible nature of customary land tenure is generally well recognized, there are instances where customary tenure has been disrupted or unable to adapt to the changing environment, especially when changes are sudden and large in scale such as in the event of drought and other environmental catastrophes.

Note: A1 and A2 refer to resettlement (including former commercial farming areas).

Source: GOZ-SADC-FANR (2003).

Another way of classifying land tenure in Africa is by property regimes, which are categorized as private, common and state property regimes. Private property is the regime where natural resources, including land, are managed as a private property. Common property refers to the regime where natural resources are commonly managed by a group of people, who may hold a collective private ownership. In a state property regime, the state controls natural resources directly. The concept of property regime is usually applied to the case of management of pastoral grazing land in dry areas. The form of property regime is particularly relevant to farming in drought-affected areas. For example, a number of studies have shown that free movement of cattle provides a survival strategy for coping with drought and that exclusive individualized tenure regime could lead to overgrazing and have a negative effect on the flexible strategies of pastoralists for surviving severe natural conditions.

Land use and farming systems

Agriculture dominates the economies of SSA in terms of the population involved, and its contribution to GDP. For Africa as a whole, agriculture contributes 70 percent of employment, 40 percent of exports and 30-35 percent of GDP (Delgado, 1997). The contribution of agriculture to GDP in the basin countries varies from 4-5 percent in Botswana and South Africa to about 15 percent in Zimbabwe and 40 percent in Mozambique. However, the real contribution of the agriculture sector in these countries is far more substantial and vital in terms of sustained food security, income generation, poverty alleviation and employment.

The prevailing land use systems in the Limpopo River Basin are a reflection of the agro-ecological potential in conjunction with cultural, socioeconomic factors and policies. The traditional land use systems in the basin are primarily lowinput systems based on extensive management and utilization of the natural resources. Observed changes and trends in recent years have been mainly in response to demographic pressures leading to more intensive exploitation of natural resources, resulting in irreversible land degradation. For example, as the option of grazing livestock has declined because of population pressure, small ruminants have replaced cattle. Peri-urban agriculture, consisting of intensive use of land, labour and capital, and characterized by large-scale commercial or market-oriented production in poultry, pigs, dairy, beef feedlots, and horticultural products, has also emerged near towns and urban centres in response to urbanization.

Livestock production

Livestock production in the Limpopo River Basin comprises two distinct systems: freehold commercial livestock production; and mixed crops or livestock systems under communal management. As indicated in Figure 26, the basin is covered largely by natural vegetation or a natural vegetation - cropland mosaic. Most of the natural vegetation outside nature conservation areas is used for extensive grazing.

Communal grazing

The mixed crops/livestock farming system is by far the main land use in terms of the number of people involved, the total area of land occupied, and the production output. For example, rangelands in Botswana comprise about 85 percent, of which 70 percent are communal lands. The system is characterized by ownership and management of cattle. These are kept primarily for draught power, social value and a means of saving on the hoof. They are mainly from local breeds that are generally low producers but are well adapted to the harsh climate conditions of the basin. Small stock is kept by most farmers and includes goats, sheep and chickens mainly used for own consumption and as a source of household income. It is estimated that about 70 percent of ruminant livestock species (cattle, sheep and goats) in southern Africa are kept under small-scale farming conditions, based on communal grazing systems.

Cattle herd sizes are small and are estimated at less than 10 head per household in Zimbabwe (IFAD, 1996) and 4-10 animals in Mozambique. In general, herd sizes in Botswana are relatively larger than in the other basin countries. For example, the total number of cattle in 1988 was reported at 2.4 million (FAOSTAT) while in 1998 it was estimated at 1.8 million (PriceWaterhouseCoopers, 1999). However, even in Botswana, there are indications that the number of households owning cattle has been decreasing slowly and small stock (mainly goats) increasing, in response to demographic pressure (Low and Rebelo, 1996). Distribution of livestock is skewed throughout the country, being aligned closely to human population spread.

Herd management is characterized by low-input methods of farming, where animals depend mainly on extensive grazing with little or no supplementary feeding apart from provision of water. Most communal farmers do not have adequate resources to supplement veldt grazing with purchased stock feeds. In times of drought, the area becomes overstocked owing to limited vegetation growth and greater concentration of herds on available grazing land. Ideally, the number of livestock units that can survive the more difficult seasons rather than the best or even average seasons should determine the carrying capacity of these areas. Another overriding factor is the shortage of water as this may limit animal production even where forage is available. Movement of stock as a drought avoidance strategy is hampered by land tenure structures and the fact that severe droughts generally affect large areas.

Although traditional livestock farmers generally have a sound appreciation of the interaction between livestock grazing management and the environment, the communal management and land tenure system is not conducive to controlled grazing. Hence, accountability in natural resource degradation remains elusive. Increased pressures on land use and increasing demand for livestock products have resulted in land degradation that necessitates modifications of traditional husbandry methods. For example, in 1991, the Government of Botswana developed an agriculture policy that advocated fencing of already existing and used grazing areas by farmers in order to accord them an opportunity to take responsibility for their grazing resources (GOB, 1991).

The communal grazing systems result in low milk production, primarily focused on satisfying household needs. Low supplies of poor-quality feeds, coupled with harsh climate conditions, contribute to low milk yields. Cows that calve regularly remain in relatively poor condition and rarely have the opportunity to gain weight.

The reproduction rate of cattle under communal systems reported in the literature is particularly poor compared with reproduction percentages reported in commercial systems. A calving percentage of about 50 percent is reported (De Leeuw and Thorpe, 1996), which is equivalent to a 24-month calving interval (Table 22).

The extended drought periods common to this area contribute significantly towards low reproduction. It is well documented that mortality rates increase significantly during drought periods. For example, in Zimbabwe during the 1991/92 drought, 70 percent of the cows and 98 percent of the calves died or were disposed of through emergency sales or slaughter (Moyo, 1996). Lactating cows have a higher probability than non-lactating cows of dying from extended drought.

The offtake rates of cattle under communal tenure are low: 5.4 percent according to Tapson (1982); 6.9 percent according to Bembridge (1987); and 7.5 percent according to Steyn (1988). Fenyes (1982) reported low levels of cattle sales in the former Lebowa homeland in South Africa, where 42 percent of the respondents did not want to sell cattle, as they preferred to maximize the numbers in their herds as a safeguard against losses during drought.

Socio-economic status can serve as a useful predictor of successful and progressive cattle farming, (Bembridge and Burger, 1977). Thus, successful cattle farmers have a high socioeconomic status in their communities in terms of the livestock farmer’s standard of livestock production and management and the general social economic development level.

Commercial livestock production

Commercial ranching for animal production is also an important use of the savannahs found within the Limpopo River Basin, especially in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Nearly half the area within the basin in Zimbabwe and South Africa is classified as commercial farmland predominantly used for cattle ranching. Some of these cattle farmers have switched to game farming because there are increased opportunities for better profits through tourism and hunting safaris (Low and Rebelo, 1996). Intensive grazing on improved pasture is rare in the basin and is mainly used for dairy production.

Commercial farmers tend to be responsive to the biophysical and socio-economic environment. For example, they are quick to sell stock when drought is apparent, this being a common response to drought. However, willingness to sell is dampened by tax liabilities on the sales (unless a drought is formally declared and tax relief offered). Commercial farmers generally recognize that early sales command better prices, leave more grazing for the remainder of the flocks and herds, and reduce the subsequent need for emergency sales. Fencedin wildlife tends to be even less tolerant of drought than domestic stock owing to the curtailment of their natural need for movement in search of grazing. Where wildlife is concerned, there are fewer opportunities for sale and replacement; hence, survival feeding of valuable species is common in severe conditions.

Livestock production in Botswana

The incidence of livestock ownership in the traditional sector in Botswana is fairly low. In 1995, 53 percent of agricultural households in the Limpopo River Basin owned cattle, and 84 percent owned goats. The average herd size was 44.7 head of cattle and, on average, every cattle-owning household sold 2.3 animals and slaughtered 0.2 head for home consumption. Goat flocks averaged 30 head and average sales per goat-farming household in the basin amounted to 0.7 head and home slaughter accounted for an average 1.2 head per household.

In Botswana, the main communal grazing is located in the hardveldt regions in the east of the country, accounting for about 86 percent of the country’s cattle, goat and sheep population. Although this area represents 25 percent of the potential grazing area, it supports 49 percent of the total cattle population. On average, a traditional farm (cattle post) keeps 39 cattle, 20 goats and 13 sheep whereas an average commercial farm has 1 000 cattle, 113 goats and 120 sheep. The mopane and southern hardveldt regions, although major cropping areas, also have high animal populations.

The traditional livestock production system is economically important as it accounts for a large proportion of the country’s livestock industry in terms of livestock population and the number of households involved.

Commercial farming in Botswana is restricted mainly to freehold farms situated along the Limpopo River (the Tuli Block farms and other blocks of freehold farms). Some commercial livestock farming is also found in the leasehold Tribal Grazing Land Policy (TGLP) areas where the traditional system is predominant. The commercial system is relatively more advanced than traditional livestock production in terms of management practices and use of farm inputs. They also show better production performance (Table 22).

TABLE 22
Botswana agricultural production indicators

Livestock production in Mozambique

The total land area of the Mozambique part of the basin is 80 million ha, of which 36 million ha are cultivatable land and nearly 12 million ha are classified as natural pastureland. Most of the natural pastureland is in the southernmost provinces of Maputo, Gaza, Inhambane, and parts of Tete, Manica and Sofala.

The national cattle herd declined by more than 80 percent during the war from 1.4 million head in 1974 to 214 000 head by 1993. Since then the sector has been recovering with a herd population of 352 000 head recorded in 1996. Of these, 83 percent were owned by the small-scale sector (GOM-MAF, 1997). Figure 35 shows the cattle numbers in three regions of the Limpopo River Basin between 1990 and 1999.

In spite of the huge potential for livestock development, the contribution of livestock to the national economy has always been relatively small. Even in 1980/81 at the peak in livestock numbers, the livestock subsector accounted for only 5 percent of total agricultural production. At the household level, animal and animal by-products consumption is negligible with an annual consumption of meat estimated at 1.2 kg/capita per year. Per capita milk consumption is estimated at 2.4 litres. The average consumption in Africa is 13 kg/capita per year for meat, and 30 litres/capita per year for milk. At present, almost half the total protein requirement in the domestic market is imported, while imports accounted for 10 percent in 1981 (GOM-MAF, 1997). The use of traction animals is quite limited in Mozambique. Only 22 000 trained animals were used in 1996 (about 6 percent of the cattle population).

Source: FEWS NET (2001).

Although livestock production is currently relatively small in terms of national production, cattle and small stock play an important role in smallholder farming systems. Small ruminants are especially important to women and poorer households. Smallholder production systems are based mainly on mixed farming where cattle are grazed on fallow lands and on crop residues after the harvest of the main crops. The smallholder herds are concentrated mostly in the provinces of Gaza (28 percent), Tete (27 percent) and Manica (11 percent). Although these provinces contain a large percentage of the herds, production tends to be lower than the commercial and state beef production farms (Table 23). For example, Gaza ranks first in terms of relative percentage of the national herd but fifth in terms of beef production.

A large part of the infrastructure, such as dip tanks, watering points, development and quarantine stations that supported livestock development was destroyed during the war. Owing to the lack of veterinary facilities, a major outbreak of African swine fever wiped out most of the pigs in the country. However, the commercial pig industry is recovering and has grown to nearly 250 000 animals, of which 75 percent are local breeds owned by the small-scale sector (GOM-MAF, 1997).

Livestock production in South Africa

Results of the 1997 Rural Survey (GOSA-StatsSA, 1999b) revealed that 26 percent of all households had livestock. On average, a household with livestock had 11 Zebu-type cows in milk, 14 Zebu-type dry cows, 10 sheep, 9 goats, 5 pigs, 4 horses/mules and 3 turkeys/ducks. Fifteen percent of households produced animal products, eggs (75 percent) and milk (22 percent) being the most common products. Only 5 percent of all respondents sold cattle or slaughtered livestock for home consumption, and only 2.5 percent of respondent cattle owners sold animal products. Most livestock owners had kraal facilities and used some form of tick and parasite control.

TABLE 23
Beef production in Mozambique

* Limpopo River Basin provinces.

Source: GOM-MAF (1997).

According to a recent survey (GOSA-StatsSA, 2002), 17.6 percent of farming operations in Limpopo Province keep beef cattle (numbers not given), 0.7 percent keep dairy cattle, 2.9 percent keep donkeys, 22.7 percent keep goats, 6.1 percent keep pigs, and 33.8 percent keep poultry.

Output of livestock commodities (meat, milk, eggs, skins, etc.) accounted for 25 percent of agricultural domestic product (these calculations are based on both marketed and subsistence production for the region). Animal products contribute 45 percent to total agricultural production in South Africa (Kassier and Groenewald, 1990).

A number of commercial farmers own more than one farm. Thus, in cases of drought, possibilities exist for the transfer of stock between the farms in the event of the drought being less severe in some areas. Similarly, farmers in one area are generally able to lease grazing in another unless the drought is very widespread. Hence, the movement of stock to alternative grazing is a prime strategy for dealing with localized drought.

Commercial farmers in South Africa have far greater reserves of capital to draw on in times of drought than do communal farmers. They also have better access to markets and supplies for buying feed and selling products. For most commercial farmers in South Africa, the principal concern in times of drought has been to avert loss of domestic stock and/or wildlife rather than short-term household food security. Increasingly, commercial livestock farmers have been investing in diversification opportunities to reduce drought impact through ecotourism, off-farm income and irrigation, especially for fruits and vegetables.

Livestock production in Zimbabwe

The low rainfall in the Limpopo River Basin areas of Zimbabwe makes livestock production more viable than cropping. Cattle, goats and sheep are the common livestock. Survey results from the districts of Insiza and Beitbridge, where farmers were asked to rank the importance of different livestock species, revealed that cattle are most important, followed by goats, donkeys and chickens. Cattle are valued for their high sale value, as a source of draught power as well as an important asset for household income security. Small ruminants, sheep and goats, are valued as a source of meat, and they can be converted to cash in times of need. Poultry (chickens, ducks and pigeons) are an important source of meat and are also sold for cash. Donkeys are kept almost exclusively as a source of draught power. Browse from the mopane-dominated savannah provides the bulk of livestock feed as the dry conditions limit the availability of grazing to a few months after the rains.

There are important gender differences in the ownership, access and control of livestock within the household. Men tend to own and control access to livestock species of greater importance to the household such as cattle and goats, while women own minor livestock species such as chickens and ducks.

Within rural communities, livestock ownership is often skewed. A few members of the society may own most animals while the majority of the people have very little or no livestock. Commonly, 25-30 percent of households own cattle (Sanford, 1982; Cousins, 1990). The average herd size is about 4-6 cattle per household. The top 25 percent of stockowners may control as much as 75 percent of all livestock. Livestock ownership is very much an index of wealth in rural societies, as shown by Table 24, confirming that those owning large herds of cattle are the rich who also operate large land units.

Livestock management in the Limpopo River Basin, and indeed most communal areas in Zimbabwe, can best be described as a low- or zero-input system, except for labour costs. Grazing is done on a communal basis and veldt management is poor because of open grazing systems. Therefore, overgrazed vegetation is common, especially in the fragile Region V ecosystem, which has a very low carrying capacity and can be damaged easily.

Livestock disease control is a mandate of the Department of Veterinary Services. The department provides regular dipping services in order to reduce livestock losses from to tick-borne diseases. When judged necessary, the department carries out vaccination campaigns against major disease outbreaks such as foot and mouth disease (cattle) and Newcastle disease (poultry). In the past, the department provided its services free of charge, but a livestock levy has recently been introduced as a cost-recovery mechanism. The introduction of the levy has met with much discontent from farmers because the quality of services has remained inadequate. Dip tanks are often sparsely located and dipping intervals are not maintained owing to shortages of dipping chemicals. Communal farmers often lose cattle to worm infestation, ectoparasites (e.g. mites) and bacterial and viral diseases owing to inability to diagnose and lack of money to purchase curative and preventive drugs. Disease losses are often high at the end of the dry season and during the early wet season when animals are in very poor condition. In surveys in Insiza and Beitbridge, animal diseases were listed as important constraints on animal production.

TABLE 24
Cattle ownership and crop production per household in Zimbabwe communal areas

Source: Amin (1989).

The productivity of livestock on communal lands is very low, being characterized by low fertility, low growth rates and high mortality. Offtake of communal livestock to the formal market is very low. The national offtake figure for beef cattle is 3-5 percent in communal areas and 15-20 percent in commercial areas (Cousins, 1990). The low offtake rates in communal areas are explained partly by the multiplicity of functions of livestock and low productivity of the animals. Animals that are sold in communal areas are usually mature animals at the end of their productive life.

In recent years, the Cold Storage Company and private buyers have set up formal market centres in communal areas. Regular auctions are held, providing communal farmers with a ready market for their livestock. The markets are mainly for cattle and goats. The poor condition of animals sold at communal area markets results in farmers receiving very poor prices for their animals. Many animals are traded informally, e.g. as payment of lobola and other forms of barter.

During drought conditions, the markets are usually inundated with animals and prices tend to collapse. Timely disposal of animals pending a drought is very difficult to implement. The severity of the drought cannot be predicted accurately, and farmers often take the risk that animals may survive the drought. The decision to dispose of animals during an impending drought is also made difficult by the low market prices prevailing. The money earned from the sale of animals during a drought is not sufficient to purchase replacement stock after the drought because prices increase during the post-drought period owing to the shortage of animals.

Crop production

Crop production in the Limpopo River Basin is characteristically variable and unreliable primarily because of the low and erratic rainfall. Overall crop yields in the basin are much lower than those in the higher rainfall areas and there is also greater seasonal variability in crop performance. Although basin-level production data are not available, subnational agriculture statistics generally show low production from rainfed small-scale field cropping throughout the basin.

Average grain yields of maize in the traditional (communal) sector are in the order of 250 kg/ha in Botswana compared with about 800 kg/ha in Zimbabwe. The variable most critical to cropping in the traditional sector is rainfall. Thus, sorghum, millet, groundnuts, beans/pulses and oilseeds such as sunflower tend to perform better than maize. Commercial farmers realize higher yields as they are more likely to use modern technologies and apply purchased inputs such as agrichemicals and improved hybrid seeds. Traditional agriculture typically uses family labour, whereas commercial farming uses hired labour.

Another major difference between commercial and traditional agriculture is the level of market integration. Market integration can be measured to the extent to which farming inputs are purchased and farm outputs sold. The commercial farming sector is fully market integrated and it is easier for commercial farmers to obtain credit to fund drought-mitigating activities as they can provide collateral. Supplementary feeds are easier to locate and purchase for commercial farmers but the supplies tend to be expensive as they come from outside the drought area.

In the traditional sector, there is a wide spectrum of market integration. Resource-poor farmers, especially those who do not own cattle but are engaged in marginal crop production, tend to face chronic food shortages. They normally supplement their own production through part-time or full-time casual labour employment, transfers and assistance from extended family, and other off-farm activities.

Subsistence agriculture

Subsistence agriculture in the basin is typically a low-input-output system that has been adopted by local communities to minimize risks arising from climate variability and to make the most efficient use of the limited natural resources. Therefore, it is characterized by low use of purchased farm inputs such as fertilizer and certified seed as well as low management levels. There is great disparity in performance between the subsistence farm holdings and the commercial sector, primarily because of the low-level technologies used by subsistence farmers, as well as limited access to production resources.

The cropped areas, especially for annual crops, are small. Because of poor access to draught power, the majority of the farmers rely on hand-hoeing, thus limiting the area they can cultivate. Late and poor land preparations are a common feature of the basin. They stem in part from labour constraints, poor access to mechanization, and the need for draught animals to gain condition before they can be used after the first substantial rains (which are often also the “planting rains” that fall in early summer).

Crop production is very low with an average maize yield of less than 1 tonne/ha. The low yields stem partly from the fact that soils are degraded and have low nutrient levels, especially nitrogen, as a result of continuous cropping and low use of farm inputs. Inorganic fertilizers are hardly used as few farmers can afford them, given the risks of regular crop failures. The culture of using organic sources of fertilizers is mostly poorly developed, although some farmers in Zimbabwe do have a long-term tradition of collecting leaf litter from neighbouring woodlands and applying it to their cultivated plots.

The use of improved seed is limited. An estimated 90 percent of the seed is accessed from own seed or local sources (except in Zimbabwe, where there are relatively well-developed seed distribution facilities). In general, subsistence crop production in the basin is heavily dependent on low-yielding local varieties.

Marketing channels are generally poorly developed, and farmers rely on local markets especially for the food crops. Therefore, production is mainly for home consumption, although in Zimbabwe, and to a lesser degree in the other three countries, cash crop production with sunflower and cotton is found among the slightly higher income farmers.

Overall, subsistence agriculture in the Limpopo River Basin contributes a relatively small portion to national agricultural output but it is nevertheless a very important source of income and food to the majority of people living in the basin.

Commercial crop production

The Limpopo River Basin produces a wide variety of commercial crops, especially in South Africa. In South Africa, irrigated crop production is important in the provinces of Mpumalanga and Limpopo, particularly the Tzaneen and Louis-Trichardt areas. Large-scale commercial irrigation is focused on vegetable and fruit production, while smallholder irrigation is in its infant stages. Tree crops include tea (rainfed), citrus and a variety of tropical fruits such as mango and banana (irrigated).

Rainfed large-scale commercial cultivation occupies large farm units (Box 18). In general, but particularly in the western areas, farmers also face unreliable precipitation and, hence, experience occasional crop failures similar to subsistence production.

Crop production in Botswana

An agricultural census conducted in 1993 (GOB-MOA-CSO, 1995) showed that about 99 percent of arable cultivation in Botswana was within the traditional or subsistence farming sector. The same survey also indicated that 56 percent of the subsistence farmers who planted crops in that year averaged 4 ha/household with cropped plots. However, environmental conditions have a strong influence on the performance of subsistence agriculture in Botswana, the number of farms and the total area under crops per year is quite volatile depending on the climate conditions. Thus, although almost 80 000 rural households participate in arable agriculture, of which 74 percent live in the Limpopo River Basin, not all of them have cropping activities in any given year. For example, only 63 percent of all basin farmers planted crops in 1993.

Overall, subsistence farm holdings occupy a large proportion of the country. An estimated two-thirds of traditional subsistence farmers have mixed farms comprising an individually managed cropped holding and communal grazing of livestock. In 1993, there were about 114 000 traditional farms that held more than 90 percent of all cattle and 97 percent of the area planted to crops. The Limpopo River Basin accounted for 76 percent of the total traditional sector cattle and 72 percent of the planted area.

Average yields have tended to be low reflecting the low-input/output system. In some years with relatively good rains (notably 1988, 1989 and 1995), crop production made a substantial contribution to household food requirements. Nevertheless, although subsistence agriculture might appear insignificant from a national agricultural output perspective, it is critical to the subsistence farmers themselves. They are dependent on it as a source of income and food, especially sorghum, maize, millet, beans, other pulses, and oilseeds.

The Botswana Agricultural Census of 1993 (GOB-MOA-CSO, 1995) indicated there were 253 commercial farms in the country, of which 122 (48 percent) were situated in the Limpopo River Basin. The basin accounts for 43.5 percent of commercial cattle holdings and 69 percent of the commercial holdings that practise arable agriculture. This latter figure reflects the higher incidence of irrigation availability, better soils and higher rainfall in the basin than in the rest of the country.

Horticultural production remains low in Botswana with local production tending to account for some 20 percent of local demand. There are currently 660 ha under horticultural production, 330 ha of which are either farmed by the Botswana Development Corporation or are on private farms. The balance is under small-scale projects. The country is almost self-sufficient in egg production, and poultry production expanded by 50 percent between 1991 and 1995.

Crop production in Mozambique

The war affected crop production in Mozambique considerably. However, it has started to show signs of recovery in recent years. Infrastructure, and hence support services, are still underdeveloped, and input use is very low. Most districts have minimal contact with extension services and suffer from poor management practices, lack of access to input supplies, low levels of livestock ownership, and/or subsistence-oriented farming practices. Therefore, the production potential is rarely realized even in the more fertile areas.

Yields from crops such as maize and grain sorghum are only about 0.8 tonnes/ha for maize, 0.6 tonnes/ha for grain sorghum and 0.4 tonnes/ha for groundnuts. Better management and higher levels of input use could probably double these yields. The use of manure by farmers who own cattle is not practised widely and needs to be expanded. A recent survey in Massangena District in Gaza Province revealed that less than 5 percent of farmers used any type of fertilizers and that only 8 percent of those farmers who owned cattle used manure substantively (GOM-FAO, 1998; see also Box 16). In Gaza Province, the area cultivated per family is about 1.5 to 3 ha (GOM-DAP, 2002).

Another common production strategy in Mozambique is for most families to have multiple plots, one in the more fertile lowlands (baixas) along the rivers as well as one in the less fertile higher ground (serras). In the baixas, they plant primarily maize, nhemba beans, groundnuts and manioc, while they plant sorghum, millet, pulses and other more drought-tolerant crops in the serras.

Crop production in South Africa

Crop production among rural communities in South Africa, including those in the basin area, can be characterized as subsistence agriculture, with maize being the main crop. Production is rainfed on very small farms with about 0.5 ha under field crops, 0.25 ha for vegetables, 0.1 ha for fruit trees and 0.3 ha of unused land. Production is based on low-input/output systems that are susceptible to drought. Although maize may not be well adapted to the relatively low rainfall conditions and the recurrence of a midsummer drought period, white maize meal is such an important part of the diet of the poorer levels of society that adoption of millet, sorghum and oilseed crops (except for groundnuts) is slow.

According to the 1997 Rural Survey (GOSA-StatsSA, 1999b), 35 percent of respondent households engaged in farming activities. The majority (90 percent) gave food provision as the purpose for farming and only 7 percent earned a living from selling produce. It is evident that most farming households place strong emphasis on subsistence income (crops and vegetables) to meet or partially meet the food requirements of the households. The most significant crop grown by subsistence farmers was maize (57 percent), with groundnuts (11 percent) and mangoes (3.4 percent) being other significant crops. Average production per hectare for these crops was 352 kg for maize, 173 kg for groundnuts and 80 kg for mangoes. Very few subsistence farmers have access to irrigation facilities. For example, only 11 percent of respondents had access to water on cropped land with the main sources being piped water (60 percent), borehole (17 percent) and irrigation canals (9 percent).

There are numerous examples of semi-commercial small-scale farming outside the traditional cropping/communal grazing and large-scale commercial operations in South Africa. Within this small-scale farming subsector, enterprises include:

• broiler and layer production;

• rearing of pigs;

• rearing of rabbits for meat and mohair;

• fish farming;

• feedlots for cattle.

Large-scale rainfed commercial crop farming within the basin is dominated by maize under monoculture (Box 18), with sunflower planted in seasons with late rains. Maize yields per hectare range from about 5-7 tonnes on the best soils on the eastern highveldt in the provinces of Mpumalanga and Gauteng to 3-5 tonnes on the western highveldt of the North West Province and 1-3 tonnes in the drier areas of Limpopo Province. Irrigated crop farming is well developed in the relatively frost-free areas and mainly produces citrus fruit, a wide variety of subtropical fruit, and vegetables. Fruit is grown for the export market and for consumption in the relatively affluent urban centres in Gauteng and beyond. Out-of-season irrigated vegetable production in the warm areas of the basin is of immense importance to the inland urban centres, considering the rather harsh winters of their hinterland.

Crop production in Zimbabwe

The following evaluation by the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT) describes accurately the situation in the basin province, Matabeleland South. Rainfed agriculture, the predominant production system in the SADC region, is characterized by two major problems: low productivity and instability of production. The inadequacy and uncertainty of rainfall and its uneven and irregular distribution have been further compounded by the low fertility and high fragility of soils. In addition, the subsistence and food crop sectors suffered a general neglect in terms of research, extension and provision of inputs in both the colonial and post-independence eras. The negative impact of the low emphasis on small grain cereals became progressively apparent, and the prolonged droughts precipitated a sequence of crises by dissipating self-sufficiency in food in many southern African countries. The food production gap resulted in acute hunger and malnutrition in the marginal rainfall parts of the SADC countries and, thus, it emerged as a major social issue of concern to policy-makers.

More than 60 percent of the area of Zimbabwe, accounting for 75 percent of smallholder farming areas, is located in the semi-arid region (Natural Regions IV and V) in which the basin is situated. Nearly two-thirds of the national population live in these drier parts of the country, which face a high likelihood of severe dry spells during the rainy season and frequent seasonal droughts (Hedden-Dunkhorst, 1993). The majority of the Limpopo River Basin falls within Natural Region V, the driest region of the country. This area is primarily suitable for livestock production, although rainfed production of field crops is practised throughout the region during the summer, with some irrigated crop production throughout the year.

Cropping is an important source of livelihood for communal farmers to secure adequate food supplies as well as a source of income, although production systems are extremely volatile and sensitive to rainfall patterns (Figure 36). Crops grown in the basin include maize, sorghum, cotton, groundnuts and sunflower. Average yields achieved for these major crops grown in the basin are very low, ranging from 0.40 tonnes/ha for groundnuts to just under 1 tonne/ha for maize.

Source: Rook (1994).

Several significant trends and shifts in the production patterns have occurred in recent years:

• In all the provinces within the Limpopo River Basin (Matabeleland South, Masvingo and Midlands), production has decreased compared with the 1980s, possibly as a reflection of a deteriorating crop production potential caused by declining soil fertility and more frequent droughts.

• There has been a shift in production patterns since the late 1970s with maize gradually taking over from pearl millet, sorghum and finger millet as the major staple, even though the chances of zero grain yields are higher with the maize than the small grains. Some of the reasons for the reduced importance of small grain cereals in recent years are high labour requirements in their production and flour preparation; shifts in taste towards maize flour; limited market opportunities; and a lack of improved crop production technologies.

• Intercropping of cereals with legumes (a traditional cropping practice in the basin) has also been giving way to monocropping as a result of vigorous extension campaigns. Intercropping is now confined to isolated patches where non-cereal crops such as pumpkins and cowpeas are planted randomly at very low densities within a cereal crop plot.

• There has been more research and extension work on maize. Hence, improved maize varieties that give higher outputs with less labour compared with the smaller grain cereals are available to farmers. Consequently, there is a preference for maize production in the basin. Of the small grains, there seems to be a preference for pearl millet as a source of food, possibly because the other grains are used for beer-making and generate higher income returns than the pearl millet (Hedden-Dunkhorst, 1993). Production of sorghum has been declining although it gives more stable but lower yields than maize. Farmers have not taken advantage of this drought-tolerant attribute as they have expanded maize production at the expense of sorghum.

• There has been a clear trend towards production of cash crops such as cotton and sunflower. However, it is mainly the above-average farmers who have tended to benefit more from this crop diversification because they are better able to purchase the necessary inputs, prepare their fields early, hire labour, and organize marketing. On the other hand, production of groundnuts (a traditional crop in the basin) is declining, partly because of poor seed availability, low yields and high labour requirements.

Irrigation development

According to FAO (1997), the irrigation potential of the Limpopo River Basin, based on land and water resources, is estimated at 295 400 ha (Table 25). The water requirements given in Table 25 are based on selected and appropriate cropping patterns (FAO, 1997). For Botswana and Zimbabwe, other literature gives higher irrigation water requirements than the ones given by FAO (1997), which means that the already small potential of these countries might be overestimated.

TABLE 25
Limpopo River Basin: irrigation potential, water requirements and irrigated area irrigation

Source: FAO (1997a).

Botswana

The maximum irrigation potential in Botswana is estimated at 15 200 ha, of which about 10 000 ha would need important works for water development and storage (SADCC-AIDAB, 1992). As several major towns are located in this area, including the capital Gaborone at the Notwane River, severe intersector competition for water is to be expected in future. For these reasons, FAO (1997) considers an irrigation potential of 5 000 ha as more realistic in the Limpopo catchment in Botswana. Less than 1 400 ha is at present under irrigation in the area. Of this, about 44 percent is irrigated from groundwater and 56 percent from surface water, either by pumping directly in the Limpopo River and its tributaries or from storage reservoirs (Plate 1).

Plate 1
Groundwater harvesting along the Limpopo River when surface flow has stopped.

The irrigation techniques used include: surface irrigation, i.e. furrow and basin, hoses, and hand-watering (16 percent); sprinkler irrigation (64 percent); and localized irrigation, i.e. drip and microsprinkler (20 percent). There are four categories of farming in the irrigation subsector (FAO, 1995a):

• Private irrigated farms, owned and operated by individuals, are the most numerous. Units range from 1 ha to more than 100 ha, but with smaller sizes predominating. They grow mainly high-value food crops for local markets.

• Group schemes range up to 10 ha and have been developed by the government and donor agencies to provide employment and boost local incomes. Groups consist of a number of farmers, but individuals have their own plots.

• Institutional schemes are those owned and operated by government organizations, such as the Botswana Agricultural College, the Department of Agricultural Research, the Brigades Movement and the Botswana Defence Force.

• Company-owned schemes include those owned and operated by the Botswana Development Corporation (BDC) and commercial companies. BDC schemes, which total 570 ha, are located in the Tuli Block, Mogobane and Kasane.

Mozambique

Because of unfavourable climate features, the risk of harvest loss in rainfed agriculture can reach 75 percent in the interior of Gaza Province. The irrigation potential for Mozambique in the Limpopo River Basin has been estimated at 148 000 ha (UNESCO-UNDP, 1984). Given that the Limpopo River in Mozambique may stop flowing for up to eight months of the year, the above potential has to be considered as an upper limit, requiring important storage works and good cooperation between the basin countries. Historically, the irrigation subsector in Mozambique concentrated on the development of government estates. These were established during politically unstable conditions. Little attention was paid to their financial sustainability. The state companies were inefficient, resulting in irrigation management problems and deterioration of the infrastructure. Until recently, very little effort was directed towards the development of sustainable smallholder irrigation schemes.

According to the draft national irrigation policy and strategy (GOM-DNA, 2000), the following factors contribute to a decline in irrigation:

• The abandonment of irrigated lands by the original owners just after national independence and the lack of experience of the new owners, contributing to inefficient operation and maintenance (O&M) of the irrigation schemes.

• The extended civil war, lasting more than a decade, destroying several irrigation infrastructures and leading to the abandoning of others.

• The gradual reduction of public funds for irrigation.

• The lack of inputs and technical assistance in rural areas to ensure the maintenance and improvement of the irrigation schemes.

In 1968, the irrigation subsector in Gaza Province covered 27 447 ha, or 42 percent of the national area under irrigation. This included 4 000 ha of reclaimed machongos without any infrastructure. Essentially, this area covers the Chokwé District irrigation scheme on the Limpopo River. Established for rice growing during the colonial period (1952-1972), the scheme was managed after independence in 1975 by the state enterprise Sistema de Regadio Eduardo Mondlane. In 1987, there were 29 irrigation schemes in this part of the Limpopo River Basin. Of these, six of the smaller schemes were reportedly facing water scarcity problems. The Limpopo River mouth area suffers from serious saltwater intrusion. Salinity is a major factor in limiting the use of land developed for irrigation in these areas. Mihajlovich and Gomes (1986) projected a potential for the development of 45 000 ha by 2000, given improved operational performance, and a potential for the development in the long term of 150 000 ha suited to irrigation.

In the late 1980s, the Chokwé scheme was the main water consumer in the basin (523 million m³/year). The Chokwé scheme extends about 50 km along both banks of the Limpopo River. Total water demand during an irrigation season is never satisfied. Sogreah (1987) and others have reported on inadequate O&M of the Chokwé scheme, the scheme being characterized by low irrigation efficiencies. Only about 20 percent of the water requirements are met because of structural and organizational issues. There is also considerable misuse of the water resources. This has negative consequences for downstream users of water in Xai-Xai District, where the shortage of water from the Limpopo River is critical.

Serious salinity and sodicity problems exist in the majority of the alluvial soils, especially in the lower Limpopo River areas. This is caused by the presence of saline and sodic lacustrian and estuarine deposits under the alluvium. It is aggravated by inadequate management of the irrigation and drainage systems (especially at Chokwé). A number of drainage programmes were operational in the past, especially in Xai-Xai District.

In 1983, the government initiated a policy recognizing the importance of family enterprises and redistributed scheme land. In 1989, 30 000 ha of scheme land were occupied as follows: 40 percent by family enterprises, 24 percent by the State, 28 percent by private individuals, and 8 percent by cooperatives. With UNDP funds, FAO was involved in rehabilitating and improving the irrigation and drainage infrastructure of about 2 000 ha of family enterprise plots in 1988-89. The government intends to have existing schemes totally rehabilitated and recovered by 2007.

The irrigation methods vary according to the nature of the crop, topography and soil. Sprinkler irrigation is used widely in sugar cane, citrus, fruit and vegetable production. Surface irrigation is commonly applied in basins for rice and in furrows for maize and vegetables. Another method, widely used by smallholders in dambos and floodplains, is subirrigation through the control of the groundwater table. The irrigation efficiency is low.

Despite severe water shortages in some regions, the water used for irrigation is either not charged for or provided at only a token price.

South Africa

At present, 198 000 ha are irrigated in the Limpopo River Basin in South Africa, using about 10 000 m³ of water per hectare per year. The irrigation potential shown in Table 25, based on land and water resources and a cropping pattern requiring 12 000 m³ per hectare per year, is estimated at 131 500 ha (FAO, 1997). Thus, there are clear trends of less water being used on more hectares than would be suggested. The scope for irrigation development along the main stem of the Limpopo River is estimated at perhaps 4 000 ha in South Africa.

For water management purposes the Limpopo River Basin in South Africa is divided into four water management areas: Crocodile (West) and Marico, Limpopo, Elephants, and Luvuvhu and Letaba.

Crocodile (West) and Marico water management area

More than 60 percent of the total water requirement in this water management area is for urban, industrial and mining use, about 35 percent for irrigation, and the remainder for rural water supplies and power generation. Almost 75 percent of the total requirements for water in the water management area are within the Upper Crocodile and Apies/Pienaars subareas. This again reflects the dominance of the urban and industrial development in this part of the water management area. However, it also includes irrigation using urban return flows as well as the large irrigation developments in the vicinity of the Hartbeespoort Dam. Water requirements in the Elands subarea show a large component for mining, while the water transferred from this subarea is also destined mainly for mining use in the Lower Crocodile subarea. However, most of the water use in the Lower Crocodile subarea is for irrigation (GOSA-DWAF, 2003c).

Limpopo water management area

Water use is dominated by the irrigation sector, which accounts for nearly 75 percent of the total water requirement in the water management area. About 16 percent of the requirement is for urban, industrial and mining use, 9 percent for rural domestic supplies and stock watering, and a small quantity for power generation. The quantity of water intercepted by afforestation is relatively small and has little impact on the yield. Irrigation occurs throughout the water management area and development is distributed relatively evenly among the subareas. Some of the irrigation in the water management area is dependent on surface water from small dams or from run-of-river, which is at a very low assurance of supply. Therefore, the actual area irrigated varies from year to year, with the full area developed for irrigation only to be planted when sufficient water is available (GOSA-DWAF, 2003a).

Elephants water management area

The bulk of the water used in the Elephants water management area is by the irrigation sector, which represents 57 percent of the total requirements for water in the water management area. Power generation represents 19 percent of the water requirements, and urban, industrial and mining combined use a further 19 percent. Most of the water used in the Upper Elephants subarea is as cooling water for thermal power stations, which is a highly consumptive use of water and requires a relatively high quality of water. A substantial quantity is also used in urban areas, more than half of which again becomes available as return flows for downstream use. As a result of the large irrigation developments downstream of the Loskop Dam, requirements for water in the Middle Elephants subarea are dominated by irrigation. Although the most populous subarea, water use for urban and rural purposes is relatively low because of the primary nature of water use by these sectors. Irrigation and mining are the largest water use sectors in the Steelpoort and Lower Elephants subareas, which reflects the nature of economic activity in these areas (GOSA-DWAF, 2003b).

TABLE 26
Year 2000 water requirements in South Africa

Notes:

(1) Includes component of reserve for basic human needs at 25 litres/person per day.

(2) Mining and bulk industrial water uses that are not part of urban systems.

(3) Includes water for thermal power generation only. (Water for hydroelectric power, which represents a small portion of power generation in South Africa, is generally available for other uses as well.)

(4) Quantities given refer to impact on yield only.

Luvuvhu and Letaba water management area

Water use in the Luvuvhu and Letaba water management area is dominated by the irrigation sector, which represents almost 75 percent of the total requirements for water within the water management area. The impact of afforestation on the yield from water resources in the water management area represents 13 percent of the total requirements, about 9 percent is for rural domestic supplies and for stock/game watering, and the remainder for urban, industrial and mining use. More than half of the total requirements for water within the water management area are in the catchment of the Groot Letaba River, mainly for the irrigation and forestry sectors, which shows the intensity and concentration of irrigation and afforestation in this subarea. The Luvuvhu/Mutale subarea represents a further substantial proportion of the water requirements in the water management area, followed by the Klein Letaba subarea. Irrigation is the dominant water use sector in both subareas (GOSA-DWAF, 2003d).

Table 26 provides a summary of the sectoral water requirements in each of the water management and subareas. Figures for the non-agriculture sectors are included to provide a sense of the situation in various subareas. All the requirements are given at a standard 98-percent assurance of supply.

Zimbabwe

The irrigation potential of the Limpopo River Basin in Zimbabwe, considering both land and water resources, is estimated at 10 900 ha. Of this area, 3 950 ha are under irrigation: 1 550 ha of smallholder irrigation; 1 900 ha under large-scale commercial farmers; and 1 500 ha under the Agricultural Rural Development Authority (ARDA). It is reported that the communities in this area reap a successful crop only once in five years in the absence of irrigation. Table 27 gives information on the major smallholder irrigation schemes. For the schemes irrigating from the rivers, water is pumped from well points sunk in the riverbed sand, where water is found at a depth of about 3-10 m. These are called sand abstraction systems. The other schemes receive their water from dams. In both cases, water is diverted into conveyance canals/pipes and then into the secondary and tertiary canals. The infield irrigation technology in use is predominantly surface irrigation, where water is applied using furrows or border-strips. The farmers use syphons to apply water from the field canals into the field furrows or border-strips.

Some schemes on the Zimbabwe highveldt, such as the Mziki Irrigation Scheme, use draghose sprinkler irrigation systems. Here, the sprinkler head, riser and tripod are mounted to a hose that the farmer can drag freely as the sprinkler positions are changed during irrigation. Most of the newer schemes in the Mashonaland provinces use this technology (GOZ-AGRITEX, 1999a).

TABLE 27
Major smallholder irrigation schemes in the Limpopo River Basin in Zimbabwe

Source: GOZ-AGRITEX (1999b).

The plot sizes vary from scheme to scheme, ranging generally from 0.1 ha/household in the older schemes to 0.5 ha/household in the schemes developed after independence. Elsewhere in the country, where more water is available, the newer schemes can have plot sizes of 0.5-1.0 ha. The irrigation management committees, comprising a chairperson, a secretary, a treasurer and some other committee members, run the smallholder schemes. These are elected every two years and they are guided by the scheme by-laws in their operations.

Forestry

Forestry in the Limpopo River Basin comprises natural forests and woodlands as well as commercial or plantation forestry. The latter is practised on a relatively small scale, mainly in South Africa (Figure 37). Natural woodlands are quite extensive in terms of total area covered and are the main source of wood products, especially building materials and fuelwood for local communities. They also provide non-wood products such as indigenous fruits, mushrooms, thatch grass and material for medicinal use.

Source: GOSA-FSA (2003).

Large-scale commercial plantation forestry is the most important form of forestry economically but it requires high management levels. Plantation forestry in southern Africa is predominantly based on exotic species of pine, eucalyptus and Australian wattles. These require relatively high rainfall and, therefore, they are found in the wetter parts of the basin.

In South Africa, plantation forestry is confined to the higher rainfall belt (above about 700 mm/year) along the eastern escarpment of the Drakensberg Mountains and the adjacent highveldt of northern Mpumalanga and Limpopo Provinces (Box 19). This is the northernmost part of the South African timber belt, which originates in the Western Cape and Eastern Cape Provinces and runs along the east coast towards the Limpopo River Basin (Schulze, 1997). The area under forest in the provinces of Mpumalanga and Limpopo in South Africa has expanded steadily over the past half-century. The rest of the Limpopo River Basin in South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique is climatically unsuitable for commercial production of exotic forest species (Herbert, 1993).

Source: GOSA-DWAF (2003e).

The commercial forestry and related processing industry forms an important part of the economy in particular in Mpumalanga Province, where it covers 8 percent of the area and contributes significantly to GDP and employment (Scholes et al., 1995).

Plantation forestry is a minor activity in Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The total plantation area in Botswana is estimated at about 1 200 ha, with 85 percent belonging to the government and 15 percent as private woodlots. It may be assumed that most plantations are situated in the basin. Production from eucalyptus woodlots is similar to that of unattended savannah woodland.

The occurrence of natural forests is limited in the Limpopo River Basin, and dense woodlands and forests are mainly found outside the basin, e.g. Chobe forest reserves of Botswana and Zimbabwe. These Miombo and Baikiaea woodlands comprise Mukusi (aikiaea plurijuga) and Mukwa (Pterocarpus angolensis) as the most typical species.

Community forestry

Extraction and collection from natural woodlands and grasslands (natural vegetation) is an extremely important land use in the basin. It includes utilization of prevailing natural vegetation as well as hunting and fishing. The economic/social importance of indigenous forest and wood products to local communities as a source of income and for subsistence is often underestimated. While the importance of timber/wood products has been well recognized, non-timber products are undervalued. Multiple uses of the natural vegetation in the basin include grazing and browsing of the open woodland, bushland or savannah types, hunting and collection of timber, fuelwood and non-timber products. The category of non-timber products includes:

• bark, leaves and stems for making ropes, baskets, mats and other household products such as utensils;

• fruit and other extracted substances to provide dietary supplements and ingredients for brewing;

• edible animal and plant products such as honey, insects and mushrooms;

• plant products (roots, bulbs, leaves and fruits) for medicinal and cultural purposes;

• grass and reed for thatching, weaving, basketry and other applications.

As the population has increased, also the demand for various woodland products has been increasing. This has led to local shortages of forest resources, culminating in deforestation and land degradation, especially around major settlements. Community forestry management approaches are based on the improvement of natural woodlands and planted communal woodlots that are under the communal land tenure system. These are lands that have been exposed increasingly to land degradation from overgrazing, opening of new lands to expand cropping, and overharvesting of natural fauna and flora to meet low-resource household needs. Thus, by handing over management responsibilities to the local communities, more sustainable utilization is practised. In recent years, large-scale commercial plantations have attempted to develop linkages with communities through outgrower schemes as well as by offering a variety of services and products.

In the past, there were traditional methods of managing natural resources in a sustainable manner. For example, traditional chiefs regulated harvesting of forest products and protected species threatened by extinction. Local beliefs also prevented overexploitation of certain species. Many of the traditional methods of managing resources collapsed after the control over land changed, owing to instability, civil war, resettlement and different legislation after independence.

Communities have realized the impacts of excessive harvesting of forest resources in their communal areas. Some communities have banned any form of tree cutting without consulting the local authorities. Others have introduced bans that prevent people coming from outside the community to collect any wood from their forests. Others collect levies on fuelwood traders. These restrictions on forestry resources may reduce depletion of these resources and at the same time promote the use of substitutes.

Community forestry management is a relatively recent concept that was introduced to promote sustainable community-based natural resource management by allowing communities access to wood and non-wood products while also practising conservation measures. Therefore, it is a natural resource management tool that allows sustainable utilization of natural and planted woodlands. Community forestry is generally characterized by complex management systems in terms of land tenure, ownership and user rights, management responsibility, access to the forestry products, and management of conflict between traditional and modern values (FAO, 1999a).

Community or social forestry relates to activities that involve community and individual participation in the planning, execution and management of a variety of social and economic forestry elements. It refers to activities such as farm/homestead tree planting, agroforestry practices, woodlots and the establishment of trees for conservation and preservation of indigenous species, and catchment management. In a wider sense, it also includes commercial outgrower schemes on communal land, and management and use of the natural forests and woodlands within the community boundaries.

Community forestry management approaches differ within the Limpopo River Basin as there is wide biodiversity of the vegetation. The land tenure, population pressure and the conditions and utilization of the forest resources differ among the four countries. In Botswana and Mozambique, community forestry is relatively underdeveloped and is based largely on gathering food, plants, forage, handicrafts materials, medicinal plants, fruits, fibres and wildlife species. Almost all rural dwellers, and a large proportion of the urban population, rely on fuelwood for energy.

Agroforestry

Agroforestry refers to a mixed land use where trees, crops and livestock are integrated in space and/or time. It has the advantage of providing better microclimate conditions for crop growth and supplements the soil with additional nutrients from leaves and roots. Trees with palatable foliage provide livestock fodder. Agroforestry systems also provide households with wood products, especially fuelwood and building materials, as well as non-wood products including fruit (Box 20).

Source: Shumba, Mushaka and Muchichwa (1998).

Planted agroforestry is not practised much in the basin as the climate is not very favourable, especially in the tree establishment phase. Therefore, agroforestry appears to have limited potential in the semi-arid areas, although it performs slightly better in the more humid areas along the escarpment parts of Zimbabwe and in Mozambique. Natural agroforestry practices, based on improved natural woodlands management, have high potential in the basin.

Agroforestry systems comprise different combinations of trees, crops and livestock. Systems include woodlots, trees in cropland, boundary plantings and homestead plantings. Communal forestry is considered a component of agroforestry. Of prime importance is the selection of suitable tree species to interface with crops in a way that ensures complementary advantages, such as improved soil nutrients without creating undue moisture competition. Therefore, of crucial concern in the promotion of agroforestry in the basin is the selection of tree species that are suitable for dry conditions and are compatible with typical farming systems. Most of the exotic species growing in the humid areas are not suitable. The selection of tree species should also reflect community needs (FAO, 1995b).

Urban and peri-urban forestry are related to community or social forestry as the responsibility for the planning and management of single trees, forests and parks is shared with the urban authorities. Urban forestry has scope for development in the basin

Other land use systems and activities

In addition to livestock production, crops and forestry, other activities and land uses in the Limpopo River Basin comprise:

• wildlife utilization (mostly hunting, with some tourism (Box 21);

• gathering of veldt products (for fuel, construction, food and medicines);

• craft such as woodcarving, beadwork, pottery and basketwork for sale to tourists and local markets;

• agri-/rural tourism initiatives whereby tourists come and experience the rural way of life;

• broiler and layer production;

• rearing of rabbits for meat and mohair;

• fish farming;

• feedlotting of cattle;

• maize milling by entrepreneurs;

• broiler and layer production preparation, harvesting and transport services.

Source: Murombedzi (1992); Makombe (1993).

Conservation areas

Figure 38 show the conservation areas of Botswana. Only the Mashatu game reserve and a small southwestern portion of the Central Kalahari Game reserve are situated in the basin (see also Figure 5). In the South African part, a number of small nature reserves are located, including Madikwe, Pilanesberg, Magaliesberg. Most of the Kruger National Park is situated in the basin.

Source: GOB (2001).

Other nature conservation areas that occupy part of the basin include the planned Gaza-Kruger-Gonarezhou Transfrontier Park (GKG Transfrontier Park). Establishment of this park (Figure 39) is aimed at supporting the broad political goals of socio-economic improvement in southern Africa, where rural areas are subject to chronic high unemployment and low income. It is also intended to enhance ecosystem management in the region.

Source: GOSA-DEAT (2001).

This vision of cross-border collaboration would also give effect to the stated objectives of the SADC, which aims at synergistic regional initiatives for economic, social and conservation benefits for the subcontinent.

The area known as Coutada 16 in Mozambique will be integrated with the Kruger National Park in South Africa, with further integration across the Sengwe Communal Lands to join up with Gonarezhou National Park in Zimbabwe.

With its 35 000 km², this GKG Transfrontier Park will form the core of a broader GKG Transfrontier Conservation Area (GKG TFCA). This larger area around the GKG Transfrontier Park will represent land that has different forms of conservation status (including national parks, private game reserves, hunting concession areas, and community managed natural resource areas), but which cannot be integrated meaningfully into the core Transfrontier Park because of extensive intervening human settlements or other barriers. The area made up by this greater GKG TFCA, including the GKG Transfrontier Park, comes to 99 800 km² (GOSA-DEAT, 2001).