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For further information, please contact:

Nutrition and Consumer Protection Division,

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Harriet V. Kuhnlein

Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE)

McGill University

21,111 Lakeshore Rd.,

Ste. Anne de Bellevue, Quebec, Canada

Fax (1) 514 398 1020

E-mail: harriet.kuhnlein@mcgill.ca

Website: www.mcgill.ca/cine

Table of contents

Preface

Acknowledgements

Foreword

Introduction

Why are Indigenous Peoples’ food systems important and why do they need documentation?

Harriet V. Kuhnlein

Chapter 1

Back to the future: using traditional food and knowledge to promote a healthy future among Inuit

Grace M. Egeland, Guylaine Charbonneau-Roberts, Johnny Kuluguqtuq, Jonah Kilabuk, Looee Okalik, Rula Soueida and Harriet V. Kuhnlein

Chapter 2

The Nuxalk food and nutrition program, Coastal British Columbia, Canada: 1981–2006

Nancy J. Turner, Thelma Harvey, Sandy Burgess and Harriet V. Kuhnlein

Chapter 3

Gwich’in traditional food for health: Phase 1

Harriet V. Kuhnlein, Margaret McDonald, Dina Spigelski, Elizabeth Vittrekwa and Bill Erasmus

Chapter 4

Traditional food system of an Awajun community in Peru

Hilary Creed-Kanashiro, Marion Roche, Irma Tuesta Cerrón and Harriet V. Kuhnlein

Chapter 5

Ingano traditional food and health: Phase 1, 2004–2005

Camilo Correal, Germán Zuluaga, Liliana Madrigal, Sonia Caicedo and Mark Plotkin

Chapter 6

Documentation of the traditional food system of Pohnpei

Lois Englberger, Adelino Lorens, Amy Levendusky, Podis Pedrus, Kiped Albert, Welsihter Hagilmai, Yumiko Paul, Douglas Nelber, Pelihna Moses, Sarah Shaeffer and Marcella Gallen

Chapter 7

Traditional food systems of Indigenous Peoples: the Ainu in the Saru River Region, Japan

Masami Iwasaki-Goodman, Satomi Ishii and Taichi Kaizawa

Chapter 8

Thailand: food system and nutritional status of indigenous children in a Karen community

Sinee Chotiboriboon, Sopa Tamachotipong, Solot Sirisai, Sakorn Dhanamitta, Suttilak Smitasiri, Charana Sappasuwan, Praiwan Tantivatanasathien and Pasamai Eg-kantrong

Chapter 9

Traditional food system of Dalit in Zaheerabad Region, Medak District, Andhra Pradesh, India

Buduru Salomeyesudas and Periyapatna V. Satheesh

Chapter 10

The Bhil food system: links to food security, nutrition and health

Lalita Bhattacharjee, Gopa Kothari, Vidya Priya and Biplap K. Nandi

Chapter 11

The Maasai food system and food and nutrition security

Shadrack Oiye, Joseph Ole Simel, Ruth Oniang’o and Timothy Johns

Chapter 12

The Igbo traditional food system documented in four states in Southern Nigeria

Elizabeth C. Okeke, Henrietta N. Ene-Obong, Anthonia O. Uzuegbunam, Alfred Ozioko, Simon I. Umeh and Nnaemeka Chukwuone

References

Species Index – Indigenous Peoples’ food systems species by scientific name

Photographic section (out of text)

Chapter 7

Traditional food systems of Indigenous Peoples: the Ainu in the Saru River Region, Japan

• MASAMI IWASAKI - GOODMAN, PH. D.[1] • SATOMI ISHII, PH. D.[2] • TAICHI KAIZAWA[3]

1

Department of Anthropology, Hokkai-Gakuen University, Sapporo, Japan

2

Department of Food Science, Rakuno Gakuen University, Ebetsu, Japan

3

Ainu Culture Research Center, Biratori, Japan

Photographic section >> XXI

“Revitalizing the Ainu food culture will help to re-establish the dignity of the Ainu in the present society.”

Mr Koichi Kaizawa, community leader

Abstract

The Ainu are an Indigenous People who live mainly in the northern part of Japan. In 2004, a research team led by the community leader Mr Koichi Kaizawa began to examine the use of traditional food in the Saru River region. When they started the research, they found that the usage of traditional Ainu food was extremely limited because of the government’s powerful assimilation of the Ainu into mainstream society. Thus, the research team decided to select the food items to be studied based on two criteria:

1.Traditional food that the Ainu continue to eat.

2.Traditional food that the Ainu would like to preserve for future generations.

Traditional knowledge regarding the use of these food items was collected and their nutritional composition was determined. In addition, an extensive effort was made to re-introduce the Ainu traditional food to the community through a series of cultural events in an attempt to create the kind of social change that will help the Ainu to regain their cultural health.

Introduction

Numerous researchers have had a keen interest in Ainu[31] culture in the past and have examined various aspects of it. Among the many Ainu settlements in Hokkaido, the people living in the area along the Saru River have been the centre of academic research. While many academic papers have been written and published, the life of the Ainu living in this area has not improved and the decline of Ainu culture continues. The research team, with the support and initiative of the community leader, aimed to conduct the kind of research that would make a positive contribution to the life of the local Ainu by ensuring their extensive involvement. The examination of the Ainu traditional food culture in the Saru River region began at the end of March, 2004. The research group spent three months conducting interviews with key informants and collecting basic archival material, as well as food samples for composition analysis. Since the research methods developed by the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE) (Kuhnlein et al., 2006) required modifications in order to examine the situation of the Ainu community effectively, the research group first considered appropriate approaches. As a result, it was decided to combine the CINE methods with research that the local Ainu group was already conducting in their efforts to preserve the Ainu traditional food culture. It was therefore not possible to include all of the CINE recommended methods.

The research group first collected basic relevant information on the area and the people. Data on Ainu traditional food were then collected using four different methods. In addition, the research group documented the ongoing efforts to preserve the Ainu traditional food and other aspects of Ainu cultural tradition. Particular emphasis was placed on analysing the history and cultural changes that led to the present situation of the Ainu people in the Saru River region. Following the completion of these steps, the team then proceeded to determine the nutrient composition of selected Ainu food samples.

Research team and participatory research methods

The preparation for the research began in the spring of 2004 when Dr Iwasaki-Goodman contacted the Ainu community leader, Mr Koichi Kaizawa. After signing a research agreement, the research team was formed. The central figure was Mr Taichi Kaizawa of the Ainu Culture Research Center, whose ethnic background is Ainu and who worked as a researcher at the prefectural research centre, specializing in Ainu culture. His mother, Miwako Kaizawa, an Ainu food specialist, provided her expertise in conducting fieldwork. The research team was joined by Dr Hidetomo Iwano (specialist in food composition), Dr Hiroki Inoue and Dr Satomi Ishii (nutritionists). The research team members agreed that the goal of the research was to improve the socio-cultural environment for the Ainu, through promoting understandings of Ainu traditional food and revitalizing the use of it, thereby contributing to their emotional and physical health. The team especially agreed to ensure their actions would respect the dignity of the individual participants who provided private information. A written introduction on the purpose and the methods of the research was prepared in Japanese and, at the start of each interview, the project was explained to participants verbally. Each participant then signed a letter of consent.

Background

Biratori is a town located in the western end of what is called the Hidaka District in the southern part of Hokkaido, the northern-most island in Japan (Figure 7.1). (The name Biratori comes from the Ainu word Piraturu,[32] meaning the area between the cliffs.) Biratori’s total land mass is 743 16 km^2, stretching 52.8 km on its east–west axis and 41.1 km on its north–south axis, with its town boundaries forming a triangular shape. Biratori is approximately 20 minutes drive away from Monbetsu, the nearest city, and 70 minutes from Tomakomai, the nearest commercial and industrial centre. It takes approximately 2 hours to drive to Sapporo, the centre of Hokkaido, and 75 minutes to Chitose Airport, the gateway to Tokyo. Public transportation (buses and trains) connects Biratori town centre with these cities. However, bus services between Nibutani – one of the sub-districts of Biratori where the research was conducted – and other cities are infrequent. Although private cars are essential to meet basic needs in Nibutani, commercial districts providing meat, fish and vegetables are nearby.

Biratori is divided into 17 sub-districts. The total number of households and the population in each of these sub-districts is shown in Table 7.1. Research was conducted mainly in Nibutani, Osachinai, Shiunkotsu, Nukibetsu and Toyonuka because these are the communities where many Ainu live side-by-side with non-Ainu. These areas are known for the highest concentration of Ainu residents in relation to the total population in Japan. Accurate statistical data on the population of Ainu in each municipality are unavailable because the national census does not differentiate Ainu from non-Ainu. However, the Hokkaido Prefectural Government conducts a survey every seven years to estimate the Ainu population. According to their 1999 report, 1 577 Ainu are living in Biratori. This figure includes only people that identified themselves as Ainu and does not include those that were not willing to identify themselves as Ainu because of the ongoing social prejudice. Furthermore, Biratori township[33] has always treated Biratori town as one community with Ainu and non-Ainu living side-by-side.

The people in Biratori enjoy four distinct seasons annually. The difference in seasonal temperatures during summer and winter is great, with a high of 31 °C in summer and a low of minus 25 °C in winter, with an average annual temperature of 7.7 °C. The number of days of snowfall in the winter is approximately 37, with a total accumulation of approximately 127 cm. While the weather in Biratori is typical for the northern part of Japan, it receives less snow than the central part of Hokkaido. Agriculture, dairy farming and animal husbandry are the main industries in Biratori. Rice production is the main agricultural crop, but Biratori is also known for its vegetable production (the tomato being the symbol of the town). Beef production and racehorse raising are also important to the local economy. In 1965, approximately half of the people in Biratori were engaged in agriculture, dairy farming and forestry. However, since that time the number of people in these primary industries decreased to about one-third of total employment.

There has been a gradual decline in the number of children in Biratori, which is reflected by school enrolment records. In 2004 a total of 394 students attended seven elementary schools, 192 students attended four junior high schools and 149 students attended a senior high school. In addition, 42 students attended a special school for children with disabilities at the elementary, junior high and senior high school levels. At present, Ainu children go to school with non-Ainu children and receive the standard education, which follows the national curricula provided by the Ministry of Education.

In order to encourage children to appreciate local history and culture, the Biratori Education Board has produced supplementary material to be used at schools. These books focus on local history, where Ainu play a key role. Interest in these subjects among school educators is strong, and numerous lectures and seminars on Ainu culture have been given. In June 2004 the teachers in Biratori and surrounding areas organized a popular Ainu cooking workshop where cooking methods of Ainu traditional dishes were demonstrated.

History of Ainu in Biratori[34]

The climatic and geographical conditions in the Saru River region have always been well suited for human habitation, plants and other wildlife. Numerous archaeological sites along the Saru River reveal evidence of human settlements dating from 6 000 to 9 000 years ago. In the long history of human settlement in this region, Ainu culture is believed to have been started by a pit-dwelling people that began to build houses on the flat ground and to use hearths around 1000–1100 AD. Artefacts with distinct characteristics of this period have been excavated in archaeological sites in the Saru River region, including 30 casi (stockade) remains, dated to 1500–1600 AD. Construction of a casi is believed to have been an important cultural element in Ainu culture of that period.

Ainu lived along riverbanks, where several households were grouped together, with each group led by a male Elder who served as a leader. They engaged in hunting, fishing and gathering. Ainu believed that kamuy (gods) provide food and other necessities in response to prayer and gratitude, expressed through a variety of ceremonial rituals. Iyomante (a bear spirit sending ceremony) is the most important ceremony and still continues to play a core role in Ainu culture.

As the Japanese began to migrate to Hokkaido from the main island around 1400 AD, contact between Ainu and Japanese became more frequent and often ended with confrontations. A series of wars between Ainu and Japanese immigrants led to the Shakushain War, where Ainu throughout Hokkaido fought against Japanese of the Matsumae Feudal Clan in southern Hokkaido. The leader, Shakushain, was poisoned at the reconciliation ceremony organized by the Matsumae Feudal Clan and the Ainu lost their power.

After this war, the Matsumae Feudal Clan established trading posts throughout Hokkaido to control the trade of goods from and to Hokkaido. A trading post was set up along the Saru River and Ainu began trading kelp, parched small sardines, Shiitake mushrooms, salmon, etc. It is recorded that Ainu suffered under an oppressive trading system in which they were forced to produce trading goods. During this period, Ainu in the Saru river region fished in the ocean in the spring, harvested kelp in the summer and fished for salmon in the autumn to produce trading goods. In the winter, Ainu men spent their time repairing and maintaining their fishing boats, while women wove at-rus (an Ainu robe). Ainu also cultivated vegetables and grains for food.

The beginning of the Meiji Era (1867–1912) marked the beginning of colonization of Hokkaido by the Hokkaido government (itself established in 1886). As a way to assimilate Ainu into mainstream society, the Hokkaido government passed the “Hokkaido Former Aboriginal Protection Law”, promoted Ainu agriculture and began forcing Ainu children to enter Japanese schools. At the same time, the Hokkaido government passed numerous regulations to prohibit Ainu from hunting and fishing and practising traditional rituals.

The Saru River region was not an exception and many immigrants (non-Ainu) from the main island moved into the area. The population of Biratori soon tripled and Ainu became a minority group. In 1899, the Biratori community, together with other neighbouring communities, established a town hall and began its administration, and in 1954 the community gained legal status as a township (Biratori Town, 1974).

Current issues in Biratori

In 1997 the Nibutani Dam was completed in the region, thus damming the most important river for the local Ainu in the heart of the Ainu settlement region. The dam construction seriously affected the socio-cultural spheres in the lives of the local people. Recently, the government announced that it intends to construct another dam in the tributary of Saru River for further management of the Saru River water system.

A three-year research project in Biratori was conducted from April, 2003 to March, 2006 to assess the impact that the second dam construction would have on the culture of the indigenous Ainu (Ainu Culture Preservation Research Committee, 2005). This research included interviewing Elders concerning their experience and knowledge of Ainu culture, which inevitably included Ainu traditional food culture.

That impact assessment project was one of the tangible outcomes of the “Nibutani Dam Case” that clarified the need for assessing the impact on Ainu culture prior to the initiation of development projects (Ainu Culture Preservation Research Committee, 2005). For the construction of the Nibutani Dam, two Ainu landowners refused to acquiesce to the expropriation of land they owned. This led to a legal contest in the Sapporo District Court in the early 1980s. After many years of courtroom trials, the Court handed down a decision in 1997 that declared the government’s actions in pursuing this development project as illegal. The Court stated that the government should have considered whether public interests, such as the control of floods provided by the construction of the Nibutani Dam, should have priority over the Ainu people’s rights to enjoy their culture. Additionally, the court stated that the government had failed to assess the effects that the construction of the Nibutani Dam would have on the local Ainu culture, thereby ignoring values that required serious consideration. This decision is significant, in that it made it mandatory for the planning of development projects to include an assessment of the impact on local Ainu culture. Evidently, this applies to the construction of the second Biratori Dam.

Significant changes have occurred in the social and political environment in terms of the aboriginal issues in Japan. In 1997, “The Law Concerning Promotion of Ainu Culture and Dissemination and Enlightenment of Knowledge about Ainu Traditions” was enacted. The new law replaced the “Former Aboriginal Protection Law” that had been in effect for more than 100 years, and had served as the legal basis for assimilating the Ainu into mainstream society. In the new law, the government of Japan stated its intention to support the Ainu in preserving their cultural tradition and in creating the kind of society where they can maintain their pride as an ethnic group. The new law inevitably accelerated the revitalization movement of Ainu culture, which had been steadily but quietly happening during the 1980s. Thus, various branches of the Hokkaido Association of Ainu have been actively conducting Ainu culture promotion programmes.

On 12 May 2003, the town of Biratori established the “Committee for the Ainu Culture Preservation Research”, which includes local Ainu Elders, government officials and experts of related areas such as law, landscaping and anthropology (Ainu Culture Preservation Research Committee, 2005). The Committee was set up to supervise the Ainu culture preservation research and to make recommendations to the mayor of the town of Biratori. The Committee is composed of 15 permanent members, and invites advisors as needed.

Besides the Committee for the Ainu Culture Preservation Research, the Ainu Culture Preservation Research Office (ACPRO) was formed and four groups were established to conduct various tasks in the office (Ainu Culture Preservation Research Committee, 2005). The four groups were in charge of fieldwork data compilation, model building and computer simulations. Twenty local people were selected for their knowledge and interest in Ainu culture and hired on a full-time basis. The community leader of this research, Koichi Kaizawa, became the head of ACPRO.

In 2003, the three-year research began with the General Affairs section of the Ainu Culture Preservation Research Committee, 2005, drafting an overall schedule for the project. The first year was set aside for preparation and training of research staff for filing data, simulations and fieldwork. The main research was conducted in 2004, with a focus on structured fieldwork, data filing, analysis and simulation trials. Also, the Committee considered some of the mitigation measures arising within the project, and methods of testing them. The final year (2005) was spent on finishing research activities, considering details related to mitigation and completing the overall research project.

Examining Ainu traditional food

Ainu and their traditional food uses in the changing social environment

In this section, background information is given on recent Ainu history in relation to food, and the research methods used to examine Ainu traditional foods.

One of the important issues regarding the changes in Ainu traditional food in the Saru River region is the social change that Ainu experienced when the Japanese began migrating into that area in the late-nineteenth century. As more Japanese moved into the region, the Ainu population diminished, became politically weaker and eventually constituted a minority group. Obviously, such changes had serious effects on the everyday life for the Ainu, where traditional food played an important role.

Having conducted a number of interviews with Ainu of various age groups, the research group learned that significant social changes in the last 100 years have created complex patterns of traditional food usage. It became evident that the way traditional food is viewed and utilized differed between age groups. The Ainu Elders learned traditional Ainu food use from their parents and grandparents at a young age, and later experienced the great social changes under the government’s assimilation policy that forced them to give up the Ainu way of life and live as Japanese. The second group was the middle-aged Ainu who lived mainly as Japanese, and the final group was the young Ainu who grew up with a limited exposure to Ainu culture at home and learned various aspects of Ainu culture by attending classes and other organized cultural events. The knowledge of traditional food differed in these three age groups and they expressed different views on the issues related to its usage.

Ainu Elders and traditional food use

Those Ainu who experienced drastic social change in their childhood were in their seventies and eighties during the research period. They experienced the traditional Ainu culture and acquired knowledge relating to Ainu life at home. They also saw the government’s assimilation policy gradually dismantling the Ainu traditional culture and, further, experienced severe social discrimination. Under such social conditions, many of the Elders suppressed their knowledge of Ainu culture while trying to adopt the Japanese way of life. They were discouraged from using their mother-tongue and forced to speak Japanese at school. Having become the social minority, the Ainu had no choice but to live their lives as Japanese. The Ainu Elders frequently offered such observations as, “I did not teach my children Ainu language and Ainu way of life, because I thought they wouldn’t need it.” Except for those who made their living in tourism, performing Ainu dance and music, Ainu did not openly practise their culture. As a result, Ainu culture gradually lost its vitality, and the traditional food – an important part of that culture – became blended into Japanese food.

Social discrimination is a serious factor in any social assimilation process. As an example, our research shows that Ainu avoided consumption of pukusa (wild onion) – an important traditional food – to avoid becoming subject to social discrimination. This tendency is found in our research for Ainu traditional food use in general. One Ainu elderly woman recalled that she stopped cooking Ainu dishes at home when she married a non-Ainu man. Many elderly Ainu women gradually shifted from cooking Ainu dishes to cooking Japanese dishes. It is clear that social discrimination against Ainu accelerated the Japanization of the Ainu food system.

In interviews with Ainu Elders, we heard such expressions as, “We ate … [certain Ainu traditional food], since there was no other food to eat in the old days.” This expression reflects the difficult socio-economic condition in which a minority group, such as the Ainu, had to live at that time. Having lost the traditional subsistence way of life and being forced to adopt farming according to government policy, Ainu did not have much to live on. Needless to say, everyday food at home was affected significantly. Ainu traditional food, despite its social, cultural and nutritional value, became associated with the negative experience of that time. As the socio-economic condition surrounding Ainu improved, they gradually shifted to eating more Japanese food. Although many Ainu Elders expressed their preference for Ainu food, by making such comments as “I really like old food”, others associated the Ainu traditional food with their poverty and regarded Ainu food as the food of the past and something they did not need anymore.

During the Meiji era, the government issued various regulations that restricted hunting and gathering activities among Ainu, and rice farming was introduced. Ainu began keeping domesticated animals, such as pigs, and began to grow potatoes and beans. These food items, as well as Japanese seasoning, such as miso (fermented soybean paste), were incorporated into the Ainu food system as new ingredients or substitutes for traditional Ainu food items. Such changes also prompted the Japanization of Ainu traditional food.

Middle-aged Ainu group and traditional Ainu food

At the time of the research, the children of Ainu Elders were 40 to 60 years old, and were the first generation of Ainu who had not learned the Ainu way of life, such as language and other aspects of Ainu culture. Rather, they spoke Japanese and lived as Japanese. This affected all aspects of Ainu culture, of which the food system is a very important part. Thus, the Ainu food culture that the Elder generation had fostered went through significant changes as this middle-aged generation grew up.

Two main patterns of change can be seen in Ainu traditional food in this period. The first pattern is that many food items, such as wild vegetables, were incorporated into Japanese cuisine. They no longer had the Ainu names and they were used as ingredients for Japanese dishes, such as cimakina (udo) mixed with vinegar miso sauce, pukusa (wild onion) mixed with egg to make “wild vegetable tempura”. Those Ainu who were 40–60 years old at the time of this study had been eating wild vegetables mainly in Japanese dishes with Japanese names, rather than Ainu names. Many of the younger generation of Ainu cooked and ate these food items without knowing that they were actually traditional Ainu food.

A second pattern of change was that many of the Ainu traditional dishes continued to be cooked for Ainu ceremonial occasions, in which they play symbolic roles. Although these food items and dishes were no longer parts of everyday food for many Ainu, they served to strengthen ties with Ainu culture and heritage on special occasions. The Elders took the central roles in preparing Ainu dishes for various ceremonies, often being assisted by those of the younger generations.

Changes in Ainu food use affected other aspects of their food culture, such as the traditional preservation method and the ecological knowledge used in harvesting food. Ainu Elders, who lived without refrigerators and freezers, dried wild vegetables so that they could be used year-round. When freezers became available, the next generation of Ainu began freezing them and did not practise the traditional drying method. Also, the Elders who went into the forest to hunt animals and gather wild vegetables had acquired the ecological knowledge required for sustainable harvesting of plants and animals. However, as such ecological knowledge was not sufficiently passed down to the younger generation, a depletion of these resources has resulted.

Many Ainu who were between 40 and 60 years old during the study did not learn enough about Ainu language and culture for its full preservation, and their homes were no longer places where Ainu traditional food was prepared and preserved. Instead, Ainu food became integrated into Japanese cuisine and, further, various traditional Ainu dishes were only preserved as ceremonial dishes. Those Ainu who grew up in that environment did not consciously appreciate Ainu food culture at home. Moreover, they grew up with the feeling that they “do not know much about Ainu food”.

Ainu youth and revitalization of Ainu traditional food

Many young Ainu grew up in homes where Ainu culture was not actively practised, but have been given opportunities outside the home to learn various aspects of Ainu culture. Ainu culture revitalization began in the 1980s, with the opening of Ainu language classes in Biratori. A variety of Ainu-themed events were held in the Saru River region, providing the opportunity to learn traditional dances, songs and food culture. One Ainu mother in her fifties said, “My daughter knows Ainu dishes better than I do because she has been attending Ainu language classes where she learned various aspects of Ainu culture including Ainu dishes.”

Recent Ainu social conditions differ from those of decades ago when Ainu food culture was losing its vitality and people faced severe social discrimination and poverty. Both the general public and the Ainu population themselves began to recognize the value of Ainu culture and made, and continue to make, conscious efforts to preserve the cultural knowledge that Ainu ancestors had fostered in the past. Changes are observed in the Saru River region: more local people are now studying Ainu language, making Ainu tools and performing traditional dances. Ainu traditional food also has been regaining the interest of local people.

The first example of the revitalization effort concerning food culture in the Saru River region was the “Aep Ainu food research project” in 1999. Local Ainu, 40 to 50 years of age, who themselves had little exposure to the Ainu culture in the home, served as the core of a research group that interviewed and recorded the knowledge of Elders, thereby directly learning traditional Ainu knowledge themselves.

Problems in gathering quantitative dietary data

The research group, after learning the complex patterns of Ainu traditional food use in the Saru River region, realized that collecting quantitative data on traditional food use in Ainu households would be challenging. For a start, there were few Ainu Elders who still held traditional knowledge. There were only about 20 people available who knew the old ways in the Saru River region. Furthermore, the younger generation of Ainu, having had limited exposure to Ainu culture at home, identified the ceremonial dishes as Ainu traditional food, but had the perception that what they ate every day was not part of the traditional Ainu food – even though some food items were the same as that eaten by the Elders in former times. Another difficulty in collecting quantitative dietary data was that traditional Ainu food use varied a great deal depending on the composition of the household. In households with Elders there was apparently more Ainu food use, while those with younger Ainu used far less. Therefore, the research team decided to use only the qualitative data collected by interviewing local Ainu.

Methodology

In February 1998, the Biratori Ainu Culture Preservation Group (BACPG) organized an overnight camp in which local Elders and local youth discussed ways to protect the traditional Ainu food culture. The youth group collected information regarding where and how to gather wild vegetables, and how to preserve and cook them. After the camp, the youth group used information given by the Elders to collect wild vegetables. In the subsequent year the BACPG gathered additional information by conducting interviews with Elders.

In the spring of 2004, the research team conducted a new series of interviews with Ainu Elders. Each interview lasted two hours (approximately), where Elders were asked questions regarding food use and preparation. The research group then conducted group interviews with Ainu youths living in the Saru River region. The questions asked derived from the results of the earlier interviews with the Elders, with the aim of investigating the level of knowledge regarding Ainu traditional foods among the younger generation of Ainu. Three groups, each consisting of two to four people, were interviewed, totalling seven young informants. In addition, three young Ainu were asked to write about their experiences relating to Ainu food.

Research results

Research conducted by the Biratori Ainu Cultural Preservation Group (BACPG)

BACPG began their effort by holding an overnight camp to talk with local Elders in February 1998. They gathered information on Ainu traditional food through interviews with Elders and learned that there were slight differences in the methods of hunting, preservation and cooking between the areas of the upper, middle and lower parts of the Saru River. After this camp, BACPG held more interviews with Elders, collected wild vegetables, preserved and cooked them, following the information given by the Elders. BACPG put together the research results and produced a booklet titled Aepu [What We Eat].

Members of BACPG focused on the kinds of Ainu food that Ainu Elders currently used, as well as those that they did not use in everyday life, but wanted to be passed down to the next generations. As a result, 20 traditional food items were chosen (Table 7.2). BACPG also asked where these were found, and when and how to collect them, as well as the preservation and cooking methods used for them (Table 7.3).

BACPG also documented Ainu rituals for going into mountains and rivers for food gathering. In these rituals, the Ainu offer prayers to gods, and through the prayers they strengthen the spiritual ties with nature and give thanks to the gods. For each of the wild vegetables, BACPG documented the geo-physical characteristics of the area where they can be found, collection method, as well as preservation and cooking methods.

BACPG presented the Elders with pictures, so that a reader could follow the instructions. With turep (a wild tulip – see Table 7.1), from which the Ainu used to extract starch, BACPG gave detailed instructions, showing each step leading to the extraction of the starch. As for cultivated grains, they illustrated the steps from seeding to harvesting, as well as preservation of grains and cooking methods. Traditionally, shells of pipa (freshwater pearl mussel) were an important material for making tools to harvest grains. BACPG documented and presented how to make the harvesting tools out of pipa shells. Preservation of salmon, and flensing of deer were also explained in detail, using pictures.

Every year, BACPG holds cooking classes in November, January and February to learn from the Ainu Elders and also to introduce various Ainu dishes to the people in the community. To date (2006), 13 dishes have been demonstrated in these cooking classes: 1) cep ohaw (fish soup), 2) citatap (chopped mixture of salmon head and milt), 3) kosayo (bean soup), 4) konp sito (dumplings with kelp source), 5) cipor sayo (rice soup with salmon roe), 6) aha mesi (rice with wild beans), 7) piyapa sayo (rice soup with millet), 8) sweet bean soup, 9) kina rur (wild vegetable soup), 10) pene emo (frozen potato), 11) turep sayo (soup with wild lily), 12) huype (liver) and 13) tonoto (liquor).

Interviews with Elders

The Elders who were interviewed talked about various kinds of food items that they gathered, processed and ate. In the following paragraphs, 15 food items are described (including pipa shells) that the Elders identified as important to traditional Ainu culture.

Pukusa (wild onion)

Pukusa is currently popular among young people as well as elderly people. With cultivated pukusa becoming increasingly available it can be found in markets. Therefore, pukusa has gained popularity not only in Ainu communities, but outside them also. Interestingly, the Ainu Elders in Nibutani recall pukusa as the food that they avoided eating when they were young. Due to the strong taste of pukusa and the social prejudices against Ainu, pukusa became a negative symbol of the Ainu. Now people simply enjoy the taste and the nutritional value of pukusa. However, the traditional way of processing and cooking pukusa – by drying it in the shade and cooking it in soup – has not been sufficiently passed down to the younger generation.

Pukusakina (anemone)

Pukusakina was one of the wild vegetables mentioned frequently in our research, but outside the Ainu community it is not known to be an edible substance. However, not many people of the younger generation knew about pukusakina or knew how to eat it. The Elders explained that they collected pukusakina and dried them for use during winter, by tying them together like a reed screen and hanging them outside to dry. They also ate pukusakina fresh after boiling it in water to get rid of the harshness. Pukusakina was served in deer meat soup and vegetable soup and was said to be good in many dishes. It was used widely in the days before Japanese assimilation policies came into force.

Cimakina (udo, spikenard)

Cimakina is a well-known vegetable that is eaten in spring. There are two different uses for cimakina: food and medicine. Elders mentioned that they pickled it or ate it with vinegar and miso paste. This is apparently the modern recipe for eating cimakina, adopted from the Japanese cuisine. The Elders also talked about boiling and grilling cimakina. This is consistent with literature on traditional Ainu food culture, which recorded that Ainu used to boil the fully grown stem of cimakina and take it with them when they went into the mountains. The Elders said that they also used to eat it fresh, in the same manner that they ate cihue (angelica) (see next page). Fully grown cimakina was peeled and eaten. It was not as sweet as cihue, but was considered to be a good snack. According to the literature, Ainu cooked cimakina in hot water and drank the juice to cure scabby skin. However, this medicinal use was not mentioned by any of the Elders in our research.

Korkoni (Japanese butterbur, coltsfoot)

Korkoni is a very popular wild vegetable, eaten widely by Ainu and non-Ainu. Ainu used to gather korkoni, boil it in water, peel its skin and eat it in ohaw (soup). It was also salted for preservation. Most traditional dishes using korkoni have been passed down to younger generations with some changes in recipes, such as frying it with oil.

Korkoni was used for purposes other than eating. People used the leaves for wrapping things or as a temporary pots and saucers. They also used korkoni leaves for wiping wooden floors to produce a shine. korkoni was also effective as a medicine for curing beriberi. The Elders still knew about its use for these purposes.

In the interviews, the Elders mentioned an interesting preservation method for korkoni. Fully grown korkoni is harvested, wrapped with leaves of Japanese knotweed and slightly salted. Treated in this way, korkoni stayed fresh, perhaps because of the sterilizing effect that the leaves of Japanese knotweed are known to have. However, this preservation method has not been passed on to the younger generation.

Aha (aha beans)

Aha is not used as much by the present Ainu because other beans (soybeans, red beans, etc.) have become available. Also, it is time consuming to harvest, wash and process these beans. Some participants mentioned that aha was tasty but that they did not go to collect it. Others said that they knew where they could pick a lot of aha which they then boiled and ate. Most often aha was cooked with rice, in much the same way as sipuskep (egg millet) and piyapa (barnyard millet) are cooked. The Elders recalled aha being slightly sweet and tasty.

Sorma (ostrich fern)

In the earlier research, it was reported that sorma was eaten in some areas, but not in every Ainu community. Elders from the Saru River region said that they boiled them in water, dried them for preservation and that they also salted sorma for preservation. Drying was the traditional method of preservation, while salting was introduced under the influence of Japanese dishes. It was also reported that people now deep-fry sorma or cut it into small pieces, deep-fry them and eat with soy sauce and sugar seasoned with red pepper.

Turep (wild lily)

Turep is uniquely an Ainu food item in that it was one of the most important wild vegetables in Ainu food culture, yet it was never adopted into Japanese cuisine. In the Saru River region, the root and the stem grow up to several centimetres above ground, and these were used to make turep starch. The tuber was mashed and strained to make two kinds of starch: ichiban-ko was the finest starch and niban-ko was less refined. Since only a small portion of ichiban-ko is produced in the process, it was very precious and some Ainu used it as stomach medicine. Niban-ko or turep was mainly used to make dumplings. The doughnut-shaped turep was hung to dry with a string running through a hole in the middle – a way of preservation without leaving waste. What was left after making turep starch, mostly fibre, was wrapped with leaves of korkoni and mugwort, and left to ferment for about two weeks. After further processing the fermented turep to make more starch, it was made into a ball and dried for preservation. Dried turep was eaten in deer soup and vegetable soup. Since the fermentation process requires special knowledge and produces a strong smell, it is now rare to find anyone who ferments turep for everyday use. In addition, other kinds of starch are now widely and cheaply available in stores.

Cihue (angelica)

Ainu used to eat cihue while they were on outings. One Elder recorded, “We found cihue in the mountain, and we picked it, peeled it and ate it fresh. Depending on the area, some cihue are sweet and others are bitter. We ate it only fresh (not cooked).” The peel of cihue is hard. However, once it is removed, the inside is soft and good to eat. Well-grown cihue contains slightly sweet water-like juice in the centre. In the early summer when people went into the mountain to pick turep, they enjoyed cihue to quench their thirst or eat as a snack. Today it is very rare to find young Ainu who know the use of cihue.

Sipuskep (egg millet)

Sipuskep was brought to the area a long time ago and was incorporated into Ainu food culture. There are two kinds of sipuskep: nitne sipuskep (hard egg millet) and riten sipuskep (soft egg millet). One Elder said, “nitne is rice, riten is sticky rice”. Nitne can be a meal by itself and it is tastier than piyapa (barnyard millet). The Elders said how much they enjoyed eating sipuskep, but since it was not abundant it had not become one of their everyday foods. Sipuskep was popular among the Ainu in Saru River region, and they liked sito (dumplings), made of ground sipuskep flour. The flour was also used to make local specialties, such as ratashikep (cooked vegetable dish) and kosayo (sweet thick soup with beans), which children generally like for its sweetness.

Piyapa (barnyard millet)

Piyapa was also called aynu-amam (grain for humans). Since rice is called sisam-amam (grain for Japanese), the name indicates that piyapa was an important part of Ainu food culture. Piyapa grew liberally around Ainu houses, and people considered it as an “everyday food”. Ainu used to eat piyapa regularly before the Meiji era (began 1867) when rice became available. The most common way of preparing it was piyapa sayo, i.e. piyapa porridge.

Munciro (Italian millet)

Munciro was an important part of Ainu food culture in times past. Like piyapa, it was called aynu-amam (grain for humans). There were also two kinds of munciro: nitne and riten. However, one Elder recalled, “We did not grow nitne munciro (rice millet). We steamed riten munciro (sticky rice millet) and after cooling it, we pounded it and made tasty sticky munciro cake.”

Pene emo (frozen potatoes)

Pene emo was introduced to Ainu relatively recently; therefore, the pronunciation of emo (potatoes) is similar to that of the Japanese. Previously, it was prepared only among the Ainu in the Saru River region. In the spring, Ainu collected the potatoes left in the field over the winter that the Japanese farmers did not pick in the previous autumn, as they were too small. They first soaked them in water and mashed them, made them into balls and cooked them in the hearth. The freezing of potatoes during winter increases their sweet flavour and children enjoyed eating pene emo as a snack.

Atat (dried salmon)

Salmon was called kamuy cep, meaning “fish of gods”, was the most important food in an everyday Ainu meal. Salmon has been precious food from the past to the present and Ainu upstream and downstream the Saru River region all harvested and ate salmon in various ways. One Elder recalled, “I broiled and cooked salmon and enjoyed eating it. My father, on his way home, found dead salmon along the riverbank and used to bring them home. We made ruype (repeatedly freezing and drying salmon) and ate it”. One Elder who lived upstream of the Saru River said, “We did not get much salmon. But every once-in-a-while, my elder brother used to catch some. Even if it was midnight, we made ohaw (soup) and woke everybody up, even our neighbours and enjoyed the soup together. We would also stick imanit (skewer used for broiling fish) through salmon and broil it.” Salmon dishes have been passed down to younger people and ruype is a popular local speciality.

Yuk (Hokkaido deer)

Most Elders said that they did not eat deer when they were young. Yuk, along with salmon, was one of the most important food items in Ainu culture, but in recent years it was not a familiar part of everyday food among the Saru River Ainu. The reason for this decline has been the requirement of deer hunting licences that have not been readily available for Ainu. Also, it was not possible for Ainu men to leave home and work for many days to hunt yuk.

When Ainu did acquire yuk, it was considered a special treat. They ate the meat, internal organs and also the blood and processed every part of the yuk in various ways. Now, people eat yuk meat and liver raw as sashimi, or as barbeque.

Pipa (freshwater pearl mussel)

Pipa, especially the shells, was closely related to Ainu life. The shells were used as a tool for harvesting grains such as sipuskep, puyapa and munciro. The Elders said that they did not eat pipa, but used the shells as tools for harvesting grain. Pipa refers to shells, but the people in the Saru River region also used the term to refer to the tool for harvesting grain. In this area, there used to be a river valley where pipa were abundant, and it was named pipauci, the river valley with shells. The Ainu settlement nearest to this valley is called pipauci kotan (pipauci village) currently in the centre of Nibutani. Although pipa was not eaten regularly, it became an important food during periods of food shortages.

Group interviews

In the spring of 2004, a series of group interviews was conducted based on data collected in 1998 in the BACPG study and in subsequent interviews with Elders. Seven women, 20–50 years of age, familiar with Ainu traditional dishes were selected, and asked about their experience with cooking and eating food items mentioned by the Elders. All participants expressed positive attitudes towards these food items, showing that the Ainu traditional food culture was being preserved in some Ainu households. The participants said that they ate wild vegetables in the spring, and preserved pukusa and pukusakina to eat in soup throughout the year. They have been cooking Ainu dishes with miso paste, rather than salt. They also talked about their experience of avoiding eating pukusa, when they became old enough to know the social prejudice against Ainu, which is associated with its strong smell.

The participants recalled eating various kinds of wild vegetables and fish when available. Eating Ainu foods was more than filling their stomachs with food. They remembered the pleasant experience of walking into the mountains with their mothers, sisters and friends to collect wild vegetables, enjoying the fresh air, sharing fun time. In winter, they recalled eating deer and bear. As for the changes in preservation methods, they concurred that they now freeze many of the wild vegetables, rather than drying them as they used to do in the past.

Written questions

A list of 15 Ainu food items, including pipa shells, was shown to three participants, who were then asked to write down their experience with these Ainu foods. This method was used with those participants who have experience with Ainu traditional foods, but were not able to participate in interviews.

The results were consistent with those of the interviews. Among eight kinds of wild vegetables, the participants said that they had eaten most of them. Chifue was the one item that three participants had never had. As for cooking methods, the participants described a variety of ways to cook pukusa in miso soup, egg omelettes, stir-fry(s) with other vegetables, or marinated in soy sauce mixed with miso paste. Among the three kinds of cultivated grains and vegetables, sipuskep (egg millet) was commonly eaten, but the other two were not. The participants answered that they ate about half of the dishes that were listed.

Market research

There were only two Ainu wild vegetables sold in the markets: pukusa and korkoni. Fresh pukusa was sold at markets around May, but it was cultivated specifically for market sale. The price of pukusa was about 190 yen per 10 g. Since the nutritional value of pukusa has become well known the demand for it has increased, and pukusa has become widely available in markets in urban areas such as Sapporo. Also, pukusa, marinated in soy sauce, was sold at the market for about 400 to 450 yen per 50 g. Korkoni was also a popular food item throughout Hokkaido, and it was sold at markets year-round. The price of korkoni was similar to that of other vegetables: about 180 to 190 yen per 100 g.

Salmon was also a very popular food item in average households in Hokkaido, and was sold in markets all year long. The price of salmon varied depending on the species and quality, as did the method of processing (fresh, salted, dried and others). However, salmon was a common fish and its price varied.

Nutritional components of traditional food

Since the Japan Food Composition Database did not include many of the wild vegetables and meat mentioned here, the research group conducted their own analysis in May 2004. Samples of vegetables or meat were collected and preserved in the traditional ways by freezing or drying and sent to the Food Science Laboratories of the Rakuno Gakuen University. Composite samples from several like plants (n = 1) and one sample of deer meat were made. Of the 15 items that were identified as important in the interviews, pipa was not analysed, since it was not usually used for food. Local deer hunters provided deer meat in January when the deer-hunting season began. Standard food composition analyses and microanalyses were conducted using the general component analysis in Japan. Moisture was determined with vacuum drying, protein determined with the Kjeldahl method and multiplied by 6.25. Sodium was determined by atomic absorption spectrometry, and ICP luminescence was used for calcium, phosphorus, iron, potassium, magnesium, zinc and copper. Soluble and insoluble dietary fibre were determined by the Prosky-Strange method and combined for total dietary fibre (Iwasaki-Goodman et al., 2005, 2006).

The nutrient composition of Ainu food items is shown in Table 7.4, which contains values from these original analyses as well as data from the Japanese Composition Tables.

Results for dried pukusa (wild onion) showed that it had a ten-fold higher energy level than fresh pukusa. It contained more potassium, phosphorus and iron than when fresh, which showed that the drying method significantly enhanced the nutritional values of pukusa, through the loss of moisture. Similarly, dried sorma (dried ostrich fern) was a good source of energy, but also a good source of sodium, zinc and copper. The energy level of turep (wild lily) was found to be higher than in potatoes, and turep was a good source of carbohydrate and calcium. The first batch of starch made from turep, called ichiban-ko, can be used as medicine. Turep fibre and leftover starch were rich in both soluble and insoluble fibre. Yuk (deer meat) contained less energy than beef, because these wild animals tend to be lean.

Community activities

Ainu cooking workshop, 23 June 2004

On 23 June 2004, an Ainu cooking workshop was held for teachers of home economics in both elementary schools and junior high schools in Biratori. The Research Council of Educators in Biratori organized the workshop, “food culture” being their chosen research theme, which focused on Ainu traditional food as their subject. The teachers of six elementary schools and eight junior high schools in Biratori, and three teachers from outside of Biratori participated. The instructor demonstrated the cooking of three dishes: yuk ohau (deer soup), sipuskep meshi (rice with millet) and konp sito (dumpling with kelp sauce), while participants observed and took notes.

Most participants had never had Ainu dishes before and had various thoughts on Ainu food culture after the cooking workshop. One participant thought that deer, being wild meat, must have a distinct taste that would require an effort to enjoy. However, participants found the deer soup tasty. Other participants indicated that they had never eaten wild vegetables, despite the fact that they see them around their homes. Participants were also surprised to learn about the ancient skills of the Ainu, e.g. cultivating grains such as millet, etc. They were interested in the fact that the word konp (kelp), which is a part of Japanese vocabulary, is originally an Ainu word.

After the cooking demonstration, a discussion was held about how to introduce Ainu traditional food culture to students at school. The participants expressed their willingness to incorporate various aspects of Ainu food culture into class material. Teachers who came from outside Biratori were eager to organize similar cooking workshops for teachers in their regions. Some participants expressed the need for providing nutritional information and recipes for the Ainu dishes.

“Hararaki Time”: introducing Ainu culture at school

Nibutani Elementary School began its efforts teaching the children the unique characteristics of the local community in 1996, when a prefectural conference on education was held in Nibutani Elementary School. Teaching Ainu culture was one component of such effort, and the programme called “Hararaki Time” has been held every year since. For “Hararaki Time”, one area of Ainu culture, such as food culture, craft or language, was chosen at the beginning of the year, and a series of workshops organized, inviting local people as instructors. All students take part in “Hararaki Time” at least twice before graduating from elementary school.

Studying about Ainu food culture was, reportedly, one of the most popular workshops. Students learned about Ainu cultivation of grains such as millet, starting with planting, weeding and harvesting. First, the students were divided into small groups that worked together to take care of gardens planted in spring. In summer, students went to Chitose to collect pipa. They learned how to make tools with the pipa shells and used the tools for harvesting grains in mid-September. After drying the millet, the students learned to cast off the husks and grind the millet to make millet powder. They eventually learned to make dumplings with the millet flour.

Conclusion

The situation of the Ainu in the overall context of the Indigenous Peoples’ Food Systems for Health Program demonstrates how a cultural group of Indigenous Peoples can begin the first steps to revitalize their culture that is close to complete assimilation in the larger Japanese national society. Traditional food is used as the avenue for this revitalization. Here the understanding, appreciation and use of traditional Ainu food in the contemporary context are described, with special attention to differences among three generations of Ainu. Interestingly, foods formerly part of the Ainu culture but now adapted for use by the larger Japanese society, are no longer considered “Ainu”, resulting in a very short list (15 items) of foods which are uniquely Ainu. An impediment to the nutritional status survey was the difficulty in identification of Ainu participants because many Ainu in the region were reluctant to self-identify as Ainu, due to the discomfort of potential discrimination by their non-Ainu neighbours. To date there were no health surveys in the region disaggregated by ethnicity with which to understand Ainu health status – therefore, this information could not be reported here.

Following the Nibutani Dam court decisions that required an assessment of the impacts of flooding the traditional Ainu territory containing many traditional foods and medicines, and that recognized the Ainu right to enjoy their culture, the Ainu research team conducted research from 2004–2006 under the leadership of Koichi Kaizawa, the Ainu community leader. They conducted primary qualitative research, and included results derived earlier by the Biratori Ainu Culture Preservation Group. Interview information from local Ainu Elders and younger Ainu developed two criteria used to choose Ainu foods for study and cultural preservation: 1) Ainu traditional foods that Elders continued to appreciate over the years, and 2) Ainu traditional foods that they would like to preserve for future generations. From this list 15 food items (one was used to make tools) were identified and studied. The research group also collected these food samples for composition analysis at the Department of Food Science at the Rakuno Gakuen University in Hokkaido.

The results of both interviews and composition analysis showed that Ainu have fostered rich knowledge about interesting and nutritionally sound traditional Ainu foods. The research team plans to re-introduce this basic information to the Ainu community in the Saru River region with various education activities. This will enable the Ainu to promote an appreciation for the Ainu culture within and outside of the Ainu community, thus creating the kind of social change through which Ainu will regain a culturally healthy environment •

Acknowledgements

We thank Mr and Mrs Koichi Kaizawa for their leadership and commitment to conduct this research. Their dedication to revitalize the Ainu food culture has been indispensable throughout our research.

> Comments to: iwasaki@jin.hokkai-s-u.ac.jp

>> Photographic section p. XXI

Chapter 8

Thailand: food system and nutritional status of indigenous children in a Karen community

• SINEE CHOTIBORIBOON[1] • SOPA TAMACHOTIPONG[1] • SOLOT SIRISAI[2] • SAKORN DHANAMITTA, PH. D.[1] • SUTTILAK SMITASIRI, PH. D.[1] • CHARANA SAPPASUWAN[1] • PRAIWAN TANTIVATANASATHIEN[1] • PASAMAI EG-KANTRONG[1]

1

Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University, Salaya, Nakhon Pathom, Thailand

2

Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University, Salaya, Nakhon Pathom, Thailand

Photographic section >> XXIV

“…All the foods we eat belong to Mother Nature – the Karen are grateful to her…”

Ye la mong, Karen community leader

Abstract

To promote nutrition and health among Indigenous Peoples in Thailand and other developing countries, it is essential to understand their food systems and related behaviours and practices. This chapter describes the process and results of a preliminary participatory research between a group of interdisciplinary researchers and community members in Sanephong, a small Karen village in western Thailand.

Many interdisciplinary methods were used, i.e. standard anthropometric methods, biochemical assessments, focused ethnographic study, focus group discussion, in-depth interviews and 24-hour recalls. Key results indicate that the food system was, in general, favourable.

Three hundred and eighty-seven traditional food species were identified. Eight species of those were high in minerals and vitamins, according to portion size consumed. However, an improvement in nutritional status and health was necessary for children and mothers.

The overall nutritional status of children suggested acute and chronic malnutrition problems: 20 percent stunting (n = 37), 14 percent underweight (n = 26), 5 percent thin (n = 9) and 1 percent overweight (n = 2). Mean energy intakes of the children did not meet the Thai Dietary Reference Intake (DRI): 58 percent of the Thai DRI in 6 to 11 months, 50 percent in 1 to 2 years, 56 percent in 2 to 5 years, and 69 percent in 5–12 years. For children 2–12 years, dietary vitamin A, vitamin C and fat intakes were inadequate. Iron intakes were low among most children (mean at 29 percent Thai DRI in 1 to 2 years, 35 percent in 2 to 5 years and 42 percent in 5 to 12 years). Thus, it is recommended that the improvement of nutrition and health in this indigenous community should be built upon their available food sources, with the possible exception of iron-rich foods.

The promotion of available good sources of iron is one strategy to prevent anemia. Iron supplementation can also be used. Promoting culturally appropriate childcare practices, as well as better mother and child interaction, are also essential.

Introduction

Indigenous Peoples in most developing countries are often neglected in development efforts, as they are minority groups in those societies. These Indigenous Peoples are often the poorest of the poor and increasingly at great risk of losing their biological and cultural diversity, which consequently affects their health, nutrition and quality of life now and in the future. To understand indigenous food systems, and to promote food and nutrition security appropriately will assist developing countries in achieving one of the most important Millennium Development Goals: (Goal 1) to reduce poverty and hunger among disadvantaged people (ACC/SCN, 2000). Also, this effort will lead to environ-mental sustainability in those communites – once people learn how local food is good for their health, they will have the incentive for intensive participation for taking care of their environment. This chapter discusses a participatory research study that aimed at understanding the food system in a small Karen community in western Thailand.

Overview of the community

Sanephong is a Karen community in a Laiwo sub-district, the Sangkhlaburi district, Kanchanaburi province. It is located in the Thungyai Naresuan National Wildlife Sanctuary some 336 km northwest of Bangkok adjacent to the Myanmar border, and about 12 km east of Sangkhlaburi municipality (Figure 8.1). This community can be reached only by a four-wheel-drive vehicle or by motorcycle. In the rainy season, however, it can only be reached by trekking along the mountainous and muddy trail.

At the time of the study, there were 126 households in Sanephong. Aside from wooden and bamboo houses, there was a Buddhist temple, a rice mill and a solar panel (energy source). Infrastructures provided by the government included a primary school operated by the Border Patrol Police Department, a childcare centre, a field station of the Division of Hill Tribe Development and Welfare and a community paddy (rice) bank. The community leader’s house was located in the centre of the village. There were seven grocery shops. Some of these shops also provided cooked foods including noodles and snacks, such as crispy snacks, candy and beverages – including an orange-flavour syrup –which most children in the village can buy.

The population of Sanephong village at the time of this research was 661 inhabitants with 345 males (52.2 percent) and 316 females (47.8 percent). Most of them were registered with Thai nationality. The target group for this project is children 0–12 years old. There were 225 children less than 13 years old (34.5 percent); 61.1 percent of adults were 13 to 59 years old, and 4.4 percent were 60 years old and above. Fifty percent of participating women were of reproductive age (15 to 49 years old).

Formal leaders are known as Kamnan (a sub-district headman) and Phuyaiban (a village headman). However, informal leaders, such as monks and respected Elders, are also important leaders in the village. Vernacular Karen is their main language, while Thai is also spoken, especially by the younger generation. Although Buddhism is the official religion, it can be said that most people here still believe in Animism. Thus, Buddhist and Animist ways and practices are often intermingled. When the villagers perform their seasonal festivals, their inspirations are closely related to spirits of nature, i.e. worshiping the “Mother Earth” and the “Rice Mother”. Accordingly, all entities, including animals, trees, rocks and rivers possess a spirit. As such, ritual practices to pay respect to the spirits are required to ensure the community’s well-being. If such rituals are not fully practised, it is believed that someone could be punished by the spirits in the form of an illness or bad luck. From a practical perspective, the indigenous beliefs and value systems are linked to the way of life – once entities, e.g. animal, tree, rock, river, are included in their mental and cultural models, they are then considered to be a constituent part of the population itself. Therefore, many people believe that to help maintain their beliefs and value system means to help sustain their natural resources. These practices, it is believed, have helped to maintain their traditions and to sustain their natural resources.

At the time of the study, there were four major subsistence bases. Subsistence base in this case means the natural landscape areas from which local people procure food sources by ways of farming and gathering. These were: 1) Sanephong Base (240 hectares), 2) Jakhiphue Base (32 hectares), 3) Thichwe Base (4.8 hectares) and 4) Thupho Base (320 hectares). For this study, data were collected only from the Sanephong Base because local people utilized most resources from this area. Sanephong Base is an alluvial plain valley that lies from east to west. Local people used this area for many purposes, i.e. village settlements, growing wet rice and orchards of bananas, mangos and jackfruits. Many vegetables, including gourds and pumpkins, were commonly planted in household backyards. Fish and aquatic animals were available in the perennial stream (Kheraw-Khi) from a surrounding high mountain. Wild plants and vegetables were also available along both sides of the stream.

Subsistence activities

Rice growing was the main subsistence activity in Sanephong. However, only 58 percent of households reported producing enough paddy for household consumption. Animal foods were said to be abundant in the surrounding forest, but big game hunting and catching small animals, such as squirrels, flying foxes, field mice, and birds, were prohibited in this area – regardless of Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Most people reportedly survived by fishing and gathering aquatic animals, such as crabs, shells, shrimp and frogs from the streams. Traditionally, sharing food (especially rice), is a strong Karen moral principle, despite the presence of market economy penetration. Thus, they grow rice not only for themselves, but also for others. For this reason, the local Karen usually divide their paddy into two parts: for their own household consumption and one for their visitors. After harvesting, the Karen also donate paddy to the community Buddhist monastery, and to the community rice bank. The paddy stock is reserved so that families that do not produce enough can borrow paddy. Aside from this, some can borrow paddy from their cousins.

Community development and change

The Karen in Sanephong village have reportedly lived in this area for over 200 years. Originally, they scattered in autonomous and small communities (five to ten households tied by kinship). Their community was isolated and marginalized by the mainstream culture because of its long distance from other communities. According to their history, the local people maintained their own culture for a long period. It was during the reign of Thailand’s King Chulalongkorn (1853–1910) that the central Thai government initiated the centralization of national administrative policy that required each autonomous village, including Sanephong, to elect a village headman. This formal leader had to be approved for the position by the state in order to take administrative roles on behalf of the central Thai government. Afterwards, development projects were gradually introduced into Sanephong along with the influx of national policies.

In 1962 the community primary school was founded and since its inception has been operated by the Patrol Border Police Division. It is not operated by the Ministry of Education, like most schools in the country, for security reasons (border and remote area). Modern education has helped young Karen in Sanephong to read and write Thai, the national language. In general, children in Sanephong receive similar educational opportunities as others in Thailand (free of charge until secondary school, grade nine). Nevertheless, most Sanephong children finish only primary education (grades one to six) because their families cannot afford expenses (i.e. transportation, education materials, clothes, etc.) necessary for secondary education outside their community. Many attend informal education programmes that are available nearby.

In 1974 the Thai government declared the National Wildlife Conservation area in Thungyai Naresuan Sanctuary should include the living area of Sanephong. This initiation has had a tremendous impact on the local Karen way of life. For instance, the law prohibits the Karen from cutting down trees and from practising their method of allowing cultivated fields to lie fallow. Therefore, they cannot open new areas for agriculture. Consequently, the planting rotation period had to be shortened and this has occasionally resulted in the inadequate food production that led to starvation in the local area. The law also prohibits them from hunting wild animals in the surrounding forest, even for subsistence purposes. As a result, at the time of the study some of the inhabitants, especially the young, worked for cash outside the village and some chose to grow more cash crops including chili and coffee and/or to domesticate buffalo and oxen. According to the Rural Development Information Centre (2004), the average annual income per capita in Sanephong was 19 789 baht (US$516) compared to the national average at 28 412 baht (US$741).

Water and sanitation

As reported for this study, the local Karen used stream water for laundry and bathing. Stream water (90 percent), rainwater (63 percent), and pipe water (44 percent) were used for drinking (totals are greater than 100 percent because multiple sources were used). Only half of households reported boiling their drinking water. Nevertheless, it was common that lactating mothers and infants in Sanephong drink only boiled water. A community pipe water system was available, but water supplied by this system was not yet sufficient throughout the year. Cesspools were commonly used, especially for households located near the stream. For households further away from the stream, they went into the jungle for sanitary purposes, especially during the dry season. For those living by a stream, water for washing clothes, bathing, and drinking came from the same area, but toilet areas were separate.

Nutrition and health

The community primary school promoted health and nutrition among school children through school gardens (growing vegetables and a fish pond), a school milk programme (200 ml/child every school day), a daily school lunch programme, and a programme aiming at controlling iodine deficiency disorders (using iodized cooking salt and iodized drinking water), weekly iron supplementation and growth monitoring. The district health office provided annual dental care and parasite examination for school children once a year. At the community child centre, children under the age of five years were provided with lunches (e.g. rice and soup with meat and vegetables or noodles prepared by childcare workers). They were also provided with 200 ml of UHT milk (natural whole milk) every school day (a programme part-funded by the local administration – Or-Bor-Tor). The transportation of milk was managed by that local administration.

Ten village health volunteers (three women and seven men) were responsible for primary health care in Sanephong. These volunteers were under the supervision of the district health office. Their responsibilities included: (1) assisting health officers and mid-wives in nutrition, for example, growth monitoring, maternal and childcare, antenatal care, immunization, etc.; (2) health prevention and promotion activities; and (3) providing basic health care services for common local health problems, such as malaria, cold, headache, Thai hemorrhagic fever and diarrhea. Schoolteachers also helped to advise local women during their pregnancies and provide transportation for them to the hospital in the case of an emergency delivery. Resulting from the high prevalence of malaria, the local people had been provided with a blood slide diagnostic service and cared for by the malarial control agency. The district hospital was located about 12 km from the village so during the rainy season travel was particularly challenging, as patients had to be taken along the muddy road across the mountain to the hospital.

The main objective of this study (Phase 1) was to understand traditional food systems and the nutritional status of children in the indigenous Sanephong community. This understanding was to be achieved in order to apply this knowledge to improve the health and nutrition of 0–12 year-old children and their care providers, particularly in respect to micronutrient nutrition, through better utilization of their own foods (Phase 2). The study was descriptive research using quantitative and qualitative methods.

Methodology

This preliminary study commenced in December 2004, and completed in September 2005. Field data collection was conducted only during the dry season (March–June 2005). A participatory research design was followed for this study, which promoted a strong partnership between a group of interdisciplinary researchers and the indigenous community members in Sanephong. The research team also worked in close collaboration with the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE) in the development of a protocol and research methodology (Kuhnlein et al., 2006).

At the beginning, the research team met several times with the community members as well as local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in order to create common understandings about the study approach and procedures. All communication between researchers and community members was conducted in both Thai and Karen languages, utilizing interpreters as necessary. Two community representatives participated closely in the development of the research protocols. Participatory processes were especially emphasized in order to help facilitate the work between the community and the research team throughout the project. Ethical approval was granted by the Mahidol University Committee on Human Rights Related to Human Experimentation on 21 January 2005.

Many interdisciplinary methods were used in this study. Standard anthropometric methods (Gibson, 1990) of weight and height measurements were used to assess the nutritional status of children less than 13 years old. Clinical examinations were used to detect the visible sign of goitre, paleness, angular stomatitis and dental caries. These examinations were performed by trained nutritionists from the Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University (INMU). For morbidity (reported sick), data of children aged 0–12 years old were collected. For those under six years old, mothers were asked whether their children had any sickness within the last month (i.e. respiratory infection and diarrhea). Children over six years old were asked the same question. An interpreter translated questions and answers from Thai to Karen and from Karen to Thai. Haematocrit levels indicated the iron status of school children. For this phase, the study used secondary data from the Provincial Health Office collected by trained health officers. This task group monitored anaemia of children across the country. Collection of haemoglobin data was planned for the next phase of the study.

To understand Sanephong’s infant-feeding practices, mothers with children up to two years of age were interviewed about breastfeeding and complementary food practices in terms of the time of introduction, frequency and amount of each food item. Twenty-four hour dietary recalls of children less than 13 years old were conducted to obtain systematic data on their food intakes – mothers provided information for the children under six years old. For children six to nine years old both children and mothers supplied information. The Institute of Nutrition Mahidol University Food Composition Database (INMUCAL New Database 3.2 [ND 3.2]) (Burlingame, 1996; Coordinating Office-ASEANFOODS, 1996; Health Department-Nutrition Division, 1987; Health Department-Nutrition Division, 1992; INMU, 2005; Puwastien et al., 2000) was used to analyse nutrient content of foods consumed as reported in the recalls. Thai Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI) from 2003 were used as the reference (Changbumrung, 2003). For foods identical or similar to other Thai foods the INMUCAL database was used. For foods not in this database, nutrient composition was imputed from similar foods.

The Focused Ethnographic Study was used to gather information on food use, cultural food beliefs and perceptions on foods rich in micronutrients and other nutrients (Kuhnlein and Pelto, 1997). The suitability of various traditional foods for children and methods of food acquisition in terms of purchase, trade and home growing (including foods collected from natural resources) were also recorded. Additional information was collected on food purchases, the involvement of household heads, women and others in food production and food accessibility, especially with regard to micronutrient-rich food sources. Lists of purchased food items were collected from all seven local shops to determine the communities’ intakes and expenses on imported foods. Further, seven-day household expenditure and home garden surveys were conducted.

To obtain a traditional food list of this community, several methods were used. Focus group discussion and in-depth interviews with key informants (both men and women) were employed to document traditional food items. For each food item, details about edible parts, seasonality, name in Karen or Thai, and like or dislike by both mother and child were compiled. This traditional food list was later confirmed by selected community Elders as they were most knowledgeable in this area (Blum et al., 1997). Photographs of traditional foods were also taken.

Plant taxonomists and local Karen collected plant specimens for herbarium records of plant resources. They also identified scientific names, English names and Thai common names (Craib and Kerr, 1951a, 1951b).

In addition, a pile-sorting technique was applied to investigate food perceptions using two sets of cards, one for adult food items and the other for children’s food items (37 cards in each set). Each card contained a food name in both the Karen and Thai languages, the food picture, and a number on the reverse side. Only the most common and frequently consumed food items were used. The cards were sorted by respondents into piles describing perceptions of each respondent (Blum et al., 1997). Data on foods normally consumed by children included common names in Thai and English, local names (Karen) as well as scientific names. Among this group, 19 food items were selected for analysis based on their potential nutrient content. Out of the 19 foods items, 3 were fresh fruits, 2 were cooked rice, and 14 were vegetables. Food samples were prepared in the field based on the INMU laboratory protocol. Moreover, qualitative data collection was conducted by means of in-depth interviews using a semi-structured questionnaire and through observation (Yoddumnern-Attig, Sirirassmee and Boonchalaksri, 1998) in order to gain information on knowledge, attitudes and practices regarding food and nutrition among mothers and children, as well as on their communication patterns. All interviews were conducted by trained researchers in Thai, using interpreters to translate since interviewees spoke and understood Karen.

Results and discussion

Food system in Sanephong

Food procurement

In Sanephong community, food-procurement activities were divided into three categories: (1) foraging (i.e. fishing, hunting and gathering foods from natural habitats); (2) cultivation of food crops and rearing of fish and animals, requiring intensive labour and technological investment (i.e. growing orchards, vegetables [83.6 percent of households], dry and wet rice cultivation, livestock and fish husbandry); and (3) purchasing fresh (meat, fish, vegetables and fruits) and dry (snack, sweet and candy, beverage, fat and oil, canned fish, flour, sugar, etc.) food items and condiments (fish sauce, salt, shrimp paste, pepper, monosodium glutamate, etc.).

In general, local village Karen still depended on foraging and domestication for their foods. Food purchasing, however, has increased over the years because of decreased availability of certain foods as well as the initiation of a new market economy in the community. More recently, the number of small shops increased to seven from only a few, where local food items were sold for cash. Local Karen indicated decreased yield and environmental change as major contributing factors to the decreased availability.

In June 2005, the total weekly household expenditure in Sanephong was 237 baht or US$6.2, of which 60 percent (139 baht or US$3.6) was spent on food. Excluding six households (10 percent) with unusual expenses (transportation and debt), the total household expenditure in this community amounted to only 153 baht (US$4) and their food expenditure increased to 75 percent (115 baht or US$3). Therefore, the average monthly household expenditure for food in Sanephong was around 460 baht (US$12) which was still much less than the country average of 3 769 baht (US$98.3) per month in the same year.

Data from the seven community shops indicated that local Karen spent more on animal protein foods (i.e. pork, chicken, egg), totaling 1 682 baht (US$44) per day and fish (including aquatics) at 794 baht (US$20.7) per day. Sales of vegetables, fruits, cereal, fat, oil and condiments ranged from 346–405 baht (US$9 to 10.5) per day. Overall, rice (most of which was produced locally) was still the main source of energy. Table 8.1 shows the percentage of energy derived from locally produced and market foods for children in the community. In general, adults and children obtained the majority of dietary energy from local sources, and some of these were purchased from local farmers. Also, it was noted that importing of rice from other areas of Thailand was necessary. Therefore, it was estimated that approximately 85 percent of adult dietary energy came from local Karen food sources.

Food availability

Overall, the Karen people of Sanephong had abundant food sources for their subsistence. Of foods that were foraged or domesticated, 387 traditional food species/varieties were identified (17 percent animals and 83 percent plants) during the summer of 2005. Out of the 66 animal species/varieties, 5 were reared domestically (duck, cow, buffalo and goat). Only chicken eggs and pork, however, were available for purchase at the small local shops. Of 321 identified plant species/varieties, 177 (51 rice and roots, 89 vegetables, 37 fruits) were cultivated, 126 (108 vegetables, 18 fruits) were wild and 17 were both cultivated and wild (11 vegetables, 6 fruits). All the traditional foods – local species or foods which were available in the village, cooked in traditional ways and accepted by local people (Kuhnlein and Receveur, 1996) – can be identified in the Karen language, 258 species/varieties of which could be identified by their Thai names, 233 species/varieties by their scientific names, and 141 species/varieties by their English names. Of these, 108 species/varieties have basic nutrient and micronutrient information available. Table 8.2 presents the list, as complete as possible, for the Sanephong Karen food system. It is important to note that many food species do not have scientific identifications or English names. There is an obvious abundance of diversity of foods within traditional Karen knowledge in the region, but much scientific work remains to be done.

Seasonality

Carbohydrate food sources were plentiful and available throughout the year in Sanephong. Harvesting rice and other carbohydrate sources (45 varieties, i.e. corn, potato and taro) usually took place during the cool season (October–January). Most households store these foods for year-round consumption. Because of several factors, including land control, intensive labour, technological investment and inadequate rainfall, rice production increasingly became a complex issue for the local people since there were many households that no longer produced enough rice for their own consumption.

Vegetables (leaves, shoots and flowers) were also abundant in Sanephong, with 57 species/varieties reportedly available year-round, 86 species/varieties in the dry season, 108 species/varieties in the wet season and 75 species/varieties in the cool season. Fruits (21 species/varieties), such as banana, papaya, star fruit and coconut, were available year-round. Only during the dry season vitamin-rich fruits (23 species/varieties), including mango, guava and jackfruit, were available. Fruits (17 species/varieties), such as santol, wild rambutan and durian, were found in the wet season, both wild and cultivated.

Fish, snails, shrimp, crabs, frogs and other aquatics animals (31 species/varieties) were found naturally throughout the year and were commonly eaten in Sanephong. During the wet season (June to September), there were more varieties and greater quantities available. Fish was the most important protein source for the locals. Domesticated fowls, wild insects, goats and wild animals were also available and consumed in this community.

Food processing, preservation and cooking methods

Home-pounded rice was more common than milled rice. Boiling and then rinsing was the method used for cooking rice. Sticky rice was commonly used for dessert, usually steamed or boiled with coconut milk. Karen preferred to eat fresh or boiled vegetables rather than stir-fried vegetables. In general, vegetables were not preserved because of the fact that there were plenty of them available. Some vegetables like pak-koom (crataeva leaves) and pak-sian (bastard mustard leaves) were preserved using a salting technique. Sun-dried chili is also popular among the locals. Occasionally, fruits such as banana and ma-prang (gandaria, marian plum) were sun dried, but otherwise fruits were mainly eaten fresh. However, for fish and other meats preservation, such as sun drying, salting and souring fermentation, were common in the village. Fermentation was also used for preserving some varieties of beans, such as bai-sa.

Food consumption

In Sanephong, most people ate two or three meals a day. Family members usually ate together with each person having his/her own individual rice plate. They shared two or three main dishes, for example, fresh or boiled vegetables and nam-prick or prick-tum (chili, salt, monosodium glutamate) and a bowl of soup (leftover water from boiling vegetables with a small amount of salt and/or monosodium glutamate). Thus, the food consumption pattern in Sanephong was generally monotonous with a large amount of rice, vegetables and chili as major ingredients in local menus. Animal protein sources were available but not plentiful. When available, the local people liked to cook spicy fish soup (water, fish, red onion, garlic, chili and vegetables). Fat and oil were used less in their cooking. Some popular fried dishes included fried fish, fried egg and stir-fried vegetables, i.e. fern or kai-khu-du (Diplazium esculentum [Retz.] Sw.), pak-man-mu (Gnetum gnemor L. var. tenerum Markr.) (dark green leaves), bamboo shoot, banana flower, etc. Coconuts were grown in the village, and coconut milk was commonly used in dessert recipes (i.e. steamed sticky rice with coconut milk and durian cooked with coconut milk). Traditional dishes, such as kanom-jene-nam-ya (rice noodle with spicy soup) and ka-bong-jo (fried bamboo shoots mixed with curry paste and rice flour), were still popular in Sanephong.

Traditional foods with high potential

Rice, corn, taro, potato, fish, coconut milk and oil were key traditional foods providing macronutrients (carbohydrate, animal protein and fat). As for key micronutrients, the main sources were vegetables (208 species/varieties) and fruits (62 species/varieties). For example, vitamin A and vitamin C were found to be high in young papaya leaves, young bitter gourd leaves, cassava leaves, ivy gourd, swamp cabbage, noni leaves, Chinese cabbage and pumpkin. Mango, ripe papaya, guava, star fruit, ripe banana and pomelo were also rich in beta-carotene (vitamin A equivalent) and vitamin C. Iron and calcium-rich foods included wild game, green frogs and crickets (Puwastien et al., 1999).

From these food items, 19 animal and plant species/varieties were submitted for nutrient analysis. Results indicated that eight species are high in minerals and vitamins when considering both nutrient density and portion size consumed compared against the Thai Recommended Daily Intakes (Thai RDI – Food and Drug Adminstration of Thailand, Food Control Division, 1998). Khlu-mi (a kind of snail) was found to be high in iron (≥ 20 percent Thai RDI) and calcium (10–19 percent Thai RDI). Pak-man-mu was found to be high in vitamin C and is a good source of beta-carotene and folate. Yawd-fak-kao (Momordica chochinchinensis Spreng) (young leaves) is also high in vitamin C and folate and is a good source of beta-carotene. Bai-ma-ngua (Citrus medica L. var. medica) (dark green leaves) is high in vitamin C and calcium, and is also a good source of iron and folate. Therkhu-mai-du (Luffa cylindrica [L.] M. Roem) is a good source of vitamin A and folate. Gawng-chu-na-du (Erythropalm scandens Blume) is a good source of calcium and folate. Kawng-thaing-du (Lemmaphyllum carnosum [J. Sm. Ex Hook.] C. Presl) is a good source of vitamin A. Sa-ni-wa-du (dark green leaves) is a good source of calcium (Table 8.3).

Little used or currently unused traditional Karen food items

The Sanephong Karen identified five traditional foods as being little used or unused food items in their community. They mentioned that bai-sa (a kind of bean) was one of the neglected items. Sesame was commonly used for cooking oil previously, but most people used palm oil instead at the time of this study. In addition, they mentioned that some varieties of bananas were disappearing. A kind of traditional cereal was no longer available because of drought. Some varieties of wild birds, such as nok-tu-kai, were rarely found in the surrounding forest.

Understanding food-use patterns

Infant-feeding and infant foods

In summer 2005, all infants (n = 24) were reportedly breastfed from birth up to two months. Eighteen of these infants (75 percent) were reportedly given colostrum. At six months, 22 infants (92 percent) were still breastfed. No underweight (weight for age) was found in infants less than seven months old. Twenty-one children over one year old (87 percent) were breastfed. Since breastmilk alone was no longer adequate after six months, one child younger than one year old (8 percent) and nine children between one and two years (36 percent) were found to be underweight.

Complementary food

Half of the infants in this study received complementary food rather late. Moreover, they received mainly rice mixed with watery soup (from boiling vegetables). The other cohort of infants also received complementary food that was low in both amount and frequency. Therefore, complementary food practices in this community need improvement in both quality and quantity, especially among children between one and two years old.

Dietary intakes of children

Mean energy intakes of Sanephong children did not meet the Thai DRI (58 percent of Thai DRI for children 6–11 months, 50 percent for one to two years, 56 percent for two to five years and 69 percent for 5–12 years). Carbohydrate intakes comprised more than 70 percent of the total energy intake among children over one year old. Protein intakes were inadequate among children one to two years old (mean intake at 48 percent Thai DRI), but were adequate in other groups (70 percent of Thai DRI for 6–11 months, 72 percent for two to five years and 78 percent for 5–12 years). Most of the protein consumed by the children zero to two years old came from breastmilk. Children over two years of age reportedly received more protein from plant sources than from animal sources (more than two times/week); their fat intakes were low as well, at 15–20 percent of energy.

Vitamin A intakes were found to be adequate in children between six months and two years old because of their intake of breastmilk (mean intake at 103 percent Thai DRI for 6–11 months, 76 percent Thai DRI for one to two years). For children 2–12 years old, vitamin A intakes were found to be extremely low during the dry season (mean intake at 13 percent Thai DRI for two to five years, 16 percent for 5–12 years). These low vitamin A intakes, together with low fat intakes, indicated that sub-clinical vitamin A deficiency might exist among many children over two years of age in this community. Also, vitamin C intakes were found to be adequate in children under two years old, again due to breastmilk (mean intake at 99 percent Thai DRI for 6–11 months, 78 percent for one to two years), but very low in children over two years of age (28 percent Thai DRI for two to five years, and 52 percent for 5–12 years).

Iron intakes were undoubtedly inadequate among the children (mean intake at 29 percent Thai DRI for one to two years, 35 percent for two to five years, 42 percent for 5–12 years). Moreover, most of the iron came from plant sources, such as rice and vegetables. Calcium intakes were extremely low (mean intake at 22 percent Thai DRI for one to two years, 8–9 percent for 2–12 years). Nevertheless, large amounts of rice contributed to adequate thiamine intakes in children of 5–12 years old (mean intake at 80 percent Thai DRI).

Children’s nutritional and health status

Overall nutritional status of children suggested chronic and acute malnutrition problems: 20 percent stunting (n = 37), 14 percent underweight (n = 26), 5 percent thin (n = 9), with only 1 percent overweight (n = 2) in the village (Table 8.4). Children under one year of age were fine in both terms of nutrition and health status. No underweight was found among infants (under 12 months old); however, three infants less than 11 months old were stunted and one infant was overweight at 11 months old. For children between one and two years old, 27 percent were underweight, 5 percent were stunted and 50 percent reported sick. For pre-schoolers (two to five years old), 18 percent were underweight and 24 percent were stunted and there was a morbidity (reported sick) rate of 45 percent. Among school children (5–12 years old), 11 percent were underweight, 21 percent were stunted and there was a 32 percent morbidity rate. Physical examination among these children indicated 11 percent anemia, 0.5 percent visible goitre, 0.7 percent night blindness, 3 percent angular stomatitis, 65 percent dental carries and 6 percent gum bleeding.

Food perceptions and beliefs

The interviews and the card pile sort exercise showed that Karen women were found to believe white rice to be an important and healthy food, especially for pregnant and lactating mothers and young children, and fish was seen to be important for healthy brain development. A kind of soup, kang-leang-hua-plee (made with banana flower, fish, pepper and plenty of water), was reported to increase breastmilk during lactation. Vegetables, such as fern, ivy gourd, bai-ma-ngu (Citrus medica L. var. medica), pak-man-mu (Gnetum nemon L.var. tenerum Markr.), rosella leaves and sa-ni-wa-du (a kind of dark green leaves), were considered good for health. Fruits such as pineapple, banana, ripe papaya, ripe mango, guava, young coconut, salak palm, star fruit and pomelo, were also reported as being good for health. However, too many fruits were known to cause abdominal discomfort in adults and diarrhea in infants. There were also taboos connected to giving fruits to young children with fever and malaria.

It was felt that lactating mothers and young children should not eat too much starchy food, such as corn, taro, potato and pumpkin, which can cause abdominal discomfort and/or diarrhea. Further, if lactating mothers ate some young leaves like mango leaves, yawd-ma-kok (Spondias pinnata Kurs) and noni leaves, their infants might become ill. It was reported that pregnant and lactating women, as well as young children, should avoid wild animals, i.e. reptiles, insects and aquatic animals (like frogs, turtles, crabs and snails). Nevertheless, many mentioned that food taboos should not apply generally since it also depends on each individual; for example, they said that some got ill while some did not by consuming the same foods.

From pregnant mothers’ points of view, white rice, fish, pork, chicken, eggs, milk and some vegetables, such as fern or kai-khu-du (Diplazium esculentum [Retz.] Sw.), pak-man-mu and rosella leaves were good foods. Fruits, including banana and ripe papaya were mentioned as good for infants and mothers to keep them healthy and strong. Some mothers also said that corn, taro, potato and pineapple should not be eaten, as they can cause indigestion, abdominal pain and diarrhea. Wild animal meats were noted as being harmful to both infants and pregnant women.

Mothers of pre-school children suggested that white rice, pork, ripe papaya, guava and pla-seou made their children healthy and strong. Pla-tid-hae or ya-ber-za (Mystacoleucus marginatus), pla-tong-na or ya-saitawng-kaw (Cyclocheilichthys apogon), pla-seou or ya-sai-a-i (Dangila siamensis), pla-vien or ya-mung (Tor sp.), pla-kod or ya-chu (Yellow mystus, Hemibagrus nemurus) (types of fish), ivy gourd, fern or kai-khudu (Diplazium esculentum (Retz.) Sw.), yawd-buab-pa or ther-khu-mai-du (Luffa cylindrical (L.) M. Roem.), cabbage, cucumber and Chinese cabbage were food items that pre-school children preferred. Banana, ripe mango, papaya, pineapple, pomelo, wild pig and wild chicken were important food taboo items not to be consumed during fever and malaria. For healthy adults, white rice, fish such as pla-vien, pla-kod, pla-tong-na, pla-seou, pla-kung or snakehead (Channa limbata), egg, fern, ivy gourd, ripe papaya and young coconut were important foods.

Understanding food practices, behaviours and other related issues

Pregnant women

Most pregnant women in Sanephong received prenatal services at the district hospital. However, they did not often practise the hospital’s recommendations, especially regarding diets. Most women reportedly ate as usual during their pregnancies (low in both protein and energy). Food beliefs and food taboos did not generally exert much power among these mothers, reflected in such comments as, “I eat whatever I feel like.” They presented as having positive attitudes toward certain foods, especially dark green leafy vegetables. Compliance in taking iron supplements was also low. Some women had negative attitudes toward the supplementation because of side effects (reportedly dark coloured faeces and vomiting). Some mothers said how they would like their babies to be healthy and strong but admitted that they did not know how to achieve this.

Lactating mothers

Food beliefs appeared to be stronger among this group, especially on foods that they believed will help increase breastmilk. Mothers tended to eat more (i.e. rice, fish and other meats, except wild animal meats) during this period. A few days after delivery, mothers drank “spirit water” to reduce abdominal discomfort. Herbal medicine was said to be helpful for strength and blood, especially for those who were considered weak. Most mothers still believed that “heat” was important for their bodies and future health, so they usually practised a tradition called U Fai for one to two weeks after delivery. During U Fai , a small fire would be kept burning continually under the bed of the mother. She would rest on the bed allowing the heat from the fire to heal her internally. During this period, many women normally took only warm water and rice with salt. Traditional midwives and herbal medicine practitioners were influential among these mothers.

Children zero to four months old

All mothers gave colostrum to their children. Most mothers gave only breastmilk until their children were about three months old. Some mothers were already giving mashed rice with banana or salt or clear soup to their children at this age, and comments such as, “With a full stomach, babies will have sound sleep. These children are easy to raise”, reflect their approach.

Children 5–12 months old

Most mothers gave mashed rice with salt, clear vegetable soup or banana to children at this age. Sometimes, they gave ripe papaya or mango as well. Usually, children were given two meals a day. Many mothers seemed not to put much effort into raising their children at this stage.

Children one to five years old

When children were about one year old, their mothers often allowed them to join family meals. They would not allow the children to eat spicy dishes until the age of three, when children often ate boiled eggs, vegetable soup, pork and fish. Vegetable soup with fish or egg was observed to be the favourite dish of children between one and three years old. Though some mothers prepared food for their children, most children after three years of age in Sanephong made their own food choices. Moreover, many children asked their mothers to buy snack foods (i.e. rice crackers, jelly, potato chips, etc.) for them. Mothers reportedly purchased these foods from small shops in the community because “children like these snack foods”.

Children 6–12 years old

From six years old onward, Sanephong children ate like adults at their family meals. They enjoyed more varieties of foods and tended to eat more than those of a younger age. In school, more nutritious recipes, such as noodles, iron-rich soups, etc., were introduced. Milk was also provided to all students; however, it was mentioned that a number of children did not like to drink the school milk. Some children reportedly vomited or got diarrhea after drinking the milk. Snack foods were still significant food items for the children. At this age, they seemed to prefer fried and stir-fried food items as well.

Conclusion and recommendations

Based on these preliminary results, it is necessary that children and mothers in Sanephong improve their diets to promote better nutrition and health. This improvement can certainly be built upon the community’s available food sources, with the possible exception of iron-rich food. Moreover, it will be essential to promote culturally appropriate childcare practices among community mothers and/or caretakers. Mother and child interaction is considered most critical, as this relates directly to quality of snack consumption among the children. In the short term, school intervention with an emphasis on nutritious local and modified traditional dishes should be most feasible. These interventions should be participatory and educational by design, with a strong emphasis on promoting strong involvement of the locals in all stages of the intervention.

Community-wide intervention is necessary as the second step. However, this intervention will not be possible without increased participation of local Karen, especially their leaders. Unlike Indigenous Peoples in developed nations, the Karen in Sanephong have been living with high food insecurity for many years, especially after the Thai government established the Thung Yai Naresuan National Park in order to preserve wildlife and natural resources. Throughout the years, there has been constant tension between the community and local forest officers because the Karen did not agree to move to a newly established location as suggested. This situation makes it difficult for the Sanephong Karen to trust outsiders (including those working for Karen well-being, such as the research team). Continuous migration of the Karen across the border from Myanmar through this community has also put the local government on high alert for security reasons. Thus, community-wide intervention can be complicated and should proceed only when the community is ready.

At a workshop where the research team presented preliminary research results, Sanephong representatives showed their willingness to support further intervention. However, it was also obvious from the discussion that a deeper understanding of their culture and ways of thinking are necessary for future successful collaboration. More insight into these aspects is essential if appropriate and useful development is to be achieved in this community. During this preliminary study, it was not possible to explore this further because significant time would be required to build trust in this context. Without these insights, it is unlikely that any community interventions could result in any significant improvement for the Karen people.

From a long-term perspective, it can be said that Sanephong is indeed faced with many “silent” challenges. According to community leaders, they foresee that food insecurity will be a significant problem within the next 20 years if the population in their community continues to increase at its current rate, and if current farming methods are continued in their present form. In the past, Sanephong was an autonomous community, in that the people’s ways of life were mostly separated from the mainstream culture because of the distance to other communities. At the time of the study, the situation was changing rather dramatically as more and more people, especially the young, worked for cash outside their community. Thus, community leaders not only expressed their ongoing concern about their land and environment sustainability, but also about their culture and tradition, their self-reliance, their food diversity and security, and especially about the existing strong bond within their community. With this perspective, a holistic developmental approach addressing all these concerns, together with a strong emphasis on appropriate cultural development, is most certainly urgently needed for the Karen in Sanephong village, Kanchanaburi province in western Thailand.

Acknowledgements

This paper is part of the research project: “Process and methods towards the improvement of health and nutritional well being of indigenous children and their care providers in Sanephong community, Thailand”, supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) through the Micronutrient Global Leadership Program 2004–2005 (Smitasiri, 2005). The authors are grateful for the skilled expertise of other research team members and their participating institutes:

- Sanephong Community: Sompop Sangkhachalatarn, Benchamas Chumvaratayee, Suaijeemong Sangkhawimol, Mailong-ong Sangkhachalatarn and Suwatchai Saisangkhachawarit.

- Mahidol University: Chaveevarn Boonchuyar, Prapasri Puwastien, Orapin Banjong, Pongtorn Sungpuag, Kunchit Judprasong, Souwalak Kusontaramas, Chujai Sahassdee, Prapa Kongpunya and Warakorn Khotchakrai.

- Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives: Tippan Sadakorn, Winai Somprasong and Pranai Phenchit.

- McGill University, Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment: Harriet Kuhnlein.

The entire research team would like to express sincere thanks to Sanephong community, especially Anon Setaphan (community leader), Pol. Capt. Narong Humkao (school headmaster) as well as our community coordinators and research assistants. Thanks to Gene Charoonrak, Amy Levendusky, Sompong Ondej, Harold C.Furr, and Kitti Sranacharoenpong for their editorial support, and Biplab Nandi of Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Food and Agriculture Organization who took the initiative to support our work in this area. Last but not least, thanks to Frances Davidson at Global Health Bureau, USAID and Srisin Khusmith of Mahidol University. Without their support, the project would not have materialized.

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>> Photographic section p. XXIV

Chapter 9

Traditional food system of Dalit in Zaheerabad Region, Medak District, Andhra Pradesh, India

• BUDURU SALOMEYESUDAS[1] • PERIYAPATNA V. SATHEESH[1]

1

Deccan Development Society (DDS), Begumpet, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, India

Photographic section >> XXVII

“Aakurololla chala balam unnadi, memu vati medi periginamu.”

“Greens give us strength, we grew up on them.”

Edulapally Bayamma, a community member (Telugu language)

Abstract

The Dalit traditional food system in the Zaheerabad region has survived, largely as a result of conservation and the continuation of rich agro-biodiversity by women, which not only yields high-quality food and medicine for humans, but also high-quality fodder and medicine for animals, and high soil fertility which accommodates a host of nutritious, uncultivated foods.

The Dalit food list includes an extensive variety (329 species/varieties) of cereals, millets, pulses, oil seeds, fruits, vegetables, greens, roots and tubers. Roots, leaves, flowers, fruits, gums and bark are consumed seasonally. A rich variety is seen in processing methods: cooking, smoking, roasting, boiling, sun drying, shade drying, shallow frying and deep frying.

The nutritional contribution of the Dalit food system is fascinating as many of the foods are uncultivated and are considered weeds by the scientific community. The wild fruit contribution to the food system helps to create a respect for the surrounding environment of the village and nurtures an appreciation for nature in the younger generation. New nutrient data are presented for 21 greens and 15 wild fruits. Medicinal uses for 12 plants are given. Food and nutrient profiles of Dalit women were found to be acceptable and demonstrated that the food system supports community health.

Introduction

The Zaheerabad region of Medak District in the South Indian State of Andhra Pradesh is situated in a semi-arid region. Andhra Pradesh is the fifth largest state in India, with Hyderabad the capital city. Medak District is located northwest of Hyderabad and one of ten districts of Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh, it lies between 17° 27’ and 18° 18’ northern latitude and 77° 28’ and 79° 10’ eastern longitude (Figure 9.1). The total geographical area of the district is 9 699 sq km, accounting for 3.5 percent of the total area of the state. The district has 1 265 villages and ten towns, with a population of more than two million (Registrar General & Census Commissioner, 1991).

Though semi-arid, lands here can receive erratic and heavy seasonal rainfall. Soils are highly degraded with soil depths in most places of less than 6 inches. Red soils dominate the land and productivity is regarded as generally low. Farmers report to feel extremely lucky if an acre of land produces 2 quintals (100 kg) of sorghum (cereal), and food security of the poor who mainly own these types of lands is threatened regularly. However, the Dalit of Zaheerabad have engaged in rural development activities to improve their nutrition. It is in this context that this research addresses agriculture of the poor and the role of uncultivated and wild food.

The scheduled caste representing the untouchables, called Dalit, is below the major four classes in the Hindu religion (Seenarine, 1996) with the majority living in extreme poverty and landless, illiterate and working as farm labourers (Annamalai, 2002). The Indian National Family Health Survey reported 17 percent of Dalit women to be short in stature and 42 percent to have chronic energy deficiency (International Institute for Population Sciences, 2000).

Agriculture of the poor in this district is characterized by consumption of many diverse plants, with a minimum of 8–12 crops being grown at the same time within the same field space. The symbiotic relationship between these crops can be seen in a wide range of issues: soil management, fertility management, internal cycle of inputs, pest control, labour management, diet management, risk insurance and many others. Farmers also look at their diverse field crops and wild foods from a spiritual point of view, and as a way of celebrating nature and establishing a communion with it. Over the millennia, uncultivated foods and wild foods have been an essential part of life for the poor in this region.

In this chapter, the phrase “uncultivated greens” may refer to edible green leafy plants growing naturally on the land and in uncultivated fields, partner crops in a cultivated field, or those available from cultivated plants but which are not the explicit objective of the cultivation. These are harvested at no cost by Dalit women farmers and consumed as vegetables, thus providing a rich source of nutrition and a source of food security. Reference to “wild” foods are to those not associated with agriculture and taken from forests or other non-agricultural spaces.

Background

Historical note

Medak was originally known as Methuku Durgam and was subsequently changed to Methuku because of the fine rice produced in this area. The Medak district first became part of the Kakatiya kingdom followed by the Bahamani, and later the Golconda kingdoms. Finally, with the fall of the Qutabshah dynasty, it was annexed to the Mughal empire. During the formation of Hyderabad State by the Asif Jahis, this district was detached and included in the Nizam’s dominion. It finally became a part of Andhra Pradesh, which took effect on 1 November 1956 after the States Reorganisation Act (Chief Planning Officer, 1995).

Soils and water

The soils of the district are mainly red earth, comprising loamy sands, sandy loams and sandy clay loams. Red laterite soil is predominant in the Zaheerabad region. Black soils comprise clay loams, clays and silty clays and are found in Sangareddy, Andole, Narayankhed, and Narsapur regions. Red soils are generally non-saline and non-alkaline, while black soils are moderately alkaline with a highly soluble salt content.

The district does not have a major river. The Manjira, a tributary of the Godavari, is the only important river. Stored water is used for the drinking water needs of Hyderabad and adjoining areas. The other important streams in the district are the Haldi (or Pasupuyeru) and the Kudlair. The Haldi is a tributary of the Manjira and enters the district from the north and flows through Medak town. The Kudlair, which drains the Siddipet region, is another river in the district and forms a tributary of the Mahair.

Climate

The climate of the Zaheerabad region is characterized by hot summers and generally dry weather with rain showers expected during the monsoon season. The year is divided into three seasons: winter (November to February), summer (March to May) and southwest monsoon (June to October). Rainfall during the southwest monsoon months is about 84 percent of the annual rainfall, with July being the rainiest month. The average annual rainfall in the district is 896.7 mm.

May is the hottest month, with a mean daily maximum temperature of about 40 °C. With the onset of the southwest monsoon in the middle of June, the temperature decreases appreciably and the weather becomes more pleasant. December is the coldest month, with a mean daily maximum temperature of about 29 °C and a mean daily minimum temperature of about 14 °C. During the cold season, the night temperature may occasionally reach about 6 °C.

Cropping systems of Zaheerabad region

The Zaheerabad region of the Deccan plateau area hosts enormous agricultural diversity despite the extinction of several cultivars, including traditional varieties of sugarcane (manchi cheruku, tella cheruku, gomari cheruku and nalla cheruku), ground nut (pedda baimugh), foxtail millet (manchu korra) and redgram (tella thogari), and threats to several crops and varieties, especially pulses and millets. On average, each acre of farm, especially those of small and marginal farmers, hosts eight to ten varieties of various crops. Farmers today cultivate 20 to 30 different varieties of various crops in an area of 1 to 2 acres, each in small quantities. This diversity provides a wide variety of nutritious food to the family at different stages of each season, provides an assortment of fodder and feed for the livestock, improves the soil fertility and results in effective utilization of farmland. Crop diversity also ensures that, in times of unfavourable environmental conditions and climate, all food crops are not lost. Different farmers follow different cropping systems, depending upon soils and their situation, which are classified into “high”, “medium” and “low” diversity farms. Livestock in the district is important for providing animals used for production of milk and for pulling plows. According to the 1993–1994 census for Medak district, the total livestock population included 512 000 cattle, 115 000 buffaloes, 238 000 sheep, 237 000 goats and other livestock (an additional 35 000 animals) (Chief Planning Officer, 1995).

Socio-economic profile

Medak has a total population of 2 269 800 persons, of whom 49 percent are female. Of this population, 85.5 percent live in rural areas. The district registered an annual population growth rate of 2.56 percent with a population density of 234 persons per sq km. Literacy is below the national average at 32.41 percent. However, male literacy is 45.15 percent, and female literacy is only 19.25 percent. Medak has a huge workforce, which stands at 47.78 percent, almost half the population. Of this, 78 percent are agricultural workers. The irrigated area as a percentage of cropped area is less than 30 percent. Of this, canal irrigation is only 3 percent (Chief Planning Officer, 1995).

In spite of all these handicaps and the predominance of rainfed agriculture and semi-arid environment, the district produces 160 kg per capita of food grains (Chief Planning Officer, 1995). Dalit form 17.5 percent of the population in the district and scheduled tribes comprise 4 percent of the population. Dalit women in the Zaheerabad region were reported to have had chronic energy deficiency (close to 60 percent with BMI below 18.5), with 71 percent of mothers working in agricultural activities, particularly fieldwork. Ninety-four percent used open-field toilets, and 79 percent were illiterate. Most mothers of young children were either pregnant or lactating (Schmid, 2005; Schmid et al., 2006; Schmid et al., 2007).

The Deccan Development Society (DDS) is a voluntary rural development organization which has been working with Dalit women farmers in Medak District for more than 15 years giving support to volunteer Dalit women’s groups (sanghams) to enhance food security by reclaiming fallow lands and reintroducing elements of the local food system, particularly sorghum. The DDS has also developed demonstration schools and media centres to benefit Dalit sangham members. Health workers of the DDS have taken the lead to include uncultivated and wild foods in health promotion activities. In 2000, DDS initiated the study reported here to document the entire food system with the intention of managing local Dalit food to improve micronutrient nutrition and health.

Methodology

The study included individual and group interviews in Telegu using participatory methodologies, as described by Kuhnlein et al. (2006). For individual interviews with women, written informed consent was first obtained from the sangham leader in each village and then from each Dalit mother. A written signature or a thumb impression was accepted as consent. A total of 149 Dalit mothers and their young children (aged 6–39 months who were living in households with a sangham member) were recruited from a total of 19 villages. Many key informant interviews of regional leaders were also conducted to complete background understanding of the food system. Research assistants from the nearby city fluent in English and Telugu were trained to conduct the interviews. Representatives from the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE), DDS and village leaders developed and signed a research agreement. Ethics approval was obtained by the Human Research Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Agricultural and Environmental Science of McGill University in Montreal, Canada (Schmid et al., 2007).

Methodological themes and issues during the study used various tools with different groups (Table 9.1). Qualitative research included identification of species in the food system, seasonality and type of harvest and preference for use. One large sample for each species was collected and submitted for analysis at the National Institute of Nutrition (NIN) laboratory in Hyderabad. Analyses for nutrients were completed in duplicate or triplicate. A total of 32 fresh, raw samples were collected with the help of village volunteers, of which 26 were uncultivated green leafy vegetables. As soon as samples were received, they were cleaned for extraneous matter and cut into small pieces. A portion of each sample was digested using dry digestion procedures to measure trace minerals. Standard procedures of the Association of Official Analytical Chemistry (1984) were used for proximate composition and phosphorous content. The minerals were measured by Varian flame atomic absorption spectroscopy. For uncultivated greens and selected wild fruits nonaqueous reversed-phase HPLC methods for carotene separation (Zakaria et al., 1979; Nelis and DeLeenheer, 1983) were explored and standardized. Food samples for vitamin C analysis were processed using metaphosphoric acid (Association of Vitamin Chemists, 1966) and vitamin C was determined with a modification of the method of Jagota and Dani (1982) using Folin-Ciocalteu reagent and a spectrophotometer at 760 nm.

Results

Traditional Dalit food list

To derive the traditional food list 12 key informants (three different age groups) met and created a free listing of food. The Community Food System Tables were created for most species in this list, and are reported on the CINE website (www.mcgill.ca/cine). The full list of foods traditionally consumed by Dalit families is presented in Table 9.2. It includes cultivated, uncultivated/wild and market foods.

In creating the community traditional food list, it became important to discuss foods with the village women in terms of recipes. Several terms unique to the food system evolved as noted in Table 9.3.

Market surveys were completed in six large villages where weekly markets were held, and where people normally purchased food. Village research assistants noted the kinds of purchased foods within food categories, and the number of items by food category is shown in Table 9.4. In general, some agricultural foods were found in markets, but the majority of Dalit women in the study grew their own food, as income was extremely limited.

Research assistants conducted unstructured interviews and focus groups with village Elders to determine the kinds of uncultivated foods that were still present in the region and retained in their knowledge, but which were little-used or unused during the research period. Nineteen of these foods are noted in Table 9.5.

Taxonomic identifications

Several foods in the traditional food list required taxonomic identifications with the assistance of a herbarium specialist. Fresh plants were collected with the root system intact during the flowering or fruit-bearing stage. Labelled samples were placed in a plant press and given to a taxonomist for identification. Table 9.6 lists the plants that were identified. Several traditional foods remain unidentified, in particular several wild fruits.

Crop diversity

Farmers’ fields were observed in order to gain insight into Dalit food crop diversity. The cropping systems were shown to prevail in red and black soils in winter and summer seasons. It is obvious that traditional knowledge of the different soil conditions leads to different crop diversities, depending on whether the farmer prefers high, medium or low diversity (Table 9.7). Irrigated fields had much less diversity. While the main crops were limited to six to eight, each crop had several varieties. In addition, a host of uncultivated greens found among cultivated crops enhanced the biodiversity of the field and the community diet upon harvesting.

Nutrient composition of traditional Dalit foods

In and around the Zaheerabad region of Medak district in Andhra Pradesh, Dalit regularly consumed some uncultivated leafy green vegetables. Since proximate composition and trace mineral content of these leafy vegetables were not available, studies were conducted by the DDS in collaboration with the NIN to collect and analyse these vegetables. Research was also completed to understand nutrient parameters in local varieties of pulses, grains and seeds and wild fruits, and these data are also reported here. Mean values for proximate composition and minerals in uncultivated greens and several local varieties of pulses, seeds and grains are given in Table 9.8.

Differences were found in vitamin C and total carotene content of uncultivated greens species grown in either red or black soil. Table 9.9 demonstrates some species showing higher levels on a particular type of soil. The reasons for different nutrients by soil type are not known.

The results of wild fruit analysis are presented in Table 9.10. Beta carotene varied from 5–429 μg/100g and total carotenes varied from 38–4 237 μg/100g.

Additional qualitative data on food use

Through a series of qualitative interviews and focus groups, women discussed the attributes of uncultivated greens in terms of medicinal value, general availability in each season, taste, overall use, ability, use as cattle fodder and ability to use as green manure (e.g. re-plough into the soil as fertilizer). These properties were scored separately and summed to derive the overall most popular greens. The most popular and highly appreciated uncultivated greens of the 29 analysed were budda kasha, sanna payala, adavi pulla koora, angi bingi, jonnachemchali, pittakura, bankanti kura and yennadri (see Table 9.2 for scientific names). Culturally, the Dalit characterized their foods as cool and hot. Cool foods included sweet lime, apple, grapes, watermelon, musk melon, cucumber, ice cream, butter milk, curd, pomegranate, chick pea, pigeon pea, ragi, rabi sorghum porridge and sago. Hot foods included crab, foxtail millet, chicken curry, fish, egg, papaya, custard apple, bishop weed, ghee, linseed spicy powder, jaggery and tea.

With sharp agro-climatic constraints farmers strived to diversify their sources of food with crop diversity. Farmers celebrated large crop diversity – especially the diversity of uncultivated greens present in their fields – with great reverence. One example was celebration of “Shoonyam Panduga”, a festival celebrated in the month of December when most of the winter and summer crops reached maturity. Farmers worshiped the earth by walking around the field singing special songs related to the festival and also offering food and curry made with more than five uncultivated greens available during that time.

Importance of uncultivated greens as food for the poor

Most poor rural people consumed uncultivated crops at least 50 to 80 days in a year. While working in their fields, the poor gathered these greens and brought them home. Those who did not work as farmers went to nearby fields specifically to gather these greens. Doggali koora, gangavayeli, sannavayeli and pundi were consumed throughout the year. Pundi and doggali koora were eaten more than 20 times in a year by some families. Some of the greens (e.g. gunugu) were sold as green fodder in nearby towns. Uncultivated foods such as chennangi, soyikoora, adonda and adivikakarakaya were also sold in towns because they were liked by urban dwellers, and were recognized as good for health. Greens such as talaili and kashapandla chettu were never uprooted, as they were less available and they were recognized for their high medicinal value. Even the landlords asked the farm labour women to not weed these two plants, so as to protect them. Some women earned a living by selling these uncultivated greens in nearby towns.

Reduced availability of uncultivated greens in fields using chemical fertilizers

Uncultivated greens were present mostly in farm fields where manure was applied or where chemical fertilizers were not applied. Very few greens were seen in fields treated with chemical fertilizer, as they die when they are young because of the burning effect. In fertilized fields only half of what used to be available was present, with greens available for picking only after one or two irrigations. However, farmers felt it was not safe to eat these greens and they were generally not collected.

Importance of uncultivated greens during famine

Historically, uncultivated foods were important during famine and stress periods. Eighteen years prior to this research, during a famine in the Zaheerabad region, people survived for four months eating only these uncultivated greens, especially doggalikoora, gangavayeli, sannavayeli, pundi, gunugu koora, uttareni and kapringa pandlu. People ate more curries made from these greens. Rotis were made from jowar flour mixed with pundi because there was not enough other flour. Poor people would restore wells for watering fields and collect these greens from nearby sugarcane fields.

Uncultivated greens as tasty and rich sources of nutrition

Villagers testified that these greens were tasty and healthful. For example, Santoshamma of Basanthpur village reported that, “Doggali koora is more nutritious than a chicken egg”. When preparing uncultivated greens for consumption, the leaves of different greens may be cooked together without spices, and only a small amount of oil. Generally they were cooked with pulses. Even without added flavouring they were tasty, according to Seshamma of Algole village. Sometimes leaves of these greens were cooked by adding onion.

High medicinal value of uncultivated greens

Uncultivated crops played a key role in the health of poor people. They utilized these greens in different forms – curry, leaf extracts and pressed into tablets (greens are pounded to paste, pressed and shade dried) to cure common ailments such as headaches, swellings, wounds, scabies, improper digestion, and major diseases such as jaundice and diabetes. Atteli koora, when fed to post-natal mothers, was known to improve breastmilk availability to infants. When lactating mothers ate pundit, it was understood to be good for infants as it keeps the stomach clean. Uncultivated plants, like kashapandla chettu, were known as “Davakhana leni Mandu” (“medicine available without the existence of hospital”).

During the interviews with Dalit village women it became clear that several food plants were used for medicinal purposes and they wished this to be recorded. Therefore, interviewers also probed for this information. A summary of key species of uncultivated greens and their use as medicine is presented in Table 9.11 with scientific names and common Telegu names.

An interview exercise was completed with 11 Dalit women who were asked to identify uncultivated greens gathered in the region and which greens they consumed. Table 9.12 demonstrates how many women could identify (ID) each uncultivated green by its Telegu name, how many could not identify (cannot ID) and how many wrongly identified (WID) each green. The last two columns demonstrate how many women could use or not use the species. It is surprising how universally known these greens were, with most women being able to identify them by name or use them. Also, many women used the plants without having a name for them.

Dietary assessment and anthropometry of children

Dietary assessments were conducted as reported in Schmid et al. (2006) and Schmid et al. (2007). Table 9.13 summarizes food group and nutrient intake of women in DDS sanghams (DDS-AP) in comparison to reported data for rural Andhra Pradesh (AP) and for the pooled All-India States (SP).

Average consumption of cereals and millets for all groups was consistently higher than recommended amounts for a healthy diet (using RDA of India). Milk and milk product consumption was low for all groups. For the AP and SP rural women, consumption of pulses and legumes, fats and oils, vegetables and greens tended to be low. However, the DDS sangham women consumed adequate amounts of cereals and millets, pulses and legumes, vegetables and greens.

Reported intakes of energy, protein, and iron exceeded standards. Women consumed 43 percent of dietary energy from traditional food. The balance of daily energy was from white rice (donated by government) or oil (purchased). While iron intakes were generally adequate (although bio-availability of these primarily plant-based diets is not known), intakes for vitamin A and vitamin C were low in comparison to standards.

The dietary pattern in this region included cooked foods and very little consumption of raw foods except for fruits. For several reasons, people no longer ate wild seasonal fruit as in former years, which is a reason for low vitamin C consumption in this population. Also, dietary analysis software may not have had a complete database for these nutrients, particularly for vitamin C in the greens.

Table 9.14 describes results of children reported by the National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau for Andhra Pradesh and the DDS sanghams. While the ages are not precisely comparable, the DDS Dalit had a higher percentage of children with normal weight for age. However, the number of moderately and severely malnourished children was roughly comparable.

With respect to vitamin A status in all of India, the prevalence of Bitot spots was 0.8 percent in preschool children. About 60 percent of pre-school children in India are undernourished. In Andhra Pradesh, 1.1 percent had clinical signs of vitamin A deficiency (NNMB, 2002). In this study, a few women and children (approximately 8 percent) reported night blindness or exhibited symptoms of Bitot’s spot or conjunctival xerosis. However, 35 percent of women reported night blindness during pregnancy (Schmid, 2005).

Conclusions

The Dalit food system was found to have a wide diversity of food species, many of which were unrecognized to date. Women farmers display a wealth of traditional knowledge in their ability to recognize, grow and prepare these foods, and to also use them as medicine. In partnership with the NIN nutrient analysis laboratories, new nutrient composition data for uncultivated greens and wild fruits have been determined and reported here. Many excellent nutrient sources are in the Dalit food system.

Many types of green leaves were consumed as vegetables and most are rich sources of calcium, iron, carotene and vitamin C. These greens were inexpensive sources of many nutrients essential for growth and maintenance of normal health. Consumption of uncultivated foods and wild fruits in adequate amounts should be encouraged for the entire family. Further, these food systems should be supported for production and consumption in midday meals and in schools at all levels •

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the following individuals for contributing their expertise during the course of the study. We are grateful for the active participation of many Dalit village women who belong to sanghams led by the Deccan Development Society (DDS). We acknowledge the following participants by date and village.

For their participation on 29 September 1998, 5 October 1998, 6 October 1998 and 7 October 1998 in the village of Kambalpally, we would like to thank Paramma, Smt Munna bee, Smt Jaina bee, Smt Rathnamma, Smt Poolamma, Smt Nagamaniamma, Smt Ansushamma, Smt Shankaramma, Smt Bagamma, Smt Yellamma, Smt Tejamma and Smt Shamalamma. On 24 October 1998, we acknowledge the Balwadi children. On 16 October 1999, in the village of Edulapally, we would like to acknowledge Smt Bangaramma, Smt Aruna, Smt Baiyamma, Smt Sundramma, Smt Premalamma, Smt Narsamma, Smt Yellamma, Smt Premalamma, Smt Mariyamma, Smt Bujjamma, Smt Balamma, Smt Narsamma, Smt Satyamma, Smt Narsamma, Smt Jayhida bee, Smt Sharifa bee, Smt Yaheeya bee, Smt Gandhamma and Smt Tuljamma. For their contribution on 9 October 2000, thank you to Bayamma of Edulapally, Balamma of Raikode, Kashamma of Narsapur, Bagamma of Sangapur, Sangamma of Hoti-B, Tukkamma of Hoti-B, Pushpallamma of Pastapur, Santhoshamma of Basanthpur, Narsamma of Kalamela, Kamalamma of Kalamela, Paramma of Metalkunta and Laxmi of Humnapur. For their work on 2 December 2001, in the village of Algole, we would like to thank Smt Bagamma, Smt Mogulamma, Smt Ashamma, Smt Kamalamma, Smt Rangamma, Smt Daulamma, Smt Raniamma, Smt Chandramma, Smt Rajamma, Smt Sammamma, Smt Gangamma and Smt Seshamma. Thank you to the 34 Members of Malchalma for their work on 23 January 2001, the 35 Members of Parshapally on 24 January 2001 and the 25 Members of Shekapur on 25 January 2001. On 31 August 2001, in the village of Algole, we thank Smt Bagamma, Smt Mogulamma, Smt Ashamma, Smt Kamalamma, Smt Rangamma, Smt Daulamma, Smt Raniamma, Smt Chandramma, Smt Rajamma, Smt Sammamma, Smt Gangamma and Smt Chandramma. On 30 September 2001 we would like to thank Smt Laxmamma of Humnapur, Smt Lalithamma of Raipally, Smt Sangamma of Yedakulapally, Smt Manemma of Gangwar, Smt Chilkamma of Krishnapur, Smt Samamma of Bedikanna, Smt Lalamma of Shamshouddinpur, Smt Rasamma of Ippapally, Smt Rathnamma of Narsapur, Smt Manemma of Narsapur, Smt Tejamma of Basanthpur, Smt Narsamma of Basanthapur and Smt Paramma of Metalkunta. On 1 March 2002, from the village of Algole, we thank Narsappa, Eeramma and Lingamma. For their contributions on 30 August 2001 thank you to Ameena bee of Pastapur, Poolamma of Edulapally, Ningamma of Chilamamidi, Laxmi of Yedakulapally, Sulochana of Kasimpur, Mogulamma of Gangwar, Manemma of Metalkunta, Yellamma of Basanthpur, Lalitha of Kalbemal, Rathnamma of Potpally, Gangamma of Algole, Paramma of Yelgoi, Sharifa bee of Krishnapur, Eshwaramma of Pyalaram, Laxmamma of Narsapur, Punyamma of Kambalpally, Imambee of Sangapur, Mahibooba bee of Mortga, Tuljamma of Ganeshpur, Chukkamma of Raipally, Nagamma of Mamidigi and Sulochana of Rejinthal.

The interdisciplinary professional research team comprised several key members. The many groups of women farmers noted above from the DDS provided local leadership in the indigenous communities. The herbarium scientist was Dr Ravi Prasada Rao, an associate professor in the Department of Botany at Sri Krishna Deveraya University in Ananthapur, Andhra Pradesh. P.V. Satheesh was director of the DDS programme. Salome Yesudas, senior nutritionist at DDS, was the food culture specialist. Dr Bapu Rao, head of the Department of Food Analysis at the National Institute of Nutrition (NIN) -ICMR in Hyderabad, supervized analysis of food samples in the laboratory. Martina Schmid of McGill University was a researcher for food and dietary databases and anthropometry. We also thank members of the Community Media Centre, Pastapur DDS, and Peter and Lisa Kuhnlein of Kuhnlein Productions, Anacortes Washington, USA for photo documentation. A. NagaRaj at DDS provided computer assistance. Dr Harriet V. Kuhnlein at Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE), McGill University, assisted as Project Leader. We thank Yesu and Narsamma from DDS for report and table preparation in India, as well as Dr Nelofar Sheikh and Dina Spigelski at CINE.

For nutrient composition analysis – proximate composition, trace minerals, ascorbate and carotene – of some uncultivated green leaf vegetables, local varieties of pulses and grains, and wild fruits we would like to acknowledge the work of senior researcher Dr S. Bapurao, Mr Ch Narasimha Rao and Ms Prashanthi from the laboratory of the National Institute of Nutrition.

We thank the International Development Research Centre in Canada for financial support for this project.

> Comments to: salomeyesudas@hotmail.com

>> Photographic section p. XXVII

Chapter 10

The Bhil food system: links to food security, nutrition and health

• LALITA BHATTACHARJEE, PH. D.[1] • GOPA KOTHARI, M. D.[2] • VIDYA PRIYA[2] • BIPLAB K. NANDI, PH. D.[1]

1

FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok, Thailand

2

Child Eye Care Charitable Trust, Mumbai, India

Photographic section >> XXX

“Thank you Mother for the food that you’ve given us!”

Bhil saying

Abstract

The Bhils of India are a good example of an Indigenous People with diversity in their culture, tradition and environment. The Bhil study undertaken in collaboration with Child Eye Care Charitable Trust is part of 12 case studies addressing a commitment to research into areas of nutrition and health, with an emphasis on the impact of food environments on health of Indigenous Peoples. Employing community-based participatory research methods, the Bhil traditional food system was documented, pointing to the use of 94 foods – including a variety of plants, small domestic animals and local fish – with preparation and processing methods unique to the Bhil culture.

Dietary assessments showed that for children and mothers the percentage of energy from local cultivated and wild indigenous foods was 68 percent for children and 59 percent for women. A particular point of concern is that although drumstick and fenugreek leaves have high carotene content and are readily available in the community, only 1 percent of the study group consumed them. In fact, several micronutrient-rich traditional foods were infrequently consumed.

The dietary energy and protein intakes of most pregnant women and pre-school children did not meet Indian Recommended Dietary Allowances. Women and children were short in stature with low body weights, consistent with malnutrition, according to National Centre for Health Statistics standards.

A directory of Bhil foods has been developed in collaboration with the community. Improvement of food security, nutrition and health with implications for community-friendly policies and programmes are expected to be direct outcomes of the study.

Introduction

Understanding the food systems of Indigenous Peoples and improving or strengthening these systems in the context of nutrition and health pose unique challenges. It is well recognized that traditional foods and dietary diversity within an ecosystem can be powerful sources of nutrients and, thus, better health. In view of their habitat and dietary habits, Indigenous Peoples often distinguish themselves from other population groups. Their food patterns are influenced by environmental constraints and vary from extreme deprivation in lean seasons to high levels of intake of several foods during harvest and post-harvest periods. Tribal food-related practices and patterns are highly influenced by their traditions and environment; consequently, understanding the wide diversity of food systems of Indigenous Peoples and improving and strengthening these systems in the context of nutrition and health merit attention.

Hundreds of tribes exist in different parts of India, a good example of indigenous populations with a vast diversity in their cultures, traditions and environments. There is a rich habitat of natural foods in Indian tribal environments that need to be used to promote food security, nutrition and health. However, challenges of geography, agricultural technology, cultural habits, lack of formal education, poor infrastructure, including health care facilities, and poverty lead to development of poor nutrition and health. This chapter provides a case study of the Bhil tribe from the Dang district, in Gujarat, western India (Figure 10.1). The Bhils occupy a large territory, and inter-regionally they are known as a diverse group.

Cultural and economic background

Dang is the smallest and poorest district of Gujarat State, in the Sahyadri mountain range, with a population of 38 500. It is traditionally known as “Dandak” or “Dandkarnya” which is mentioned in the Ramayana, the ancient Sanskrit epic. Only 6 percent of the district includes the non-tribal population. There are predominantly five different tribes: the Bhils, Kolchas, Kotwalias, Kuknas and Warlis. The Bhils form 30 percent of the total population of tribes, with around 11 500 people in 53 villages. The word “Bhil” is derived from the Dravidian word “Billoo” meaning bow and arrow. As a community they are strong people, known to be honest and experts in the use of bow and arrow. They are traditionally linked to the Rajputs (warrior clan of central India), and are the largest modern tribal group in India with substantial communities in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra. Fifty-five percent of Bhils is male and 45 percent is female. On average, 15 percent of males are educated up to seventh to tenth standard (high school), 20 percent are educated up to third to fourth standard (primary level) and 65 percent are illiterate. Among females, 10 percent are educated up to seventh to tenth standard, 15 percent are educated up to third to fourth standard and 75 percent are illiterate.

For six months of the year, 30–40 percent of Bhils migrate to neighbouring areas in Maharashtra for employment in sugar factories or mango orchards. Around 25 percent earn an annual income of approximately Rs21 000 (about US$500). Approximately 60 percent of Bhils live in poverty, and most live in mud hut homes. Fishing and forest hunting are common.

Of total income, about 50 percent is spent on food, 13 percent on clothes, 6 percent on purchase of utensils, 5 percent for education, 11 percent on marriage, 10 percent on celebration of festivals, 3 percent on leisure and 2 percent on drinking, smoking, etc. (Bhattacharjee et al., 2002) (Figure 10.2).

Girls usually marry at 14–15 years of age and boys marry at 15–16 years of age. Teenage pregnancies are very common, with an interval between two pregnancies at around 12 to 14 months. Tribals have preferences for both male and female children. If they only have one-sex children, they continue having children until they have both male and female children. However, young tribals are now seen to be having only two to three children.

As a move towards women’s empowerment, the Child Eye Care Charitable Trust (CECCT) has initiated the revival of the “Vavli” system that was earlier practised among the Bhil women. This system is an age-old tradition where the girl, once married, identifies a plot of land (quarter to half acre) near a perennial water source. Here she can grow seasonal vegetables and sell them in the market. The money earned belongs to her and cannot be claimed by her husband, according to protocol. Women usually buy food, ornaments or clothes with this money. The CECCT initiated this practice in one village and it is now is being extended to all 53 villages.

Child Eye Care Charitable Trust (CECCT)

The CECCT, based in Mumbai, has been involved extensively in support and development of tribal health care in various states in India. The Dang district is a key location where CECCT is actively involved in providing and facilitating holistic health care and support to tribals. CECCT works with 60 villages in Dang District, 53 of which are populated with Bhils. In each village, the staff of CECCT consists of two organizers, one health worker and two facilitators. The mission of CECCT is to improve child survival and child eye care through an integrated eye care programme, and health and nutrition-related interventions.

Principal objectives and scope

Research was designed to understand the existing problems of food insecurity and malnutrition and gender equality and women’s empowerment with this population. Using community-based participatory research methods, this study documented the Bhil traditional food system. This knowledge can be used to develop food security, nutrition and health promotion programmes and promote development strategies that contribute to preserving the ecosystem diversity of the Bhils and support their livelihoods, and to reduce vulnerability.

Methodology

Documentation of the Bhil community food system and identification of the traditional food species were undertaken in 2001–2002. This formed part of an FAO study entitled Documenting Traditional Food Systems of Indigenous Peoples: Process and Methods with International Case Studies, which included five case studies in Asia (Kuhnlein, 2003).

Household food consumption and dietary assessment surveys of 187 Bhil households yielded information on traditional food patterns, seasonal dietary habits, and procurement of food and cost of food production. Dietary information gathered from in-depth interviews provided the primary data to direct research operations. In this regard, key informant interviews were a powerful research tool to supplement and complement the information collected.

Community food system data

To determine the foods normally consumed, data were collected through field visits and a rigorous food consumption survey adapted from standard tools (Kuhnlein and Pelto, 1997; Kuhnlein, 2000; Kuhnlein, 2003). Scientific names, common names, and food preparation were documented and are presented in Table 10.1. Nutrient values for all foods were calculated using the Indian Food Composition Tables (Gopalan, Rama Sastri and Balasubramanian, 2002).

Food samples that did not have documented food composition values in the Indian Food Composition Tables were analysed at the National Institute of Nutrition in Hyderabad, India. These data are presented in Table 10.2, along with nutrient information on key foods mentioned in this chapter.

Dietary assessment

The survey team – consisting of one nutritionist, two community partners, one sociologist and the CECCT director – visited each household to collect quantitative dietary intake for one day, estimated by 24-hour recalls using the weighed method (Reddy, 1997). For each meal, the recall data included the food item consumed, its ingredients, the quantity in grams of the raw and cooked weight, and the cooked weight in household measures. Data were entered into two Excel spreadsheets: one detailed the household food pattern and another detailed individual dietary intake. Diets were analysed for all foods, and the nutritive value of the diet was calculated for energy, protein and micronutrient content using the Indian Food Composition Tables (Gopalan, Rama Sastri and Balasubramanian, 2002).

Food frequency intake and related data – such as ownership of land, names and ages of individual members of the household and whether the mother was pregnant or lactating – were collected using food frequency questionnaires and household interviews, respectively.

Analysis and findings

Traditional food list

Ninety-five foods generally consumed by the Bhils were identified and tabulated. Foods were classified into food groups, and the numbers of food per group are shown in Table 10.3.

The Bhils were noted to have a high consumption of protein-rich foods such as meat and poultry, with 14 types of meat and poultry consumed. This level of consumption of meat and poultry was because of ready availability of animals in the jungle. Thirteen types of legumes and seven different kinds of cereals were also widely consumed.

Not all foods had identified nutrient contents. The nutritive values of certain foods (missing data in food list) were not available from published sources, but were included as imputed values in analysis.

Methods of obtaining food

The Bhils cultivated their own vegetables and fruits in farms and home gardens. The main cultivated crops were rice and ragi (finger millet) and, depending on irrigation facilities, other cereals and legumes were grown. Apart from this, they grew a few fruit trees such as mango, custard apple, guava, ramphal (Bullock’s heart) and jackfruit. Fruits were also collected from the jungle. Fruits were usually eaten in times of scarcity, depending on seasonal availability. During summer, they ate amla (Indian gooseberry), jackfruit, ramphal, banana and mango. Of these, mango, jackfruit, ramphal and banana were grown in home gardens (by those who had more than 4 acres of land). During the monsoon, they ate jamboo (blackberry), banana and bamboo shoots and in winter, they ate bore (Indian jujube), amla, custard apple, guava and banana. Amla was picked from the forest and the remaining fruits were grown in home gardens or farms. Papaya was cultivated throughout the year in home gardens. Important methods of obtaining food were cultivation, gathering from the forests and hunting (animals and birds from the forest and rats from the fields) (Table 10.4).

All cereals commonly consumed were cultivated. These included rice, wheat, maize, ragi, jowar (sorghum), kharai and varai (common millet). Overall, 26 foods were cultivated, while 32 grew wild and were gathered from the jungle. Eight kinds of fruits and all leafy vegetables were collected from the jungle. They were eaten in large quantities when they were easily available. However, fruits such as papaya and mango were also cultivated. Fourteen animals and birds were hunted, while only three (goat, cow and hen) were domesticated and consumed. Owing to the ease with which these animals were obtained and the relatively low cost, these were also eaten relatively frequently. Eight wild foods were also cultivated. These included fruit such as jackfruit and bore, and green leafy vegetables such as teakwood, drumstick and matla (prickly amaranth).

Fish was an integral part of the diet and most families consumed it frequently because it was easy to obtain. Fish was usually caught from rivers or ponds using fishing equipment made of bamboo (traditionally called malli, katua and bothudi).

Seasonality

Food seasonality was recorded (Table 10.5). Nineteen foods were consumed throughout the year, while 23 foods were consumed between June and September (during the period of monsoons). Most were fish, other seafood and green leafy vegetables. About 16 foods identified were consumed during summer. Most fruits, especially mango, were a favourite among families during summer. Meat and certain leaves such as Bengal gram (chick pea) leaves were eaten during summer. Seasonality of some items was not defined in the study period.

Dietary intake – household and individual

Table 10.6 illustrates the distribution of families and land holding per season. Families were classified into six categories in this analysis according to amount of land accessed, and 187 families were included. Food patterns of these families were recorded for three major seasons: summer, monsoon and winter. The study included 72 families for summer, 65 families for monsoon and 50 families for winter.

Table 10.7 shows the total number of children (one to three years of age), pregnant and lactating mothers and Elders participating in the study. Most breastfed children were zero to one year old, although children between one and two years were also breastfed in addition to receiving complementary foods.

Cereals

Table 10.8 shows the consumption of cereals in the study group. The most commonly consumed type of cereal was rice (50 percent of the study group), of which 35 percent of families had 4 or more acres of land. However, 65 percent of families were in the lower income bracket (i.e. less than 4 acres of land). Due to the low cost and high availability of rice, it was consumed more often than other cereals among all groups. Rice was followed by ragi (24 percent), of which 70 percent of families had less than 3 acres of land. Jowar was consumed by 14 percent of families, of which 73 percent were in the lower income bracket. Wheat was consumed by 9 percent of families, of which 75 percent had less than 3 acres of land. Ragi, wheat and jowar were mainly consumed in the form of chapatti or roti. Figure 10.3 shows the consumption of cereals in 24-hour recalls by percentage in the study group. It was also noted that while the traditional ragi was consumed by some of the population, there was poor consumption by pregnant women, which was attributed to lack of awareness about its nutritive value and limited cultivation among households.

Legumes

Table 10.9 shows the pattern of consumption of legumes in the study group on a single day. These formed an important source of protein in the diet combined with other plant protein sources, predominantly cereals, roots and tubers. Black gram, the most common legume eaten, was consumed as dhal or gruel by 15 percent of families, of which 61 percent owned less than 3 acres of land. Black gram was followed by lentil, which was eaten by 6 percent of families, followed by red gram. There was no distinction in consumption of lentil by any land-holding group, although red gram was mainly eaten by the lower income group. Horse gram was another legume that was eaten by 3 percent of the study group. Figure 10.4 shows the consumption of legumes by percentage of families.

Meat and poultry

Only around 17 percent of the study group ate some form of meat or poultry on the day they were interviewed (Table 10.10 and Figure 10.5). Most animals were hunted and eaten occasionally, usually two to three times in a month – a good source of protein in the daily diet. Domesticated animals like goats and chickens were eaten more frequently (10 percent of families) because of availability. Pig (pork) was eaten by only three families in the study group, and rabbit was also a common food.

Fish and seafood

Fish was obtained from the river or sea. This was also an easily available source of food and it was the most common food item consumed in this food group (27 percent of families). Varieties of fish are available during the monsoon season or throughout the year. This was a major source of protein and calcium in the diet. Dried bubla (lizardfish, commonly referred to as Bombay duck) was the most common fish eaten (22 percent of families). This was usually cooked with potato and brinjal (eggplant) as curry and eaten with either rice or roti. Shark and mandeli were also eaten frequently (48 percent of the fish-eating families). Table 10.11 shows the consumption pattern of seafood.

Green leafy vegetables and other vegetables

Most of the green leafy vegetables were gathered from the jungle. Only 5 percent of families ate leafy vegetables either by themselves or with rice flour. Brinjal, one of the most frequently eaten vegetables (9 percent of families), was usually eaten as part of a curry or dried. Fish with potato and brinjal was a common dish. Tomato was added mainly to dishes for flavour and taste. Both brinjal and tomato were commonly added because they were usually grown at home by the women and were available throughout the year. Other vegetables eaten were tender bamboo shoots, mushroom, lady’s finger/okra and drumstick. Chili chutney and garlic chutney formed a significant part of the diet (Table 10.12).

Roots and tubers

It was found that roots and tubers were a good source of carbohydrate in the diet. The most common tuber was potato because of its low cost and high availability throughout the year. Approximately 11 percent of the study group included potato in their diet either as a vegetable or as part of a curry with fish and brinjal. Other tubers, such as aloknala (colocasia), kankholi (spinney yam) and kand koychi were usually gathered from the wild. While aloknala was eaten throughout the year, kankholi and kand koychi were eaten during the monsoon and winter seasons. Table 10.13 describes the consumption by land holding.

Fruits

Wild fruits, found in the jungle, were eaten (particularly by men) in times of food scarcity. Several studies have shown a close relationship between the tribal ecosystem and nutritional status (Laxmaiah et al., 2007).

Generally, fruits are a favourite among the Bhils. In summer, mango and guava were the most frequently eaten fruits. In winter, amla and bore were commonly eaten. Papaya was noted as eaten throughout the year (Table 10.14).

Family dietary patterns

Family dietary patterns usually included eating a cereal such as wheat, ragi, jowar rotla (bread) and a lentil curry or dhal. Chili chutney was a daily accompaniment in the Bhil diet. Bhils with fewer resources would occasionally not eat at night or would have chapatti with chili or garlic chutney. Families with less than 3 acres of land consumed tea, prepared without milk, only one or twice in a week.

Relationship between micronutrient-rich foods and consumption pattern

The ten richest foods in total carotene content from the traditional food list were analysed. Figure 10.6 shows the percentage of families in the study group consuming them. Tomato, papaya, cowpea and crab were the most frequently eaten among the carotene rich foods. Although drumstick and fenugreek leaves were high in carotene content, only 1 percent of the study group consumed them.

Among the iron-rich foods, lentils and bubla were each consumed by 6 percent of families, followed by mandeli fish, cowpea and crab, which were each consumed by 3 percent of families. Dried karonda was the vegetable with the highest iron content, but was not eaten by any families in the study group. Green leafy vegetables such as Bengal gram and matla were the next richest iron sources (Figure 10.7).

Among vitamin C-rich foods, tomato is relatively low. However, it was consumed by more families (6 percent) than the other foods in this category, making it an important source of the vitamin. Amla, which has the highest vitamin C content, was rarely consumed (2 percent) (Figure 10.8).

Studies carried out by the National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau in different Indian states revealed that, even though there had been marked decrease in prevalence of severe undernutrition in the country in the last three decades, the prevalence of undernutrition remained high. The prevalence of undernutrition in tribal communities was relatively higher compared to the urban as well as rural counterparts (Krishnaswamy et al., 1997).

Dietary habits of children

Frequency of food intake among children (one to three years)

The frequency of food intake in children was tabulated on a daily, weekly and seasonal basis. Data collected covered the three seasons: summer, monsoon and winter. Fifteen children were included in this analysis. Children between the ages of one and two years were breastfed once in the morning and also given complementary foods. Purchased milk was rarely given because of its high cost. However, those who domesticated goats or cows gave a diluted cup of milk to children if it was available. All children consumed the locally available biscuit almost every day. Children’s foods highest in carotene content were matla leaves, papaya, crab, tomato, fenugreek leaves and drumstick leaves. Crab and drumstick leaves were eaten twice a week, while green leafy vegetables were eaten once or twice a week. Tomato was eaten more frequently because of its cultural acceptance and versatility in cooking. Tomato is used widely in lentil, curry and chutney preparations in India among both tribals and non-tribals. It is also eaten raw by children and adults. Given its desirable sour and sweet taste and its ability to liquefy the dish, the tomato was a favourite in most meals and dishes.

Foods highest in iron content that were consumed by children were green leafy vegetables, such as Bengal gram or chowli leaves and matla leaves, and fish such as bubla and mandeli. These foods were eaten once or twice per week.

Dietary assessment of children (one to five years)

The diets of 40 children in the age group of one to five years were assessed. The children were grouped into two age categories: one to under three years (25 children) and three to five years (15 children). The average daily energy intakes of the diets were calculated. It was noted that the energy content of the diets was very low, amounting to only around 50 percent of the Indian Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA) in the one to under year age group, while that of children in the three to five year age group provided a little over 50 percent of the Indian RDA for the age group. Table 10.15 presents the average intake of foods for children one to five years. Table 10.16 shows percent energy contribution of each of the food categories to their daily diet. Processed foods were sugar and rusk, a local salted biscuit that is a favourite among children, often eaten at breakfast or as a snack during mid-evening. Cultivated and wild indigenous foods provided a total of 68 percent of energy, whereas processed biscuits and other purchased foods contributed a total of 32 percent.

Dietary habits of pregnant and lactating mothers

Frequency of food intake among pregnant and lactating mothers

The frequency of food intake by pregnant and lactating mothers was tabulated on a daily, weekly and seasonal basis. Fifteen mothers were included, of which eight were lactating, six were pregnant and one was both pregnant and lactating. The intake of carotene rich foods, such as mango and fenugreek leaves, was generally one to three times per week. Iron-rich foods, such as bubla fish and mandeli fish, were eaten by three mothers one to two times per week. Matla leaves were eaten by ten mothers and consumed one to three times per week. Few vitamin C rich foods were consumed. Three mothers ate the only vitamin C rich fruit, amla, at least once a week.

Dietary intake analysis found that dietary energy and protein intakes of most pregnant women and preschool children did not meet the Indian RDAs for many nutrients.

Dietary assessment of pregnant women

Diets of 40 pregnant women in the age group of 19 to 40 years were assessed. A mean dietary energy intake of 1 501 kcal was noted. The major food group contributing to dietary energy was cereals, providing nearly 74 percent of the total dietary energy. This was followed by legumes, vegetables or meat, sugar and fat/oil, which contributed to the remaining 26 percent. It was observed that cultivated and purchased cereals like rice, wheat and jowar were consumed more commonly compared to ragi. Households included those that did not cultivate ragi. Tables 10.17 and 10.18 describe the average intake of foods and the energy contribution of food categories to the Bhil pregnant women’s diets. Cultivated and purchased foods contributed over three-quarters of dietary energy, around a quarter of dietary energy was provided by indigenous/traditional foods and 2 percent of dietary energy was obtained from processed foods.

Several studies elsewhere in India have shown that iron deficiency anaemia continues to be widespread in all communities (NNMB, 2003). Apart from strengthening iron and folic acid distribution programmes, there is an urgent need to improve household consumption of protective foods, such as green leafy vegetables, fruits and small livestock and indigenous fish that are good sources of iron and other micronutrients.

Anthropometric assessment

Women and children were found to have short statures and low body weights consistent with malnutrition as assessed by the National Centre for Health Statistics standards (Hamill et al., 1977) and reflect data from Indian tribal populations recently reported (National Institute of Nutrition, 2000). Analysis of anthropometric data of 1 420 children, across all age groups, found that the prevalence of underweight status, assessed as moderate malnutrition was 45.8 percent, and the prevalence of underweight status assessed as severe malnutrition was 35.2 percent. Moderate malnutrition is defined as weight-for-age (WFA) <-2 SD from the median of the reference population and severe malnutrition is WFA <-3 SD from the median of the reference population. Only 16.1 percent of children had normal nutritional status. These findings were consistent with previous findings on tribes in Andhra Pradesh (NNMB, 2000).

Food preservation methods

The Bhils used traditional methods of food preservation or they consumed prepared foods within the same day or the following day for breakfast. Harvested foods were preserved for periods of drought or scarcity. Preservation methods included drying, roasting and the use of cow manure (Bhattacharjee et al., 2006). Karsani niger seeds, rice, varai and legumes were preserved in bamboo baskets coated with cow manure. These containers were left in the sun to dry and then were filled with the seeds or grain. The manure helps to repel any insects from infesting the seeds or grain. A few families occasionally used neem leaves to preserve rice. Fire ash was also used as a preservative for legumes, such as black gram and red gram. Generally, no preservation method was used for ragi because the bitter red covering helps prevent insect infestation.

Drying was the most effective method of preservation among the Bhils. Excess catches of fish, such as muru, were first roasted over a hot plate or tava (flat iron pan used for roasting), and then dried and kept for consumption within a couple of days. Excess meat would be dried, by piercing it with sharp bamboo knives, and barbequing it over fire. Once it was well heated, it was stored by being wrapped in cloth and kept in bamboo baskets. When required, it would be taken out, cut into pieces and added to curries. Mushrooms were also dried and stored in baskets, which were normally used for catching crabs.

Ragi papads (dried thin pancakes) were made by making ragi batter, rolling it out into thin round shapes and leaving them in the sun to dry. They were then packed and marketed.

Processing of complementary foods

While carrying out the dietary assessment, the team conducted demonstrations on the preparation of complementary foods for infants and young children. Bhil women were encouraged to bring mixtures of cereals, legumes and nuts as available from their households. These mixtures were combined in proportions of 5:1:1 and were roasted, dried and finely ground by the traditional stone mill. This mixture could then be stored at room temperature for a period of up to two months in airtight containers.

This mixture was then combined with locally available cooked and mashed vegetables, or mashed fruit, and given as gruel to the infants and young children. Drawing upon such examples, mothers were advised to introduce complementary foods made from locally available ingredients to infants of six months of age and to continue breastfeeding up to two years of age – a practice that has been accepted by many Bhil women.

Conclusions

The key factors in this study were the Bhil people and their food system. The food-related behaviour of the Bhils played an important role in the food consumption and dietary practices. Food-related behaviour is complex and is determined by the interplay of many factors such as social, economic, cultural, traditional, environmental, etc. Understanding these factors, which affect nutritional status, becomes even more relevant when Bhil culture and traditions are threatened by modernization. It is, therefore, important to gain further insights into Bhil lifestyles, understand the way they live and uniquely utilize and manage their food and related resources. This can throw light on the potential elements that can be optimally utilized.

The results of the research presented here point to the need for strategic community-based interventions to improve food security, nutrition and health of the Bhils. There is a need to strengthen and promote food-based nutrition strategies and make use of the value of indigenous Bhil foods to diversify the diet. Specifically, nutrition education activities could be targeted towards pregnant women and young children who form the most vulnerable sections of the community. Further, dietary diversification, education and communication activities need to be strengthened and promoted for better health and nutrition of infants and children in Bhil communities. Bhil food diversity can be used productively for more sustainable and environmentally sound solutions to improving food security and nutrition •

Acknowledgements

We acknowledge the contribution of the Bhil community partners Motiram Chaudhury and Ghotubhai in facilitating the process and mobilizing the participation of the community in this study. We also place on record the assistance provided by Menaka Subramaniam, social researcher, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai in the conduct of the focus group discussions and the preliminary data collection. We are also grateful to the Child Eye Care Charitable Trust for their cooperation and collaboration extended towards the collection of data for this study.

The support and technical assistance of Dr Bapu Rao, National Institute of Nutrition, Hyderabad, India, in the mineral and vitamin analysis of selected Bhil foods is particularly acknowledged. The support of Dr Barbara Burlingame, Senior Officer, FAO Headquarters, Rome, and the financial support of FAO is gratefully acknowledged.

We thank Dina Spigelski, nutritionist, Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE), McGill University, for all the help given. Also, we thank Chief Bill Erasmus for his encouragement in the conduct of the study and Dr Nelofar Sheikh for her help in organizing the Bhil food list data. Lastly, we are greatly indebted to the overall guidance of Dr Harriet Kuhnlein, Professor, CINE, McGill University, towards undertaking and completing this study.

> Comments to: Lalita.bhattacharjee@fao.org

>> Photographic section p. XXX

Chapter 11

The Maasai food system and food and nutrition security

• SHADRACK OIYE[1] • JOSEPH OLE SIMEL[2] • RUTH ONIANG’O, PH. D.[2] • TIMOTHY JOHNS, PH. D.[3]

1

Rural Outreach Program (ROP), Nairobi, Kenya

2

Mainyoito Pastoralist Integrated Development Organization (MPIDO), Kiserian, Kenya

3

Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment (CINE) and School of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Photographic section >> XXXIII

“Our culture and traditional knowledge of our food systems are the pillars of our heritage. Please join us to promote and protect them Thank you very much.”

Namuter Ole Leipa

Abstract

Two Kenyan Non-Governmental Organizations, Mainyoito Pastoralist Integrated Development Organization and Rural Outreach Program, undertook a study of traditional food use within the context of a situational analysis of the food security and nutrition problems faced by the Maasai pastoral community of Enkereyian.

Knowledge of traditional foods and information on the cultural, social and temporal context of their consumption was obtained through key informant interviews and gender-segregated focus groups. Species identification and nutrient composition of collected samples of wild fruits and herbal additives to milk and meat-based soups was undertaken.

A cross-sectional dietary survey of 120 households interviewed mothers on issues of food source and decision-making and included a 24-hour recall and three-day food frequency. While milk, blood and meat were found to be the key elements of the traditional diet, these animal-source foods contributed only 7 percent of the current energy intake, with maize and beans the primary staples in a diet that was, overall, energy deficient. Milk and meat were nonetheless the major source of vitamin A (80 percent of intake) and an important contributor of iron (11 percent).

Individual herbs provided appreciable amounts of some micronutrients, while wild fruits were good sources of vitamin C, and the most frequently consumed fruit iyier is rich in provitamin A (6.1 mg/100g ß-carotene). Previously collected data indicated prevalence of wasting and stunting above Kenyan averages that were exacerbated by prolonged drought conditions and lifestyle changes.

Within a strategy that increases the availability of animal-source foods through attention to improved water management, re-stocking and pastoralism-related policies, traditional foods can enable the community to meet nutritional, food security and livelihood needs in a more optimal manner.

Introduction

Mainyoito Pastoralist Integrated Development Organization (MPIDO) is an organization whose individual and group members represent Maasai communities in Kenya. MPIDO promotes, facilitates and works to create an enabling environment for serving human rights, including natural resources for sustainable livelihood among pastoralist Maasai society. Accordingly, this case study had an overall goal of improving the health and nutritional status of the Maasai community, while preserving indigenous knowledge (and foods) and conserving the environment. Consequently, the Maasai right to food and sound health can be enabled and their means to livelihood improved.

MPIDO is overseen by an elected Board of Directors. Operations are carried out by the Secretariat in conjunction with the General Committee made up of MPIDO staff and local community members. This project falls within the mandate of the thematic sub-committee on livelihoods. The project was brought to local Elders by the subcommittee who through a community-level consultative process entered into an agreement with the Elders. Two of the Elders, recruited as community-based consultants, acted as key informants. Moreover, through explaining the project to people in the village they played a key role in mobilizing the community for focus group discussions and gathering herbs and wild fruits. Two field assistants were trained on conducting key informant interviews and focus group discussions, dietary survey administration, and on how to collect plant samples for herbarium identification and laboratory analysis.

Rural Outreach Program (ROP) is also a Kenyan non-governmental organization working to improve the livelihood of rural dwellers. It has a strong focus on promotion of traditional foods and attendant indigenous knowledge, a priority that is foremost in the project. ROP has a strong research unit that provided technical expertise for this study. ROP’s capacity and experience in community research and in the science of food and nutrition were essential components of the project.

Research site

Maa-speaking pastoralists in Kenya and the United Republic of Tanzania number approximately one million, some 60 percent of whom live in Kenya (CBS, 2001). Traditionally the Maasai are semi-nomadic pastoralists who migrate within semi-arid lowlands and more humid uplands to obtain water and pasture. The Enkereyian community is located in Ngong Division, Kajiado District, Kenya. The community is approximately 70 km directly south of the city of Nairobi and extends another 50 km towards Lake Magadi (Figure 11.1). Approximately 30 000 inhabitants are distributed in 20 village units and speak exclusively Maa within the community. Approximately 10 percent of the community also speaks Kiswahili, with less than 2 percent also speaking English.

The community occupies lands on the floor of the Great Rift Valley at an elevation of 1 200 to 1 500 metres. This semi-arid area experiences seasonal rainfall, with wet seasons typically in April to May and November to December. Within this environment, water is a limited resource with acute water shortages for livestock and household use occurring through at least several months of the year.

A large majority of the population are reported to obtain their livelihood through husbandry of cattle, goat and sheep. Family incomes were supplemented by the sale of milk, livestock and wild products, primarily charcoal and firewood. Wild plant food, primarily fruit and roots and honey as well as medicinal plants added to the diet, provided an important but understudied contribution to diet and health. Previous studies have documented Maasai diet-related ethnobotany and intake patterns (Johns et al., 2000; Maundu, Ngungi and Kabuye, 1999; Nestel, 1989). Government surveys have identified nutrition and health problems in Kajiado District and data from the food systems documentation phase of the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment Food Systems for Health Program provided important background as reported here.

Reduced carrying capacity of the environment for livestock, to a considerable degree related to drought and integration into the market, coincided in leading to increased sale of livestock and reduced herd sizes. The proximity to Nairobi and the extension of peri-urban areas and related markets into Ngong sub-district made purchased food a ready alternative to the consumption of the traditional diet. Dependence on purchased foods without income security, however, resulted in a lack of dietary self-sufficiency. Droughts over the past couple of decades underline a pattern of poverty, food crises and dependence on food relief. Serious food shortages in 1984, 1990–1992, 1996–1997, 2000–2001 and their emergence again in 2004–2005 suggest that the cycle is getting shorter without allowing sufficient time for the community to recover. With the extent of drought experienced in the Maasai territory, undernutrition has been documented with wasting and stunting of more than 10 and 50 percent of Maasai children respectively. Further details on overall nutrition status from a report of a World Vision survey are presented in Table 11.1.

Community water requirements are high and people experienced considerable hardship in travelling long distances (more than 20 km) to look for water for both human and livestock consumption. Women were only able to fetch domestic water using donkeys each carrying 30 litres of water. Five litres of this went to the school and people had only one day to rest before going back to fetch water. This cycle consumed women’s time to the degree they were not able to engage in any other meaningful and productive social and economic activities. During rainy season, both livestock and humans used water from the same earth dams. Water was therefore not clean and many people contracted water-borne diseases, including typhoid. Water contamination also adversely affected human health indirectly through livestock losses and subsequent reduction in food availability.

In addition to their importance for livelihoods, livestock are central to Maasai culture, society and identity. Cattle play a key role in important ceremonies, such as circumcision where blood is drawn. In other ceremonies, skins have a sacred function and cattle are the means of appreciation given to spiritual leaders at the time of the ceremony. In addition, a dowry in the form of cows forms an essential role in cementing links between families; the marriage of a man and woman contributes to traditional economic security and is the foundation into which children enter society. Cattle are an essential part of exchange typical of many other social relationships. Cattle husbandry defines the organization of society; a male Elder heads each household and livestock unit, with a clear differentiation of gender and age-defined roles around milking, grazing and other aspects of pastoralism. Further, traditional forms of healing draw on animal-source diets including milk, soup and blood.

In spite of the limitations of pastoralism for meeting the needs of the Maasai population in the contemporary context, this system continues to make essential contributions to the well-being of both national and local populations. For the latter, it provides a subsistence basis for the majority of the population, and for the former, a large portion of the meat consumed. Therefore, the situation of the Enkereyian community must be considered within a national context. Solutions for its chronic food insecurity and malnutrition depend on improved self-sufficiency and resource management, as well as rational national policies that ensure that the pastoral contribution to meat, milk and charcoal for urban residents is recognized and compensated in a manner consistent with historical authority and events, and present realities. Recently, the Maasai developed a strategic plan and will utilize the research from this project to strengthen women’s knowledge and abilities to provide animal source foods for their children.

Objectives

The study aimed to:

1.Identify traditional foods consumed by the Maasai community.

2.Compile selected nutrient composition of traditional foods.

3.Determine the dietary use in the cultural context of the Maasai community.

4.Provide background for a possible health and food-based intervention to improve the health status of the Maasai community.

Methods

Study design

Food habits of the Maasai community were studied in conjunction with the collection and nutrient analysis of plant-based foods commonly used. The study also drew on available literature on nutritional status of the area and nutrient composition of foods. A cross-sectional survey was conducted between August 2004 and January 2005, a period that would normally comprise a dry season followed by short rains. In fact, because of ongoing drought conditions the dry season was more extreme than seasonal averages, and was compounded by the failure of the short rains to arrive.

Data collection

Key informant interviews

Two selected community consultants provided the initial preliminary information on foods consumed and the cultural context under which they are consumed. Further in-depth interviews were conducted with elderly men and women separately. Information collected in key informants interviewed included:

- history of the Maasai people;

- common foods consumed by the Maasai people at different stages of life;

- cultural context of dietary practices;

- list of plant-based food consumed, their use and seasonality.

Focus group discussions

Separate focus group discussions were held for women and men. For the men, discussions focused on general foods and their cultural context. Foods consumed specifically by (adolescent) males, e.g. during circumcisions, were discussed. For the women, foods consumed by infants, young children, and women in general and by pregnant and lactating women in particular were the focus of discussion. In all the discussions, special consideration was given to locally available food additives or adjuncts (herbs) and wild fruits that were commonly consumed.

Food sample collection and identification

During the focus group discussions, an inventory of foods, including herbs and wild fruits consumed, was made. Besides the mainstream Maasai traditional foods (animal-source foods), a diversity of herbs and wild fruits were consumed. Of these, 15 herbs and 11 wild fruits were selected for analysis based on their seasonal availability. They were collected and submitted to:

1.The East African Herbarium where their botanical names and respective family group were identified. The leaves, flowers and edible portions of the plants were submitted.

2.The Department of Food Technology and Nutrition laboratories of the University of Nairobi for selected mineral and vitamin analysis. Only the edible portions were submitted for the analyses.

Micronutrient analysis of herbs and fruits

A total of 15 herbs and 11 fruits were selected for analysis for vitamin A, vitamin C, iron, zinc, calcium and selenium. Vitamin A and iron deficiencies are of public health importance in Kenya (Sehmi, 1993; Government of Kenya and UNICEF, 1999). At the global level, zinc deficiency is gaining interest as a potential public health problem. Vitamin C deficiency among young children has been evident in the study area (MPIDO, 2005). Selenium is increasingly being mentioned as an important micronutrient, particularly with the advent of HIV/AIDS. Calcium was considered for analysis as an extra micronutrient.

Herbs and fruits for laboratory analysis were collected over a six-month period, between July 2004 and January 2005. Each herb was collected from three different plants, not more than 500 metres away from each other. The three samples of the same herb were then analysed in duplicate. Because of the scarcity of fruits in the dry season, it was not possible to use the same sampling method as used for the herbs. Fruits were collected from a single tree and analysed in triplicate.

For fruits and herbs consumed in raw forms, the edible portions were analysed directly. For herbs from which hot water extracts are added to soups or milk, known weights of usable portions were boiled in 100 ml water and their extracts in water were analysed for micronutrients. Computations were subsequently conducted to determine the amounts of nutrients in 100 g of edible portion. The following formula was used:

Vitamins A and C analyses were carried out using High Performance Liquid Chromatography, and iron, zinc, calcium, magnesium and selenium analyses were conducted by use of Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometry.

Dietary survey

Representatives of 120 households sampled randomly were interviewed during the months of October and December 2004. The mothers were interviewed on issues of food source and decision-making related to food choice, source, preparation and consumptions. A three-day food frequency, which included the source of food and intra-household food distribution (qualitatively), was also administered. Respondents were asked on how many days the pre-listed foods had been consumed in the households. The list was constructed during pre-testing of the dietary survey questionnaire and other foods not on the list could be added during the survey. The household members who consumed the food and the sources were also recorded.

To determine the household energy and nutrient consumption, a 24-hour recall was conducted. Mothers were asked about their food intake. All foods consumed from getting up to going to bed were recorded. To assess the amounts consumed most accurately, the interviewers carried household measures with them to enable the respondents to indicate the most appropriate size or volume. In addition, the cooking pans, spoons and sieves were used to estimate volumes and weights of home-prepared meals, while all the ingredients and their amounts were recorded.

Previous nutritional studies in project area

The nutrient content of major foods consumed, including the composition of meat, milk and blood, are available in the food composition table of Sehmi (1993).

The nutritional status of children in the study area was reviewed from two surveys, one conducted by MPIDO and Ministry of Health (MPIDO, 2004), and the other by World Vision Kenya (2004). The latter, carried out in the months of January and February, 2004, by World Vision’s Loodariak Area Development Program, Kajiado District, reported nutritional status of children in Central Keekonyoikie. The survey was conducted during the dry season and at a time when the protracted droughts had just started. As shown in Table 11.1, 13 percent of children were below standards in the weight-for-height category, indicating that a considerable number were acutely malnourished at the time. Moderate wasting was found to be 10.3 percent, which is higher than the average wasting rate in Kenya (6.5 percent). Underweight (weight-for-age) may be an indication of mixed malnutrition (both long term and short term). About 23 percent of the children were found to be moderately underweight, which is quite comparable to the average underweight rate in Kenya (22 percent). Moderate rates of underweight (as low as 5 percent) have been reported in some parts of Kenya, while about 7 percent were found to be severely underweight.

In the subsequent Ministry of Health study, 800 households and 828 children under five years old (6–59 months old having height ranging from 65 to 110 cm) were surveyed in Central Keekonyoikie location at the very start of the drought period. The intent of this cross-sectional survey with random sampling was to describe nutritional status, investigate factors associated with malnutrition in the area and give valid recommendations to be used as a basis for immediate nutrition and/or health interventions. Weight, height and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) were measured as indicators of prevalence of wasting and acute malnutrition.

In this sample, 51.4 percent were male and 48.5 percent were female with 5 percent of all children below one year of age. The prevalence of wasting was 22.2 percent, with moderate and severe wasting found to be 14.1 and 8.1 percent respectively. The results of the MUAC measurements showed that 7.6 percent were malnourished (Z-scores less than -2) (data not shown).

The rates of acute malnutrition from both surveys of above 10 percent provided a justification for relief food, especially for the children under five years old. Thus, MPIDO initiated a general food ration programme (providing maize, beans and oil to families on a monthly basis) and supplementary feeding to non-centre young children was provided with a mixture of soya flour, maize and micronutrients.

Although a national survey assessing anaemia and iron, vitamin A and zinc status was conducted in Kenya in 1999 (MPIDO, 2004) no information was available from Maasai areas.

Photos

Photos were taken using a digital camera (3.2 mega pixels) for the study area in general and of the community members as they involved themselves in various activities. Photography of edible portions of the food samples collected – stems, leaves, roots and fruits – are on file with ROP.

Data analysis

Information emerging from key informant interviews and focus group discussions were categorized based on thematic issues of concern. Dietary data were imputed in the Statistical Package for Social Scientists package (Version 11) and analysed in the same package at ROP. Laboratory data were entered into MS-Excel using the same package. Mean micronutrient contents and standard deviations were computed.

Results

Table 11.2 reports species within the Maasai food list, followed by Table 11.3, which gives characteristics of unique Maasai foods. Table 11.4 outlines the source of foods and aspects of food decision-making.

Nutrient profile of basic Maasai traditional foods

Traditionally, the Maasai rely on meat, milk and blood from cattle for protein and energy needs. Thes research study showed that the foods and their by-products were consumed alone or in combinations in differing contexts by differing age groups. Table 11.5 shows the nutrient composition of Maasai meat, blood and milk as reported by Sehmi (1993) and by Foley and Otterby (1978).

Meat was shown to be an important source of energy and protein for the Maasai people. Meat was usually consumed during special occasions: circumcision and marriage ceremonies, among others. Soups, which were usually eaten with added herbs, were prepared whenever meat was available. Meat and bones were boiled in water with herbs. In some cases, herbs were boiled in water first, after which the water extract was added to the prepared soups. Blood was an exceptionally good source of iron and calcium and contributed protein and vitamin A. It was consumed whenever an animal was slaughtered or when a household member lost blood, principally in childbirth and circumcision. The broths (mixtures of blood and milk) were relatively low in protein and iron content. They did, however, provide appreciable amounts of calcium. They were consumed on special occasions that called for the slaughtering of animals.

Milk was also shown to be an important food for the Maasai. According to Maasai Elders, milk consumption patterns have changed only minimally over time, as compared to blood consumption. Milk and milk products were consumed any time of the day by all age groups, although these products were highly recommended for young children. There were four categories of milk products consumed:

- Fresh milk – obtained from the cow and ingested without being boiled. All people drank milk whenever it was available.

- Sour milk (kule naisamis) – made by fermenting the fresh milk for a day (mostly overnight) at room temperature. Young boys, not yet at the circumcision age, were common consumers.

- Yoghurt (kule naoto) – milk was fermented for about four days and stored in airtight containers. It resembled the conventional yoghurt. All age groups took this milk.

- Cow colostrum (isikitok) – when still thick and yellow in colour, this was considered nutritious and mostly given to young children, particularly boys. Adults did not take colostrum unless it was mixed with herbs.

The research found that fresh milk was an important source of protein, energy and calcium among these people. Yoghurt in the Maasai community may have other functional health benefits as a result of the probiotic microorganisms present. Cow colostrum was shown as an important source of protein and vitamin A, especially for children.

It was a common practice to add herbs to fresh or boiled milk for various reasons. These additions were generally considered nutritious and possessing medical functions; it was widely believed that additions of herbs to milk help children to fight diseases.

Nutrient composition of herbs

Herbs were added for flavour and/or for nutrition and medical functions in mainstream Maasai food, such as meat, blood, soup and milk. Some herbs were boiled in water directly and added to milk or soups, while some were consumed “as is”. Some of the herbs commonly used had attributed hypolipidemic and antioxidant properties, thus offering one explanation for the low incidence of heart disease despite high consumption of animal-source foods. The herbs were prepared and consumed in different forms. Almost all herbs were available throughout the year although their availability most likely improves during the wet seasons, and they were generally consumed in a specific season (as shown in Table 11.2). Table 11.6 shows the use and nutrient composition of some commonly used herbs.

The herbs consumed were found to generally not be important as sources of ß-carotene. Only osimantel and olpanti contained much ß-carotene. Olpanti contained 18 mg/100g while osimantel, comparing favourably with cabbage, contained 85.6 mg/100g. Oikimitara, olkalei and olkiloriti were relatively important as sources of vitamin C, but did not compare favourably with the common vegetables, such as kales and cabbages. Olosesiae, olgdonga and olkarasha were relatively good sources of non-haeme iron. Olosesiae provided zinc. Olerai and olkimatara, olosesiae and oldebe provided relatively high levels of selenium. Olkimatara and olkarasha contained relatively high levels of calcium – higher than kales and cabbages.

It seems that olkimatara, olosesiae and olkarasha were the most important single herbs in providing a variety of important micronutrients. Olkimatara provided vitamin C, zinc, selenium and calcium. Olosesiae on the other hand provided iron, zinc and selenium at the same time. Olkarasha contained appreciable levels of iron and calcium.

Wild fruits and roots consumed

Wild fruits and roots were consumed mostly by women and children and were highly seasonal, with many having increased availability during and immediately after rainy seasons. Many of these fruits, which were not as sweet as cultivated fruits, can be bitter and were often unpalatable to non-Maasai. Though many were small-sized, they were nevertheless consumed in large quantities by children and women, and were, therefore, a significant source of micronutrients during their months of availability. Table 11.6 details the nutrient composition of several wild fruits consumed in the Maasai community.

As in the case of herbs, many fruits were found to be insignificant sources of vitamin A. Edible portions of iyier, however, contained 6.13 mg/100 g of ß-carotene while other fruits provided negligible amounts. All the fruits provided at least some vitamin C, with sagararam (which is also consumed by goats) exceptionally high (762 mg/100 g). By comparison, orange contains 60 mg/100 g of vitamin C (Sehmi, 1993). Iltapaila contained about twice the amount of vitamin C in oranges while iyier and lamuriak had amounts comparable to oranges. Ilpupuo had high amounts of iron and was not comparable to other fruits. Sagararam and lamuriak had higher levels of zinc relative to other fruits. All fruits analysed contained at least some selenium except for iltipaila and sagararam. Ositeti and olmisigiyo had, however, the highest content of selenium. All fruits had calcium in some amounts except for iltipaila, with ilpupuo and ositeti containing relatively higher amounts. No single fruit provided appreciable amounts of more than two micronutrients. Ilpupuo contained iron and calcium although the bio-availability of the former is unknown; ositeti contributed both selenium and calcium. Sagararam can be relied on as a relatively good source of vitamin C and zinc.

Food consumption patterns in the Maasai life-cycle

Birth to two years

Breastfeeding was the norm up to two years of age. In addition to breastmilk, young children were fed cream from cow’s milk commonly known as engorno. The cream was extracted by boiling milk and leaving it to stand for the cream to separate, after which it was scooped from the top and given to young children. A common practice of adding burnt donkey dung to the cream before boiling and feeding to young children (most common at three months of age) was believed to help prevent cold and pneumonia. Fresh milk was also given, but rarely without additives. It was common to add herbs, which were first boiled separately in water and the resultant extract added to milk. The herbs were added for nutrition as well as medical functions as described above. Most of the herbs were roots, and are believed to be growth stimulators, dewormers, rehydrators and anti-diuretics, among other functions. Herbs formed an important part of young children’s diets.

After circumcision

Before circumcision, girls and boys consumed the general diet consumed by adults. Children, however, were particularly good gatherers and consumers of wild fruits. They gathered many kilograms of wild fruits at their own leisure, particularly when they took animals for grazing. They shared their “harvest” mostly with their mothers and sisters. Male adults considered fruits as food for children and women, and consumed relatively little.

Immediately post-circumcision – 12 to 13 years for girls and 15 to 16 years for boys – special foods were provided. For girls, a mixture of sour milk and fresh blood (osaraoi) was given. Until several months after circumcision, these young people were not allowed to drink plain water – they were encouraged to add milk to it before drinking. Dry meat in solid animal fat (olpurda), fresh milk and liquid fat in blood were all commonly consumed. A number of herbs were also consumed. Following circumcision boys were encouraged to drink yoghurt and blood daily, on an hourly basis or whenever hungry. Dried meat, which had been stored in rendered fat and a mixture of fresh milk and blood, was given. For girls, drinking water without adding milk was discouraged. Post-circumcision, boys were officially called the “morans” and their official foods were fresh milk, fermented milk (equivalent to yoghurt) and meat (inkiri) in large amounts. The use of herbs in soups or consumption “as is” was common and a relatively wider variety of herbs was used by boys in comparison to the girls.

Adults

In general, adults (men and women) consumed a variety of staple traditional foods (meat, blood, soup and milk), as well as foods common among Kenyans such as ugali (maize meal), githeri (a mixture of maize and beans), kales, cabbages, and beans. Special recommendations pertained to pregnant and lactating women.

Pregnant women

Particular parts of meat were earmarked during slaughter for pregnant women, including the liver and kidney. Dried meat in solid fat and fresh and fermented milk were also given at this stage. The use of herbs was also common and women were encouraged to eat various recommended wild fruits and roots.

Postnatal and lactating women

Immediately after delivery, women were given:

- liquid fat for cleansing;

- concentrated solution of water and sugar for energy;

- fresh blood and milk;

- porridge with blood added;

- fresh milk;

- soup with various types of herbs.

Changing food consumption patterns of the Maasai of Enkereyian

In recent years, members of the community have grown dependent on food produced in other areas, a pattern that is more pronounced during the protracted droughts. During drought, animals were spared as sources of food, and migration to areas with green pastures was inevitable. In many instances, animals were sold at “throw away” price, with the money obtained being used to buy more conventional foods, purchased at shops or markets.

The dietary survey in this project was conducted during the drought season. Under these exceptional conditions, it was found that about half of the households depended on their own food sources, and close to half of the other respondents (45.7 percent) purchased food. During this particular time, MPIDO was distributing food (maize, beans and cooking oil) as a general ration in addition to a commercial pre-cooked mixture of maize, soya beans combined with mineral premixes supplied by a local company.

About 3 percent of households depended on the relief offerings as their predominant sources of food. The greatest determinant for the purchase of food was the availability of money irrespective of the season. Husbands, who usually were in better position to work and earn income, were the primary decision-makers on the sources of food. However, their wives determined how food should be prepared and distributed among the household members. This is a common pattern in other communities in rural Kenya.

Maize and white potatoes were the most important energy sources for the Maasai community. The latter was purchased, while the former was obtained from the relief supply. Predominant sources of proteins were beans and milk, with the former obtained from relief supply while the latter was produced by the household. Meat was consumed at least once in three days by about 70.2 percent of the households, while most households rarely consumed blood. Herbs (gathered), even during the drought, were consumed with eremit, olerai and olamai [35] at least once in three days. Three wild fruits were mentioned with iyier being the most commonly consumed. Kales (purchased) were consumed at least once in three days by about half of the households interviewed. Fish, peas, sweet potatoes, groundnuts, sorghum and cassava were rare foods in the Maasai community.

It appeared that despite the protracted drought and attendant practice to spare animals, milk and meat were still highly consumed. However, animals were spared as a source of blood for normal consumption. At the time of data collection, relief food was an important food source.

Nutrient intake

Food taken in the last 24 hours

In total, 14 major different foods (Table 11.7) were consumed, as recorded with 24-hour recalls.

The respondents did not mention herbs. This could be explained by the fact that men were the common consumers of herbs, and that most common herbs consumed during the dry season were the succulent ones. Men mostly consumed these to reduce thirst during herding. Anecdotal data, however, showed that the herb, oremit, was commonly used in milk tea in the breakfast meals throughout the year. Fruits were also not mentioned. Children consumed most fruits and this intake was not captured in the 24-hour recall. During the wet season, however, when fruits were in plenty, children always brought them home to share with their mothers.

Adult nutrient intake per day

Daily energy, protein, vitamin A, and iron intake based on 24-hour recall data are shown in Table 11.8. When these values were compared with the recommended intakes for Kenyans as reported by Sehmi (1993), energy (for adults) and vitamin A consumption were low, while protein and iron intakes were in excess of the recommendations. A minimum energy intake of 2 100 kcal and 1 550 kcal is required per day for adults and children respectively.

A minimum intake of about 41 g and 18 g protein for adults and children respectively is recommended. For vitamin A, about 750 μgRE is recommended for non-pregnant female and male adults, while at least 500 μgRE is required for young children. At least 10 mg of iron and 28 mg of iron intake per day is recommended for young children and adults, respectively.

Common traditional foods (milk and meat) contributed only 6.2 percent to the energy consumed. Milk, however, contributed a higher proportion of the vitamin A intake. Milk also contributed about a tenth of the iron intake. Under the extreme drought conditions of the study period purchased or donated non-traditional foods in turn provided 93.8 percent of energy. Under more favourable conditions cooking oil, which made up more than half of the caloric intake, would be consumed only during ceremonies and in the preparation of chapattis. Chapattis in turn would normally only be consumed with meat or vegetable stews.

As shown in Figure 11.2, most energy was obtained from the lunches and suppers. Most protein came from the breakfast meals while vitamin A was predominantly obtained from breakfast and snacks. Iron was mostly obtained from the lunches and suppers.

Results for the three-day food frequency (Table 11.9) likewise supports a pattern of maize, milk and beans as the main staples, with white potato, cabbage and kale and meat completing the diet of the majority of households. Oremit was the only herb used on a daily basis by the majority of households, and during the study period most households consumed the fruit iyier.

Conclusions

Meat, milk, blood, and soups were the basic traditional foods of the Maasai of Enkereyian, while herbs were either added to them or consumed directly. Meat, milk and blood provided an important (but decreasing) source of energy and nutrients. Wild non-domesticated fruits were mostly consumed by children and women. More recently, however, the Maasai have increasingly depended on food produced by others, especially during the protracted droughts. During droughts, the consumption of milk, meat, blood and herbs became rare and the availability of highly seasonal wild fruits diminished. Development agencies provided relief food, which became an important source of energy and nutrients during the drought period. Even in the absence of drought, other non-traditional foods were bought, prepared and consumed.

The contribution of traditional diets to energy and nutrients is declining rapidly. Young community members consequently lose the indigenous knowledge on food use and rely more on the conventional Kenyan foods. If some measures are not put in place, complete loss of traditional food practices appears inevitable. This is highly evident with the gradual loss of elder members of the Maasai community who carry most of this people’s indigenous knowledge.

Maasai pastoralists living in changing socio-economic circumstances could achieve food security and optimal nutrition and health through: (1) effective management of the pastoral production system; (2) sustainable use of environmental resources including water; (3) nutritionally and culturally appropriate use of purchased foods; and (4) an informed and responsive policy framework. Improving the dietary intake and anthropometric measurements of young children is also a target. In recognition of the cultural importance of livestock (cattle, goats and sheep), increasing family access and use of animal source foods is crucial. Indicators for project success would be biological (anthropometry and dietary), interview (food security and physical activity) and process (activities and workshops evaluated by participants).

Preservation and maintenance of the Maasai traditional indigenous food-based knowledge can be done through continuous education of young members of the community about their traditional food systems and their cultural contexts. There is also a need to integrate the existing health and nutrition interventions with traditional food promotion. Strategies and programmes can increase the availability and consequently the consumption of animal source foods. Such efforts must address the problem of access to water and can involve restocking activities with small animals (goats and sheep) targeted at the most vulnerable households.

Further research could study the effect of traditional diets and Maasai child-feeding practices on simple nutrition indicators, such as anthropometry, psychosocial status and general health condition. This can be used to demonstrate the importance of traditional diets and child-feeding practices, and it can act as a pilot that can be replicated elsewhere among other Maasai and beyond.

Pastoralists of Kajiado District struggle to meet their basic nutrition and subsistence needs within a challenging physical environment. Poverty and malnutrition, stemming from historical determinants of land access and land tenure, are compounded by the progressive deterioration of pastures and other aspects of the biophysical environment, and potentially from integration of pastoralists into the market economy as an immediate adaptive response. Reduction in the consumption of milk, meat and other traditional foods adversely affects nutrition and food security. Limited income-generating alternatives such as charcoal-making and firewood sales have adverse environmental consequences, ultimately reducing the quality of pastures, the availability of wild foods, the productivity of pastoralism, and the well-being of the majority of the community.

This case study in the Food Systems and Health Program of the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment revealed that the Maasai people had diverse foods and indigenous knowledge on preparation and use of the foods. These resources can be incorporated into strategies that would enable the community to meet their nutritional, food security and livelihood needs in a more optimal manner •

Acknowledgements

We are grateful for the technical assistance of the Department of Food Technology and Nutrition, University of Nairobi and the East Africa Herbarium, National Museums of Kenya. World Vision, UNICEF and the Kenyan Ministry of Health provided valuable support. In addition, we thank Dorcas Naishapai and Helen Nawoiki for their able assistance in the field and members of the community of Enkereyian who assisted or participated in the study.

> Comments to: tim.johns@mcgill.ca; mpido@mpido.org

>> Photographic section p. XXXIII

Chapter 12

The Igbo traditional food system documented in four states in southern Nigeria

• ELIZABETH C. OKEKE, PH. D.[1] • HENRIETTA N. ENE - OBONG, PH. D.[1] • ANTHONIA O. UZUEGBUNAM, PH. D.[2] • ALFRED OZIOKO3, 4 • SIMON I. UMEH[5] • NNAEMEKA CHUKWUONE[6]

1

Department of Home Science, Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), Nigeria

2

Social Science Unit, School of General Studies, UNN, Nigeria

3

Bioresources Development and Conservation Program, UNN, Nigeria

4

International Centre for Ethnomedicine and Drug Discovery, Nsukka, Nigeria

5

Department of Crop Science, UNN, Nigeria

6

Centre for Rural Development and Cooperatives, UNN, Nigeria

Photographic section >> XXXVI

“Ndi mba ozo na-azu na-anwu n’aguu.”

“People who depend on foreign food eventually die of hunger.”

Igbo saying

Abstract

Traditional food systems play significant roles in maintaining the well-being and health of Indigenous Peoples. Yet, evidence abounds showing that the traditional food base and knowledge of Indigenous Peoples are being eroded. This has resulted in the use of fewer species, decreased dietary diversity due to household food insecurity and consequently poor health status. A documentation of the traditional food system of the Igbo culture area of Nigeria included food uses, nutritional value and contribution to nutrient intake, and was conducted in four randomly selected states in which the Igbo reside. Quantitative and qualitative data collection methods were employed. A total of 220 food species including many varieties were documented.

The study revealed existing knowledge gaps of the composition of Igbo traditional foods. A number of little-used, uncommon vegetables with perceived health benefits were identified in some areas. Key traditional staple foods in the Igbo culture area included: yams (Dioscorea spp.), cocoyam (Colocasia/Xanthosoma spp.), cassava (Manihot spp.), maize (Zea mays), some of which were status symbols. Other food groups such as legumes, nuts, seeds, wild fruits and vegetables were abundant. Animal foods were available but expensive; the availability of wild/bush animals was limited because of deforestation and urbanization. Breastfeeding was noted to be the traditionally accepted method of infant feeding, while quality complementary foods posed some problems.

Most traditional foods/diets were inadequate in meeting the energy, calcium, riboflavin and niacin needs of the population. Red palm oil contributed 70 to 85 percent of provitamin A intake. There were community variations in the contribution of specific food groups to nutrient intakes. Based on the findings of this research, intervention options and policy considerations are suggested.

Introduction

Overall description of research area

Two communities were randomly sampled in each of four states: Ohiya/Ohuhu in Abia State, Ezinifite/Aku in Anambra State, Ubulu-Uku/Alumu in Delta State and Ede-Oballa/Ukehe in Enugu State (Figure 12.1). The detailed fieldwork was conducted in these eight communities.

Ohiya/Ohuhu communities are located in Umuahia Local Government Area (LGA) in Abia State. Umuahia had a population of about 213 630 in 1992 according to the Nigeria Population Census (NPC, 1992), and residents in the study were just a few kilometres from the state capital, Umuahia. The vegetation is deciduous and the climate is tropical. There is a small river nearby where people fish and grow vegetables. Ohiya/Ohuhu communities are distinctively known for a stem vegetable called achara (Pennisetum spp.) used for soup preparation, and fermented oil bean seeds presented as kola on big occasions. The achara stem vegetable is not common in other communities studied.

Ezinifite/Aku communities are located in Aguata LGA of Anambra State. Aguata LGA had a population of 289 049 (NPC, 1992). Politically, Ezinifite organizes its traditional authority around the Igwe. They are situated in the hinterland within the deciduous forests. Their location greatly influences their production, consumption and preservation of foods. Their main foods are yam, cassava and a few legumes, which are also seasonal.

Ubulu-Uku/Alumu communities are located in Delta State. They are located near the river basin belt of the Niger River that gave Nigeria its name. This location is a typical farming region, which explains why the inhabitants produce and consume many vegetables, cassava, yam, etc. Snails and bushmeat are also consumed. The traditional political organizations of Ubulu-Uku/Alumu communities are around the Obi of the communities.

Ede-Oballa/Ukehe communities are located at the heart of Nsukka LGA in Enugu State, near the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and within the deciduous forest area. Its soils are very rich for the cultivation of legumes and vegetables. Unlike the other communities studied, Ede-Oballa/Ukehe may be one of the most fertile areas in the south-east zone of Igbo culture area. This area is rich in bushmeat and cultivated cereals. In 1992, Ede-Oballa had an estimated population of 12 447, with 5 760 males and 6 687 females (NPC, 1992).

Geographic and environmental characteristics

Geographically, south-eastern Nigeria extends from latitudes 4° 40’ to 7° 20’ north latitude, and 6° 00’ to 8° 20’ east longitude. The culture area occupies about 50 000 km^2 of Nigeria’s total area of 923 768 km^2 (Figure 12.1). The states of the Federal Republic of Nigeria occupied by the cultural group are Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States where they are the dominant group. In Rivers and Delta States, the Igbo cultural group occupies almost a third of the states.

The land surface of the Igbo culture area is dominated by plains which are less than 200 m above sea level, and which include some upland areas within the Udi, Plateau and Awka-Orlu regions which in some cases are greater than 520 m above sea level (particularly the Nsukka area). The plain – which is the dominant feature in the area (Ofomata, 1975) – may have resulted from alternating denudation activities. The areas covered by the plains are Anambra State within the Anambra-Niger River plain, Imo State at the foot of Awka-Orlu upland at the axis of Orlu, Owerri, Umuahia and Aba. This lowland joins the so-called Niger Delta plains. Ebonyi and Abia States fall within the Cross-River plain.

The annual rainfall of the area ranges from 4 000 mm in the southern area to about 1 700 mm at Nsukka in the northern area. There are considerable variations in total annual rainfall from year to year. In the southern part towards the coastal region, a tropical wet climate is experienced, while the rest of the region has a tropical dry climate (Koppen, 1940). According to Monanu (1975), although both classes of climate imply an average annual surplus, the seasonal distribution is more significant than the average annual rainfall total. Most soils are moist throughout the year.

The temperature pattern closely follows the rainfall distribution. The southern portion of the area has an average annual temperature between 26 and 27 °C, while that in the north is between 27 and 28 °C. There are two major seasons in the area: rainy and dry. The rainy season lasts from April to October in the northern part of the zone, while in the south the rains can start as early as March and last until November. The dry season lasts up to five months. Often, the dry season comes with the very dry northeast Trade Wind from the Sahara desert (the “Harmattan” wind). Some tourist attractions in the area are Agulu Lake, Ogbunike Cave, Green Lake and Enyigba Salt Lake.

Environmental protection issues

Soil erosion – especially gully, rill and inter-rill including riverbank flooding – remains the most important environmental problem in the area. The well-known gully erosion sites are the Agulu-Nanka in Anambra State, Orlu and Uruala areas of Imo State, Ozuitem, Abriba, Ohafia and Amucha in Abia State. Active gully erosion is estimated to affect about 2 percent of the total land area of Igbo cultural group. This is highly detrimental to the agricultural production life and land of the people.

Demographic characteristics

The population of the Igbo cultural group according to a 1991 national census was 25 million (NPC, 1992). The Owerri area has one of the highest population densities not only of Nigeria, but in the whole of Africa, with Imo State up to Anambra State area having 460 persons per km^2 at that time. Education infrastructure in the states had not been fully developed and illiteracy was frequent. Only 41 percent of women aged 15 and older was literate in 1999, compared with 58 percent of men (FOS, 2000). The goal of achieving equal access to primary education by girls and boys had not yet been attained. The recent enrollment rates for both sexes declined from 87 to 84 percent in boys and 82 to 77 percent in girls (FOS/UNICEF, 2000). Education progresses through pre-primary, primary, secondary and post-secondary levels, and there are also technical schools and colleges of education.

Cultural characteristics

Generally, the Igbo people share a common basic culture centred on a common language, common institutions and common religious and cosmological beliefs. This type of unity within a variable cultural complex has full expression in the area represented by kola-nut and white chalk customs, the vigour in Igbo music and dance movements, highly developed art of wall decoration and delicate body paintings, pottery designs, weaving, folklore, oral literature, “mmuo” dances and drama, traditional games and pastimes such as wrestling, acrobatics, archery and fencing (Uchendu, 1965). Due to its patrilineal nature, the society has a strong preference for the male child. The extended family system or network is predominant and functions not only as a kinship system but also as a social welfare and security mechanism. Cultural norms and practices coupled with the influence of religion have tended to determine the place of women in Igbo culture, with roots in tradition, culture and religion. Discrimination against women is no longer as static or as strong as previously because the government recognizes the rights of women, and women’s organizations work to ensure that the rights of women are protected (Onwuejeogwu, 1981).

Different parts of Igbo culture area still observe food taboos. Women still deliver their babies under the care of traditional birth attendants. Despite the campaign against early marriage and teenage pregnancy, these are prevalent practices. Today women still do not participate in land issues, traditional kola nut practices, etc.

General description of the food system circumstances

Agriculture is a long-standing occupation of the people of the zone. Farm size is small, about 1.5 hectares. Rainfed crop production is dominant. Cropping is based on fallow system on outlying farms while compound and other farms close to homesteads are continuously cropped (Ndiokwelu, 1998).

All crops are sold and a proportion is used for food. Industrial crops like cocoa, rubber and cotton are grown in minor quantities in the zone, but are cash crops. Yam (Dioscorea spp.), maize (Zea mays), cassava (Manihot spp.), cocoyam (Colocassia spp.), edible legumes, vegetables and rice (Oryza sativa) are grown extensively in some areas of the zone. Mixed cropping based on root/tuber crops is universally practised. Rice is grown as a sole crop in seasonal swamps. The dominant tree crops are oil palm, citrus, banana, plantain, kola, coconut, mango and rafia palm. There are still pockets of food gathering, hunting and fishing, but deforestation has made it difficult to hunt regularly. Fishing is carried out in the riverine areas, such as Delta Igbo or near Adani and Nkpologu areas in Enugu State. Livestock farming (local cow, goat, pig, chicken, rabbit and fish) is practised in the Igbo culture area. In rural areas local chickens brood anywhere, yet there are well-established poultry farms in both rural and urban areas of the Igbo culture area. Many useful fruit trees are exploited from semi-wild conditions. These include breadfruit (Treculia sp.), African pear (Dacroydes sp.), Irvingia sp. and Pentaclethra macrophylla (oil bean seed), Dialium sp., Parkia vitex and Chrysophyllum sp. Wild and semi-wild leaf vegetables of importance in the zone include Pterocarpus sp., Pergularia sp. and Gnetum sp.

Overall health and nutrition status

Water and sanitation

In 2000, household piped water coverage was less than 30 percent and sanitation was less than 20 percent. Sanitary means of excreta disposal in the communities was accessible by 56 percent of the population (FOS/UNICEF, 2000).

Nutritional status

Nutritional status of vulnerable groups in the country can be used as a measure to assess the nutritional status of the communities with whom we worked. The recently concluded Food Consumption and Nutrition Survey 2001–2003 found that, nationally, 42 percent of children were stunted, 25 percent were underweight and 9 percent were wasted (Maziya-Dixon et al., 2004). The National Demographic Health Survey (NPC and ORC Macro, 2004) also showed that in the south-east (Ibgo area), 20 percent of children were stunted, 5 percent were wasted and 8.5 percent were underweight. These values were lower than in other zones.

Micronutrient deficiencies were also of great public health importance in the Igbo culture area. Available data from the 1993 Participatory Information Collection (PIC) survey showed that the prevalence of vitamin A deficiency was 9 percent in children and 7 percent in mothers (FGN and United Nations Children’s Fund, 1993; FGN/UNICEF, 1994). Key nutritional findings for children aged 6–71 months in the southeast zone showed vitamin A dietary risk with a vitamin A deficiency (VAD) prevalence of 16 percent and serum VAD 15 percent (OMNI, 1993). The Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (FOS/UNICEF, 2000) showed that less than a quarter of children between the ages of 6 and 59 months had received a vitamin A supplement in the preceding 24 months. The data indicated that the regions with the most serious prevalence of VAD had received the least supplementation, while the proportion of children receiving vitamin A supplements was as high as 47 percent in the southeast.

The data also showed that vitamin A supplementation was much more available in the urban than in the rural areas. A 1993 study (FGN and United Nations Children’s Fund, 1993) showed that the Nigerian southeast had the highest prevalence of iron deficiency anaemia (IDA) for mothers (61 percent), while the lowest prevalence was in the northwest (12 percent). The prevalence rate for anaemia among children was highest in the southeast at 50 percent and lowest in the northeast (11 percent). Prevention is the best treatment of IDA, but it was only in UNICEF-assisted areas that supplementation was occurring. In the Igbo culture area, where anaemia was highest, only 16 percent of pregnant women received iron and folic acid supplements in the second trimester.

Iodine and zinc deficiencies have also been high. Historically, Nigeria has had one of the highest goitre rates in Africa (NPC and UNICEF, 2001), and the prevalence rates were much higher in the southwest (29 percent) and southeast (27 percent) than in the north (13 percent for both the northwest and northeast). The success of the Universal Salt Iodization (USI) can be gauged by the fact that in 1995 it was reported that 97 percent of all food grade salt manufactured in Nigeria was iodized (Egbuta and Hettiaratchy, 1996). Recently, it has been shown that 20 percent of children in Nigeria were deficient in zinc, higher (36 percent) in the moist savanna and lowest (6 percent) in the humid forest. In mothers and pregnant women, zinc deficiency was found in 28 percent and 24 percent, respectively (Maziya-Dixon et al., 2004). Many food consumption studies have also highlighted deficiencies of other key nutrients such as calcium and B vitamins because of limited consumption of milk and animal products (Platt, 1975).

Methodology

Approach to the people

A letter of introduction was written to the Chiefs of the communities to be included in the study. The Chiefs then informed the villagers and explained the different stages of the process. The Chiefs asked the villagers to cooperate with the researchers at every stage, starting from focus group discussions to personal household visits. Informed consent in a culturally appropriate fashion was obtained from each participant involved in the study. No invasive procedures were performed; hence, the project posed limited risk to the individuals involved. No coercion was used to recruit individuals or to maintain their participation. Participants were informed that they could continue or discontinue the interviews at any time. They were also allowed to refuse participation without penalty. Community consent was obtained through the process of creating a research agreement. Privacy and confidentiality were upheld through a data-coding system. It was understood that project results would be be shared with the communities.

Interview sampling method

The study was carried out from June 2004 to June 2005. Households were randomly selected from each of the communities by balloting (a random draw) for the individual interviews. Some households were purposively selected based on the presence of mothers, children and/or infants. One hundred households were selected from each community, giving a total of 800 households. Respondents for the key informant interviews, focus group discussion, market interviews and card sorts were not part of the 800 households interviewed. For key informant interviews approximately ten knowledgeable men and women participated in each community. There are seven states in Nigeria where Igbo reside. Due to logistical and financial challenges, four states were randomly selected in order to capture the variations among states.

Data collection

The forms used in data collection were from the Centre for Indigenous People’s Nutrition and Environment (CINE) with slight modifications (www.mcgill.ca/cine/research/global).

Key informant interviews

Chiefs and Elders of the communities were the key informants. They provided information concerning the structure of the village. They also guided the researchers in choosing knowledgeable people to be invited to participate in focus group discussions, as well as all other information that the researchers required.

Focus group discussions

Focus groups, each comprising a small group of people – usually of the same age and gender, and who were knowledgeable in a specific area – were assembled. The Chiefs of the communities helped the researchers gather groups of men and women farmers and adolescents, with eight to ten individuals in each group, who were capable of giving accurate information to the researchers. In each community, there were four groups of eight to ten people each, giving a total of 32 to 40 people per community. In total, for all communities there were 256 to 320 participants in focus groups.

A focus group guide was developed for use during discussions with the groups about the following topics: foods available and affordable and eaten in the community; foods eaten and liked by season; foods eaten and liked by mothers and children; foods seldom used or currently unused and reasons for their lack of use, patterns of food harvest.

Market survey

A market survey was carried out in the local markets. This was aimed at identifying micronutrient-rich foods available in the market along with prices, sources and seasons of availability. It was possible to identify micronutrient-rich foods in the market that were consumed by children.

Individual interviews

Using the community traditional food list and the selection of the shortlist of foods likely to be good sources of micronutrients – as developed from the previous steps – the researchers began individual interviews of 800 households. This activity aimed to identify the foods that were used in the communities and discover the meanings and other attributes that people attached to them. This guided the researchers to know whether and how these foods could be effectively used to improve micronutrient status.

Card sort activity

Before this exercise (Blum et al., 1997) could be carried out, 130 cards were prepared with colour photos of traditional Igbo foods and those sold in the market. During the exercise, the pictures were given to individuals, especially mothers in households, to sort into groups. This exercise aimed at determining how people classified and grouped foods contained in the traditional food list and their reasons for that classification. Numbers were written behind the pictures for identification. The numbers of the foods in particular groups were recorded and the reasons for the groupings.

Questionnaire

Questionnaires were distributed to 100 randomly selected households (determined by balloting) in each community, thereby giving out a total of 800 household questionnaires. Information was collected on the levels of taste appreciation among mothers and children on foods that were expected by the research team to be rich in micronutrients. Foods in the list of expected micronutrient-rich foods developed earlier were listed and the mothers and children were asked to score them based on their level of appreciation of these foods. Food scores ranged from one (1) (very much disliked) to five (5) (very much liked); a score of three (3) indicated indifference toward the food. With this, it was possible to identify taste preferences of popular foods. Each respondent was questioned about particular attributes of the foods on the shortlist before their introduction to infants as complementary foods. This procedure was also used to determine how these foods were useful to children between one and two years old. Their attributes were recorded. Infant food history was captured in an interview where the responding mother was asked about breastfeeding, complementary foods, period of solid food introduction, quantity eaten and frequency of intake.

Twenty-four-hour recall/weighed food intake

In each household, two 24-hour recalls were conducted for the mother and a child within one week and a weighed food intake was conducted by the research assistants. The intention was to understand the foods commonly used, the source of the foods, whether they are produced, purchased or gathered, the quantities consumed and the ingredients used in preparation.

Anthropometric measurements

Weight

Weight measurement was carried out on 100 children in each community using a beam weighing scale. The children were weighed wearing only shorts or minimum clothing. All measurements were made according to standardized procedure (Lohman, Roche and Martorell, 1988).

Height

For children who were older than two years old, a vertical measuring rod was used to obtain height. Infants and children less than two years of age were measured using a wooden length board (baby length measurer) designed by the Appropriate Health Resources and Technologies Action Group, Ltd (WHO, 1987).

Taxonomical identification of food species

Igbo food samples not found in Nigerian Tables of Food Composition were also analysed. Fresh samples of plants were collected, processed, preserved, mounted and identified for documentation during the field visits and then deposited in the internationally recognized herbarium of the Department of Botany of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

Sampling, and laboratory analysis

Food samples were collected during field visits by the research team. Samples were placed in polyethylene bags and sent to the laboratory immediately for analysis. After drying and milling, the samples were analysed for several nutrients.

The analytical procedures of the Association of the Official Analytical Chemists (AOAC, 1995) were used for proximate composition, vitamin and mineral composition of the traditional foods. Protein from plant and animal sources was determined by the micro-Kjeldahl method, which determined the amount of nitrogen in the sample. This was subsequently multiplied by a factor of 6.25. The fat content in the food samples was determined using the Soxhlet extraction apparatus. Moisture was determined immediately after harvest using a Mammet drying oven, by first weighing the sample in a top loading balance, drying it in an oven and re-weighing the dry sample. Moisture was calculated from the difference in weights. Ash was prepared by igniting a weighed portion of dried sample in a muffle furnace at 525 to 550 °C. The remaining residue (ash) was weighed. Dietary fibre was determined in the food sample after treatment with enzymes to digest starch and protein, after which the residue sample was reweighed. Dietary fibre was computed after subtraction of protein and ash in the residue. Carbohydrate was calculated by subtracting the amount of moisture, protein, lipid and ash from a 100 g sample. Energy was calculated using the Atwater factors (Pearson, 1976). Iron, zinc, calcium and phosphorus were measured using atomic absorption spectrophotometer (Bosch, 200A). Ascorbic acid was obtained using 2, 6-dichlorophenolindophenol method, and ß-carotene was determined using high performance liquid chromatography (HPLC Hewlet Packard LP1600). Folic acid was determined with a microbiological method using lactobacillus casei after the samples were hydrolyzed using enzymes (Lumley and Wiggins, 1981).

Data analysis

Data from the questionnaires were keyed into the computer after coding using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS Version 12) software. The analysis included frequency distributions, percentages, means and correlations. Results of the weighed food intake calculations were presented as percentages of the recommended daily allowances established by FAO/WHO/UNU (FAO/WHO/UNU, 1985; FAO/WHO, 1988). Data from anthropometric measurements were analysed using National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) standards of reference (NCHS, 1976). Indicators of nutritional status were used to assess levels of stunting, wasting, underweight, and normal status among the children in the communities. The defining criteria of nutritional status were as follows:

- underweight: weight-for-age <-2 standard deviation (SD) of the mean value of NCHS;

- wasting: weight-for-height <-2 SD of the mean value of NCHS;

- severe wasting: weight-for-height <-3 SD of the mean value of NCHS;

- stunting: height-for-age <-2 SD of the mean value of NCHS;

- severe stunting: height-for-age <-3 SD of the mean value of NCHS.

Results and discussion

Food list: identification and composition

The Igbo culture food list, including scientific names (where known) and their general uses, are shown in Table 12.1.

A total of 220 species and over 400 varieties of food items were documented. Of these, 174 were documented with their scientific names and 77 were found in the food composition tables currently in use in Nigeria (FAO, 1968), indicating the existing knowledge gap of the composition of Nigerian foods, and that of the Igbo culture area in particular. There is also a gap in the knowledge of the composition of foods and diets as they are currently consumed.

The composition of a number of little-used uncommon foods (mainly vegetables) reported to have health benefits were analysed. The composition of these foods is shown in Table 12.2. Most of these grow as weeds around the homesteads and are mainly eaten by the Igbos in the Delta area.

It is important to note that, apart from animal milk for infants, there was a lack of milk and milk products consumed in the Igbo culture area; generally, these foods are not within the food system. Milk and milk products are generally consumed by the rich, the vulnerable and the ill, but in very small quantities by children, owing to their high cost.

List of key micronutrient-rich traditional foods

The list of key micronutrient traditional foods according to food groups and dishes is presented in Tables 12.3a and 12.3b, respectively. Traditional foods/diets of the Igbo culture area were found to be rich in ß-carotene, iron and zinc. With 95 percent of Nigerians using iodized salt, it is expected that sufficient iodine was present in the diet. Unfortunately, deficiency of several nutrients still exists. The major source of ascorbic acid in the diet was fruit. However, fruits were not eaten in conjunction with meals, but consumed between meals as snacks (Okeke and Nnayelugo, 1989).

Patterns of harvest, storage and preparation of key traditional foods

Key traditional foods in the Igbo culture area were found to be yam, cassava, cocoyam, maize, legumes and vegetables. Cereals and starchy staples were also very important foods, and dishes were named after them, for example, nni ji (yam fufu), nni akpu (cassava fufu), nni oka (maize/corn fufu). Their accompanying sauces were named after the major vegetable or ingredient used, e.g. Onugbu (bitterleaf) soup, okazi (Gnetum spp.) soup, oha (Pterocarpus soyauxili) soup, egusi (melon), ogbono (dikannt), achi (Brachystegia eurycoma) soup, etc. Yam was viewed as a man’s crop, where a man who owns a certain number of yam barns is known as “Diji”. Important festivals are linked to yam, such as the New Yam Festival. During the 2005–2006 research period, Igbo researchers documented the following food descriptions.

Yam: The white yam, which is produced in the largest quantity, is planted from the months of January to March, while the yellow yam (D. cayenensis) can be planted in December. In some communities mounds are made, while in others holes are dug in the ground for yam planting. The planting, staking and tending of yam are labour-intensive activities. Harvesting is done from July to October and into November for the yellow yam. Harvesting is also labour intensive and care is taken not to bruise or break the yam tubers. Yams are prepared in a variety of ways. They can be boiled, baked, roasted and eaten with fresh palm oil (Ji nmanu), or fried and eaten with a sauce. Roasted yam with palm oil is popular in most urban centres.

Yam can be incorporated into other dishes, e.g. legume pottages, ayaraya ji and yam pottage. The most popular form of preparation of yam is the pounded yam, prepared by peeling, slicing, boiling and pounding the yam with mortar and pestle into smooth, slightly elastic dough. The white or yellow yam is usually better than the water yam for this purpose. The pounded yam is consumed with traditional soups/sauces. A special delicacy is pounded yam and nsala soup (white soup or pepper soup). This is used for feeding lactating women in the first few days after birth. The hot spices in the nsala soup are believed to help purify and cleanse the system of the nursing mother.

The water yam (D. alata) is less sugary and is frequently used by diabetics. It can also be grated, mixed with salt, pepper and onion and fried in balls in vegetable oil in some communities. Yam flour is also prepared and used to make yam fufu (more popular in the Yoruba culture than the Igbo). As yam is mainly consumed fresh, it is stored in the fresh form in barns. It is a highly perishable food crop and, therefore, is stored in a cool and airy environment. Constant inspection of the yams in the barn and storage places in the homes is necessary to discard spoiled yams. It is important to note that in the rural areas yam peels are sun dried alongside the fleshy tuber and milled for consumption, thereby yielding a high dietary fibre product.

Cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz): Its importance as a high-energy food (providing over 70 percent of daily energy) can be deduced from the various names given to it, e.g. “Man power”, “Number one” and “Six to Six”. It is planted between March and June. Harvesting occurs approximately 6–18 months after planting depending on the type. Only the bitter variety of cassava is popular in the Igbo culture area. Its cultivation and harvest is less tasking than that of yam. Cassava has several advantages as a food crop. According to Ihekoronye and Ngoddy (1985) cassava provides high returns in calorie value per effort and resources invested. It grows relatively well in poor soils and under dry conditions and is, therefore, highly valued as a safeguard against the risk of failure of other staples food crops. On the other hand, cassava tubers are extremely perishable since their edible roots are not organs of dormancy. It also contains two cyanogenic glycosides: linamarin and lotaustralin, which hydrolyse in the presence of the enzyme linamarase to release hydrogen cyanide. The prussic acid concentration is highest in the bitter varieties of cassava, which is found in the Igbo culture area (FAO, 1989).

One of the ways of making cassava for human consumption is through fermentation. In the Igbo culture area, cassava is soaked in water in a container or swamps by the river for a minimum of three or four days to allow it to ferment. The fermented tuber is then washed through a sieve to remove the unfermented midrib and fibres. The slurry is put in a bag and the water is expressed. The resulting meal is referred to as akpu (Ihekeronye and Ngoddy, 1985). This is cooked in water for about 10–15 minutes to gelatinize, pounded in a mortar, moulded into balls and dropped into the cooking water for another 10–20 minutes. It is then pounded alone or in combination with yam or cocoyam, as is done in some Igbo communities. The resulting dough is eaten with soup/sauce. It can also be processed into gari, another popular form. The cassava is peeled and grated, and the grated mash is put in a bag and allowed to ferment for at least 24 hours, during which time the water is removed by hydraulic press. Then the hydraulic-pressed cassava is dried and then sifted to remove fibre and other unwanted materials. The sifted meal is toasted in a large, hot frying pan and cooled before storing.

A popular product of cassava is known as abacha (tapioca), which can be dry or in wet slices. The wet slices are eaten with coconut or groundnuts as a snack or incorporated into bean dishes. The dry slices are used to prepare African salad (abacha ncha). Abacha is prepared by peeling and slicing the cassava tuber and cooking it in boiling water. Cooked cassava are sliced into desirable sizes and allowed to remain in water for another 12–24 hours before consumption. During the soaking, the water is changed at least twice. Wet slices remain wet, while some slices are dried in the sun to produce dry slices.

Cassava is also processed into raw chips simply by peeling, cutting, soaking for 24 hours, washing and then sun drying. Dry cassava chips are milled into flour (alibo) and used to make fufu. Fufu is made by pouring the flour into hot water and stirring it continuously until gelatinized elastic dough is obtained. This again is eaten with traditional soups/sauces. The dried cassava chips could also be cracked and used in preparing a traditional dish referred to as otunke or alibo agworoagwo. Cassava is highly perishable. A day or two after they are harvested, the tubers begin to deteriorate rapidly. They develop vascular discolouration, which make the roots unpalatable and unsuitable for subsequent processing. Cassava can be stored as fermented cassava meal in containers, as gari, dried cassava chips and flour. In these forms, cassava can be preserved for a long time.

Cocoyam: Two major species of cocoyam, Colocasia spp. and Xanthosama spp., were documented. Mainly women in Igbo culture area produce this crop. Cocoyam is planted from March to June and harvested in November/December. Indian cocoyam (or cocoindia) a Colocasia spp. is planted in March and can be harvested as early as July/August/September. Cocoyam grows well in wet, damp or shady places.

The Xanthosama spp. can be boiled or roasted like yams. The Colosacia spp. requires prolonged heating (6–12 hours) before they can be consumed. This is because of their high level of raphides (slender, sharp irritant crystals formed from calcium oxalate monohydrate). They are cooked and pounded into fufu and consumed with traditional soups/sauces. Some (ede-ofe) are used as thickening agents in a popular traditional soup/sauce ofe onughu (bitter-leaf soup). This is a popular and important soup/sauce among the Igbos and is served at very important functions. Cocoyams are also prepared in the form of dried chips (Abacha). Abacha is produced by prolonged cooking, slicing and sun drying of the food crop. It is a very popular food in Enugu State. Cocoyams are mainly stored as dried chips. These are placed in cool, dry places or over the fireplace and taken when needed, especially during the lean planting season.

Maize (Zea mays): The major cereal of the Igbo culture area is maize/corn. This is a highly valuable food that provides a substantial amount of the total energy of the Igbo people. Three types of corn are common in this area: white, yellow and variegated. Corn is planted at the beginning of the rains in March/April and harvested between June and August. It is a reliable source of food during seasons of food scarcity, particularly in the months of March and June. Corn is either boiled or roasted in the fresh form and eaten with coconut or local pears (Dacryodes edulis). Additionally, it can be ground to prepare Ukpo oka or Igbangwu (see Table 12.1). These are becoming popular snack foods in the Igbo culture area and others parts of Nigeria.

Dry maize kernels can also be ground into meal and used to prepare gelatinized dough known as nni/nri oka, which is eaten with traditional soups/sauces. Dry maize can also be processed into maize gruel (pap), popularly known as akamu, which is a traditional weaning food and is also consumed by all population sub-groups. It is prepared by soaking dry maize/corn in water for at least 48 hours. The soaked grain is milled and washed through a sieve. The slurry obtained is put in a cloth bag and the water is pressed out. The resulting paste is akamu. The gruel is made by pouring boiling water into the slurry of the akamu. Sugar, milk, soybean flour and crayfish can be added to enrich it. Maize gruel is high in moisture and of low nutrient density. There are other recipes based on maize, for example, akara oka, akara and agidi. Maize cobs are normally stored over the fireplace. There, the heat and smoke from the fire keep the moisture content low and repel insects. Maize grains are also sun dried prior to storage. They can be stored in plastic containers after drying or put in hermetically sealed clay pots with pepper added.

Legumes: Although there are numerous indigenous legumes to the Igbo culture area, the black-eyed cowpea (Vigna unguiculata) is most commonly consumed, as well as pigeon pea (Cajanus cajan), akidi (Vigna spp.), African yam bean (Sphenostylis stenocarpa) and groundbean (Kertingiella geocarpa) akidi ani. However, the bambara groundnut has now assumed a prominent place in Igbo areas and in many large cities. The bambara groundnut seed is milled and sieved several times to produced the flour, which can be used in several ways. It is mainly used in preparing a form of pudding okpa, a popular meal and snack. It can be eaten with maize gruel, soaked garri or alone. Some people cut cooked okpa into small pieces and mix it with steamed vegetables and pepper and onion sauce. Bambara groundnut flour can be used to produce a gelatinized cooked dough or fufu. This, like cassava/yam fufu, is eaten with traditional soups/sauces. The flour can be incorporated into other dishes to enrich them or used in making sauce for eating yam or cocoyam. Bambara groundnut in the fresh form can be boiled and eaten alone as a snack. It can also be roasted and eaten as snack. Some of the popular dishes prepared with pigeon pea are ayaraya oka (pigeon pea and corn); ayarayaji (pigeon pea and yam) and abacha (pigeon pea and dried cocoyam chips) (Table 12.4). Fermented oil bean seeds are added to these as a supplement. Occasionally, the seeds are roasted, ground and sieved for making sauces and soups that go with yam or cassava fufu.

Akidi is a traditional cowpea variety. It is consumed as fresh pods and as dried seeds. Others are olaludi and apama. The major characteristics of these are their small seed sizes and shiny seed coats. Fresh akidi is used as a vegetable in the preparation of many dishes, e.g. yam pottage, ayaraya, and achicha. The dried ones are used as grains to replace pigeon pea in some of these traditional dishes. It can also be boiled and added to tapioca salad. Akidi is planted in April/May and harvested in June–July.

African yam bean is inter-planted with yam in April–June and supported on the same stake used for yams. It has a long growing season, with seeds maturing in 150 to 300 days (Ezueh, 1984). In most communities, it is boiled and eaten with other staples (yam, plantain, cassava, corn/maize, etc.). It is also roasted and eaten with palm kernel. This is a popular snack food sold particularly in the Enugu/Nsukka area. The African yam bean is usually cooked overnight because it is hard to cook. Hence, traditionally, akanwu (sodium sesqui-carbonate, Na_2 CO_3 NaHCO_3 2H_2O) is used to reduce cooking time, a practice that needs to be discouraged since it destroys B vitamins (Edijala, 1980), which have been found to be lacking in the diets of the people (Nnanyelugo et al., 1984). The African yam bean is stored in its pod over the fireplace. The seeds can also be put in sacks, bags, calabashes and basins.

Akidi ani (groundbean) is an important under-explored legume. It develops pods under the ground similar to groundnuts (Arachis hypogea) and bambara groundnuts (Vigna subterranean). It is however, confined to a few communities. It is planted in July/August and harvested in November/December. Ground bean can be boiled or roasted and eaten alone or in combination with staples such as plantain, yam, cocoyam, rice, sweet potato, cassava and maize.

Oil bean seed (Pentaclethra macrophylla): This is an important food crop in the Igbo culture area. As a delicacy, it is consumed in the fermented form and is known as ugba or ukpaka. This fermented product is obtained by boiling the oil bean seed overnight, after which it is dehulled by hand and then the cotyledon is sliced. The sliced cotyledons are boiled again for about 2 hours, washed in water and put in a covered basket and left in a warm environment to ferment for at least 12 hours. Fermentation can be prolonged depending on the temperature of the environment. The fermented slices can be eaten alone or in combination with other foods as described earlier. The delicacy prepared with this food is ugba agworoagwu – ugba mixed with palm oil, pepper, salt and akanwu (trona). Variations to the food were noted as crayfish, fish, cowskin (kpomo or canda), cassava slices, solanum leaf or various fruits being added. Ugba is used for several social activities such as marriage, naming ceremonies and union meetings. They are sold and served in hotels and other eating houses popularly known as “Ugba joints”. It is a tree plant and the seeds are picked or harvested between August and November. The seeds are stored in containers until ready for use.

Vegetables abound in the Igbo culture area. However, there are community peculiarities in terms of the types and form in which vegetables are consumed. For example, okazi (Gnetum africanum) and achara (Pennisetum spp.) are typical of Igbos from Imo and Abia States, while bitterleaf (Vernonia amygdalina) is most popular in Anambra State. The Igbos in the Enugu and Delta States sprinkle vegetables on their food. A lot of uncommon vegetables were found to be consumed in the Delta area. Some of them grow as weeds around the homesteads and farmlands. It is also interesting to note that most of these uncommon vegetables are used in small quantities and ground before use in preparing soup. Most of them are used because of their medicinal value.

Most vegetables are cooked before eating either by steaming or cooking in soups/sauces, with the tendency of overcooking them. Only a few traditional vegetables are eaten raw. They include anara leaf (Solanum spp.) and okazi (Gnetum africanum), and are used in making native salads. The bitter leaf is chewed raw after the leaves have been washed several times to reduce its bitter taste. Bitter leaf chewing is popular with the Igbos from Anambra State. Apart from the bitter leaf, all other vegetables can be used directly without any form of processing. Vegetables are most often consumed fresh, while some are preserved by sun or shade drying. Dried vegetables are used when they are not in season. Before use, they are soaked and washed in water. Dried vegetables are stored in bags or containers until ready for use.

Preferences of family members (mothers and children) described in 2005–2006

Starchy roots, tubers and fruits

Yams are especially popular with children when boiled and eaten with palm oil, cooked as pottage without greens or incorporated into bean pottage. Adults, on the other hand, like yam especially as pounded yam eaten with soups/sauces. Children also enjoy sweet potato because of the sweet taste, while adults believe it can cause worms (worm infestation). The three-leaf yam (ona) is liked and well known by adults, whereas children report not liking them and are not familiar with them. Cassava and their products are enjoyed and eaten by all members of the family. However, there are preferences in the soups/sauces used: ripe plantain, especially in the fried or boiled form, is preferred by children, while adults prefer green plantain either roasted or used in preparing plantain pottage.

Cereal

Cereals and cereal products have a special place in children’s food preferences. They are fond of pap, agidi, igbangwu and rice in any form. Adults eat these foods but regard rice as “bird food”.

Legumes

Legume dishes were reported to be liked by everyone in the family. However, children highly enjoy okpa, moi moi and akara, especially since they are bought as snack foods.

Vegetables

Children referred to in this study generally did not like vegetables and would avoid dishes with a lot of them included. There are some vegetables that children prefer because of certain qualities they possess. For example, children like arira (Corchorus olitorius) kerenkere (Corchorus spp.), ujuju (Myrianthus arboreus) and anyazu (Psychotria spp.), where they are available, because of their viscous or drawing consistency and sweet taste. They also do not like vegetables with a bitter taste (e.g. bitter leaf) or strong smell (nchuanwu, Ocimum gratissimum). Mothers, on the other hand, highly enjoy vegetables in any form.

Fruits

Children express a great liking for a variety of fruits, unlike the adults. Traditional fruits particularly liked by children are utu (Landolphia owariensis), udala (Chrysophyllum albidum), icheku (velvet tamarind, Dialium guinense) ube or pears (Dacryodes edulis) and ube okpoko (Canarium schweinfurthii). They do not like bush mango (Irvingia spp.) because of its very strong smell, while mothers and other adults really enjoy this fruit.

Soups/sauces

Children like most soups/sauces except egusi (melon) and bitterleaf soups. Egusi and bitterleaf soups are very important soups/sauces in the Igbo culture area. They are used for entertaining guests at different functions. Palm fruit pulp soup, popularly known as banga soup or ofe akwu, is a special soup of the Anambra and Delta Igbos, but is gradually becoming very popular everywhere. It can be made using a variety of staples and is enjoyed by all.

Animal foods

Meat, fish and poultry are enjoyed by children, although these are given to them in small quantities. Children are given milk and milk products mostly when they are very young. They also like other traditional animal foods like beetle, cricket, termites, snails, rabbit, squirrel larvae and snail eggs. Mothers also like animal foods. Nchi is one of the cherished bush meats used in the local cuisine. In some Igbo communities, it is forbidden for pregnant women because it is said to prolong labour. The termite is a cheap source of protein, which is cherished by childen and some adults. It is usually roasted and eaten alone or steamed and included in some traditional food preparations, such as ikpo-oka (corn pudding).

In the past, children and mothers were denied these animal foods. However, with increasing awareness of the nutritional needs of these vulnerable groups, such taboos are followed less strictly. Their limited consumption now could be attributed to availability and cost. There are also certain animals that are still prohibited for spiritual or cultural reasons, e.g. hyena, snakes, snails, etc.

Foods readily available, as described in the research period

The most readily available traditional staple in the Igbo culture area is cassava (Manihot esculenta). It is a staple that is found in one processed form or another in every household, irrespective of social status and season of the year. Other staples that are available year-round may not be seen in some households because of their high cost, e.g. yam and plantain. Among the cereals, maize appears to be the most readily available, since most households produce maize. Thus, it can be found in wet or dried form depending on the season.

The most readily available legume is the cowpea (Vigna unguiculala). This can be found in every community and local market in larger quantities than the indigenous ones. The production of traditional legumes is low.

Fruits and vegetables abound in the Igbo culture area but are highly seasonal. However, vegetables such as bitter leaf, Amaranthus (green), okazi (Gnetum spp.) and pumpkin (ugu) are available year-round, but are expensive during the dry season. Among the vegetables used less frequently obiogbome (Peptadentia spp.), anya-azu (Psychotria spp.), kpugbum (Chromolaena odorata), ujuju (Myrianthus arboreus), ulumiri (Spathodea campanulata), Olili (Brillantaisia merrenia spp.) aluluisimmo (Husolandia opprosita) and okpanwaokuko (Aduraria chamae) are said to be available throughout the year. These are mainly obtained from the wild except Merremia spp., Spathodea campanulata and Psychoria, which are found in home gardens. Bananas and citrus fruits, particularly oranges, are the most readily available fruits.

Most nuts and seeds are available throughout the year, since they are usually dried and preserved. The oil bean seed, groundnuts, melon and dikanut are always available, although they may be expensive at times.

The animal foods, meat, fish, poultry and eggs are available but very expensive. Bush animals are not readily available because of limited forest for hunting and the migration of men to the cities. Insects and larvae are available, but only children in the rural communities collect them for food.

Cost of foods

The nutritive cost of some basic staples to provide 20 g protein and 4.2 MJ of energy (necessary to meet the need of a pre-school child) was determined (King et al., 1984; Okeke and Eze, 2006). The data showed that maize was the cheapest staple providing energy for the child, while frozen fish and cowpea were the cheapest in providing protein. Table 12.5 shows the cost of providing a pre-school child’s requirement for iron. Here, moi moi (a bean-based recipe) was the cheapest (14.80), followed by igbangwu (16.13), a maize-based pudding. The cassava and soup/sauce recipes were more expensive (78 to 95) as sources of iron for children. This was probably because of bulk and high moisture content.

Dietary evaluation

Infant-feeding practices reported by Igbo researchers

Breastfeeding was found to be the traditional method of feeding infants in the Igbo culture area, with over 90 percent of Igbo mothers breastfeeding their infants. However, exclusive breastfeeding was not fully accepted by Igbo mothers, since they would not stop giving water to the infant. About 95 percent of mothers had given their infants colostrum. Most mothers (62 percent) stopped giving their children breastmilk between the age of 15 and 17 months; 18 percent stopped between 21 and 25 months, while 3.5 percent breastfed beyond 25 months.

Apart from maize gruel (pap), complementary foods were generally those foods consumed by adults in these communities. They were introduced before four months of age or later. Foods considered good for infants were akara, ukwa (African breadfruit), ukpo oka, African yambean, plantain pottage and boiled plantain and ujuju soup. Fruit was rarely given. Other milks fed to children included powdered milk, soy milk and liquid whole cow’s milk, and 31.7 percent gave their children commercial cocoa-based beverages.

Contribution of traditional foods to nutrient intake

Using the weighed food intake method, the nutrient intake of traditional foods and their contribution to total energy and nutrient intake were calculated. The traditional diet of the Igbo culture is plant-based, with little contribution made by meat and their products. Simple processing (e.g. fermentation) and cooking methods (e.g. steaming, baking and roasting) were used in preparing traditional foods.

Traditional foods/diets are high in moisture content as shown by the proximate composition in Tables 12.2, 12.3a and 12.3b (in most cases above 50 percent), bulky and of low energy and nutrient densities. However, traditional foods contributed over 90 percent of the energy intake of rural communities in Igbo culture area. There are community variations in the contribution of specific food groups. In the Anambra area, starchy roots and tubers, nuts and seeds made substantial contributions to energy intake, while in Enugu area, starchy roots and tubers, legumes and cereals significantly contributed to the intake of energy. The bulk of ascorbic acid came from vegetables in Anambra area (34 to 62 percent), while in Enugu area, much of the ascorbic acid (51 to 58 percent) came from starchy roots and tubers. Red palm oil was used in preparing most traditional dishes and recipes and thus is the major source of ß-carotene, a precursor of vitamin A. It contributed 70 to 80 percent of vitamin A.

Although traditional foods/diets made substantial contributions to nutrient intakes of the Igbo culture area, they did not adequately meet the needs for energy, calcium, riboflavin and niacin. The adequacy of vitamin A and protein intake from the traditional diet needs to be interpreted with caution, since the diets are plant-based and, therefore, likely to be of low bio-availability and digestibility (Madukwe and Ene-Obong, 2006).

In considering the significance of traditional Igbo foods to food sources of nutrition of the population, a calculation was made of the percent of energy in the daily diet derived from locally available foods. This percentage was 97 percent for children zero to two years of age, 92 percent for children three to five years of age, 95 percent for children 6 to 12 years of age, and 96 percent for mothers (Okeke et al., in press).

Nutritional status

In the Ede-Oballa community, stunting was found in 38.6 percent of males and 31.8 percent of females, close to the national level of 42 percent (Maziya-Dixon et al., 2004). Wasting was found to be 14 percent and 12 percent in males and females, respectively. Undernutrition was more prevalent in children under two years of age with about 84 percent of children undernourished compared to 16 percent of children two to five years of age. There was no prevalence of under-nutrition in children between 6 and 12 years of age.

Food attributes/card sorts

The general perception of food among the Igbos was that it gives blood and nourishment. Foods that were believed to give blood included animals, legumes, some seeds and vegetables. This was shown by all the communities studied. Plantain (Musa paradisiaca) was believed to be rich in iron and is a blood-giving food. Also in one community, honey was mentioned as food that provided blood. In these communities, iron-giving foods and body-building food were synonymous with blood-giving foods. Igbo people have good knowledge of foods rich in energy since most carbohydrate and fatty foods were sorted for energy. These included cereals, starchy roots, tubers, fruits and their products, vegetable oils and oily seeds like groundnuts. In some cases, fruits (pawpaw) and vegetables (cucumber, utazi, and carrots) were included.

Perception of specific mineral and vitamin-rich foods was interesting and worth noting. Natron trona (akanwu), a sodium salt, was thought to be rich in calcium. Palm oil and vegetable oil were also perceived to give calcium. Calcium is correctly associated with strong bones by the Igbos but it appears that their knowledge of its food sources was lacking. Cowskin (canda/kpomo) was incorrectly mentioned in one of the communities as being associated with helping to build bones. Interestingly, they had little difficulty identifying vitamin A rich foods associated with improvement of the eyes. In this regard, fruit, vegetables and palm oil were mentioned. A general lack of knowledge of fibre-rich foods was observed in most Igbo communities. Only mango, orange and achara (Pennisetum spp.) were mentioned in two of the communities visited.

Igbo concepts of cold and hot food were noted. Cold foods were those that keep the body cool and calm. Such foods included paw-paw, African breadfruit, pap, waterleaf, onion, tomatoes, pumpkin, utazi leaf (Piper guineense) osu (Pluerotus spp.), dry okro, coconut, avocado, pear and nchuanwu (Ocimum viridias). Hot foods on the other hand were those that keep the body hot or warm. They included uziza seed (Piper guineense), ginger, hot pepper, nmimi (Dennettia tripetala) alligator pepper (Aframomun melegueta) uda (Xylopia aethiopipa) and efu (Monodora myristica). Thus, hot foods consumed by the Igbos were mainly hot spices, while cold foods were those that do not cause any “disturbance” in the body after consumption.

Conclusions

The Igbo were shown to have knowledge of an extensive and diverse food system that contains all the necessary nutrients for human nutrition. Despite this, the research study showed that there was considerable undernutrition, particularly in children. Education and agricultural sustainability were seen as major interventions that would help communities develop their resources within the local cultural context to provide better advantages for health. Food processing technology would also assist to lighten women’s work. This research has provided the opportunity for understanding the food system, and its nutritional potential, as well as the cultural definitions to make more high-quality foods available, accessible and acceptable. With concerted effort, food security can be improved by empowerment of the local community members to take best advantage of what they have in their local environment.

Intervention strategies are suggested to address protein-energy malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies as devastating public health problems in the Igbo culture area, and in Nigeria generally. In addition to provisioning of protein foods, micronutrient deficiencies need to be specifically addressed through multiple measures, including consumer education, social marketing, widespread distribution of supplements, fortification of staple foods and the continued iodization of salt. For maximum effectiveness, interventions must be inter-sectoral, involving the health, agriculture, education, information, media and planning sectors.

Improving access to protein foods (legumes, bush food, etc.) for young children, and improving access to micronutrients through the local food system, as well as the health care system, will contribute greatly to the control of childhood infections, improved child survival and improved women’s health, thereby contributing to overall national development •

Acknowledgements

Firstly, we gratefully acknowledge the continuous support from the community leaders, without which this project could not have been undertaken: Eze Ohanyere 1, Abia State (His Royal Highness, HRH) Ohiya/Ohuhu; Ichie Godwin Ezeoke, Anambra State (Prime Minister) Ezinifite/Aku; Chief I.S. Ofolue Ozoma, Delta State (His Royal Highness) Ubulu-Uku/Alumu; Igwe P.E. Eze, Enugu State (His Royal Highness) Ede-Oballa/Ukehe.

We acknowledge with sincere gratitude the spirit with which the Canadian Institutes of Health Research supported this project. We also acknowledge with many thanks the collaborators from Canada especially Professor Harriet Kuhnlein without whom this project would not have been possible. We wish to say that hard work does not kill but hard work pays; this is with respect to Harriet Kuhnlein. Her visit to our project sites, her criticisms, and wisdom was what brought this work to this stage. Project team members also very important to our end product are Chief Bill Erasmus, Chair of the Governing Board of the Centre for Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment, and Chief, Dene Nation and Assembly of First Nations, Yellowknife. We also thank Peter and Lisa Kuhnlein (Anacortes, Washington) for their excellent documentation. As a sign of their appreciation for including Igbo communities as part of the collaboration, the community presented the visitors from Canada with the highest valued symbol in Igbo land representing love, unity, honesty, and peace: the Ofo staff.

We would like to thank all team members for their contributions. Additional sincere thanks to the community partners without whom, this work would not have taken place. The community participants were interested in the project and very cooperative during the interview sessions. We thank you all for your wonderful support. We also thank our typist Mr Chukwuka Oluebube.

Students on the Project:

- Ifeoma, N., M.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Food systems and nutritional status of Indigenous Peoples in four communities in Enugu and Anambra States’ Nigeria’;

- Mama, B.C., M.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Intergenerational studies: grandmother-mother-daughter nutritional study in an Igbo culture area of Nigeria’;

- Isiocha, S., M.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Documenting community food systems data tables for Igbo culture area of Nigeria’;

- Uduji, J., M.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Assessing nutritional status and traditional foods of Indigenous People in Igbo culture area of Abia State, Nigeria’;

- Ibeh, G. N., B.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Body weight perception of Igbos in the University of Nigeria, Nsukka community of Nigeria’;

- Eze, C., B.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Traditional processing and nutritive cost of Igbo traditional foods commonly eaten in Nsukka, Enugu State of Nigeria’;

- Igattah, N., B.Sc. – Project Topic ‘Health benefits of traditional foods’.

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>> Photographic section p. XXXVI

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Chapter 7 | Ainu

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Iwasaki-Goodman, M., Kaizawa, T., Ishii, S. & Kaizawa, M. 2006. Applied research on the Ainu traditional food system in the Saru River Region (2). Annual Bulletin of the New Humanities, 3: 112–161.

Kuhnlein, H.V., Smitasiri, S., Yesudas, S., Bhattacharjee, L., Dan, L. & Ahmed S. 2006. Documenting Traditional Food Systems of Indigenous Peoples: International Case Studies. Guidelines for Procedures. In collaboration with Sirisai, S., Puwastien, P., Daoratanahong, L., Dhanamitta, S., Zhai, F., Satheesh, P.V., Kothari, G. & Akhter, F. (available at www.mcgill.ca/cine/research/global).

Chapter 8 | Karen

ACC/SCN. 2000. Ending malnutrition by 2020: An agenda for change in the millennium, final report to the ACC/SCN by the Commission on the Nutrition Challenges of the 21st century. Food and Nutrition Bulletin, 2(3 Suppl): 1–88.

Blum L., Pelto, P.J., Pelto, G.H. & Kuhnlein, H.V. 1997. Community assessment of natural food sources of vitamin A: Guidelines for an ethnographic protocol. Boston, International Nutrition Foundation for Developing Countries. 139 pp.

Burlingame, B.A. 1996. INFOODS TAGNAMES: Update, prepared for ASEANFOODS Food Composition Workshop, March 1996. Palmerston North, New Zealand Institute for Crop and Food Research.

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Craib, W.G. & Kerr, A.F.G. 1951a. Florae siamensis enumeratio. The Journal of Siam Society, 3(1): 89–100.

Craib, W.G. & Kerr, A.F.G. 1951b. Florae siamensis enumeratio. The Journal of Siam Society, 3(2): 1–35.

Coordinating Office-ASEANFOODS. 1996. Report of the ASEANFOODS workshop: Creation of the first ASEANFOODS food composition database. March 10–15, 1996. Bangkok, Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University.

Food and Drug Administration of Thailand, Food Control Division. 1998. Nutrition Labelling. No. 182 / 2541 (1998). Notification of the Ministry of Public Health (available at www.qmaker.com/fda/new/web_cms/subcol.php?SubCol_ID = 77&Col_ID = 14).

Gibson, R.S. 1990. Principles of Nutritional Assessment. New York, Oxford University Press. 691 pp.

Health Department-Nutrition Division. 1987. Nutritive values of Thai foods in 100 g edible portions. Bangkok, Ministry of Public Health, War Veterans. 48 pp.

Health Department-Nutrition Division. 1992. Nutritive values of Thai foods. Bangkok, Ministry of Public Health, War Veterans. 97 pp.

INMU. (Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University) 2005. Food composition database ND3.2 for INMUCAL program. Salaya, Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University.

Kuhnlein, H.V. & Pelto, G.H. eds. 1997. Culture, environment, and food to prevent vitamin A deficiency. Boston, International Nutrition Foundation for Developing Countries. 205 pp.

Kuhnlein, H.V. & Receveur O. 1996. Dietary change and traditional food systems of Indigenous Peoples. Annual Review of Nutrition, 16: 417–442.

Kuhnlein, H.V., Smitasiri, S., Yesudas, S., Bhattacharjee, L., Dan, L. & Ahmed S. 2006. Documenting Traditional Food Systems of Indigenous Peoples: International Case Studies. Guidelines for Procedures. In collaboration with Sirisai, S., Puwastien, P., Daoratanahong, L., Dhanamitta, S., Zhai, F., Satheesh, P.V., Kothari, G. & Akhter, F. (available at www.mcgill.ca/cine/research/global).

Puwastien, P., Roroengwichit, M., Sungpuag, P. & Judprasong, K. 1999. Thai food composition tables. Bangkok, Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University. 150 pp.

Puwastien, P., Burlingame, B., Raroengwichit, M. & Sungpuag, P. 2000. ASEAN food composition tables. Bangkok, Paluk Tai Co., Ltd. 157 pp.

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Smitasiri, S. 2005. Process and methods towards the improvement of health and nutritional well being of indigenous children and their care providers in Sanephong Community, Thailand: application to micronutrient and traditional food promotion programs. Salaya, Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University. Unpublished report.

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Chapter 9 | Dalit

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Kuhnlein, H.V., Smitasiri, S., Yesudas, S., Bhattacharjee, L., Dan, L. & Ahmed S. 2006. Documenting Traditional Food Systems of Indigenous Peoples: International Case Studies. Guidelines for Procedures. In collaboration with Sirisai, S., Puwastien, P., Daoratanahong, L., Dhanamitta, S., Zhai, F., Satheesh, P.V., Kothari, G. & Akhter, F. (available at www.mcgill.ca/cine/research/global).

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Registrar General & Census Commissioner. 1991. Census of India (available at www.censusindia.net).

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Schmid, M.A., Salomeyesudas, B., Satheesh, P.V., Hanley J. & Kuhnlein, H.V. 2007. Traditional food is a major source of energy, protein, iron, vitamin C and vitamin A for rural Dalit mothers and young children in Andhra Pradesh, South India. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 16(1): 84–93.

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Chapter 10 | Bhil

Bhattacharjee, L., Kothari, G., Ramaswamy, V., Kuhnlein, H.V. & Nandi, B.K. 2002. Traditional food patterns and dietary intake of Bhil tribes in the Dang district of Gujarat, Western India. Presented at the FAO Proceedings of the International Scientific Symposium on Measurement and Assessment of Food Deprivation and Undernutrition, 26-28 June 2002. Rome. pp. 259–260.

Bhattacharjee L., Priya, V., Kothari, G., Nandi, B.K. & Kuhnlein, H.V. 2006. The Bhil Food Directory, Dang District, Gujarat (draft in progress).

Gopalan, C., Rama Sastri, B.V. & Balasubramanian, S.C. 2002. Nutritive Value of Indian Foods. Hyderabad, National Institute of Nutrition, Indian Council of Medical Research.

Hamill, P.V., Drizd, T.A., Johnson, C.L., Reed, R.B. & Roche, A.F. 1977. NCHS growth curves for children birth–18 years. Vital and Health Statistics series 11(165): 1–74.

Krishnaswamy, K., Vijayaraghavan, K., Sastry, J.G., Rao, D.H., Brahmam, G.N.V., Radhiah, G., Kashinath, K. & Rao, M.V. 1997. Twenty-five Years of National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau, 1972–1997. Hyderabad, National Institute of Nutrition, Indian Council of Medical Research.

Kuhnlein, H.V. & Pelto, G.H. 1997. Understanding vitamin A deficiency in the community. In H.V. Kuhnlein & G.H. Pelto, eds. Culture, Environment and Food to Prevent Vitamin A Deficiency, pp. 175–184. Boston, International Foundation for Developing Countries.

Kuhnlein, H.V. 2000. Finding food sources of vitamin A and provitamin A. Food and Nutrition Bulletin, 21(2): 130–134.

Kuhnlein, H.V. 2003. Micronutrient nutrition and traditional food systems of Indigenous Peoples. Food, Nutrition and Agriculture, 32: 33–39.

Laxmaiah, A., Mallikharjuna Rao, K., Hari Kumar, R., Ariappa, N., Venkaiah, K. & Brahmam, G.N.V. 2007. Diet and Nutritional Status of Tribal Population in ITDA Project Areas of Khammam District, Andhra Pradesh. Journal of Human Ecology, 21(2): 79–86.

National Institute of Nutrition. 2000. Health and Nutritional Status of Tribal Populations: Report of the First Repeat Survey. Hyderabad, National Institute of Nutrition, Indian Council of Medical Research.

National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau. 2000. Diet and Nutritional Status of Tribal Population. NNMB Technical Report No. 19. Hyderabad, National Institute of Nutrition, Indian Council of Medical Research.

National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau. 2003. Prevalence of Micronutrient Deficiencies. NNMB Technical Report No. 22. Hyderabad, National Institute of Nutrition, Indian Council of Medical Research.

Reddy, V. 1997. Dietary assessment methodologies relevant to the development of food based interventions, pp. 27–31. Bangkok, FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.

Chapter 11 | Maasai

CBS. 2001. 1999 Population and housing census. Volume 1. Population Distribution by Administrative Areas and Urban Centres. Nairobi, Central Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Planning and National Development.

Foley, J.A. & Otterby, D.E. 1978. Availability, storage, treatment, composition and feeding value of surplus colostrum: a review. Journal of Dairy Science, 61: 1033–1060.

Government of Kenya & UNICEF. 1999. Anaemia and status of iron, vitamin A and zinc in Kenya. A report of the national micronutrient survey. Nairobi, Government of Kenya.

Johns, T., Nagarajan, M., Parkipuny, M.L. & Jones, P.J.H. 2000. Maasai gummivory: implications for paleolithic diets and contemporary health. Current Anthropology, 41(3): 453–459.

Maundu, P.M., Ngungi, G.W. & Kabuye, C.H.S. 1999. Traditional food plants of Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya Resource Centre for Indigenous Knowledge (KENRIK), National Museums of Kenya.

MPIDO. 2004. Health and nutrition survey on children between 6-59 months of age. A survey of Kajiado District. Nairobi, MPIDO.

MPIDO. 2005. MPIDO: Three year strategic plan (2005–2008). Nairobi, MPIDO.

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Chapter 12 | Igbo

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Species Index – Indigenous Peoples’ food systems species by scientific name

Species listed in this index, and cross-referenced in chapter tables and text, were checked, modified in some cases and confirmed by experts at the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, Rome, June 2008.

(Scientific name / Case study / Table number)

Birds

Aburria aburri / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ahas boschas domesticus / Karen – Table 8.2

Alca torda / Inuit – Table 1.1

Anas / Igbo – Table 12.1

Anas acuta / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Anas americana / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Anas platyrhyncha / Dalit – Table 9.2

Anas platyrhynchos / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Anas sp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Anous stolidus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Anseranatidae (general) / Ingano – Table 5.2

Anthracoceros albirostis / Karen – Table 8.2

Aplonis opaca / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Aythya fuligula / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Aythya valisineria / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Branta bernicla / Inuit – Table 1.1

Branta canadensis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Brosimum utile / Ingano – Table 5.2

Canachites spp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Centropus sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Cepphus grylle / Inuit – Table 1.1

Cheirodon axelrodi / Ingano – Table 5.2

Chen caerulescens / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Chen caerulescens caerulescens / Inuit – Table 1.1

Clangula hyemalis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Columba livia intermedia / Dalit – Table 9.2

Columba sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Columba spp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Columba subvinacea / Awajun – Table 4.2

Columbia livia intermedia / Bhil – Table 10.1

Cracidae / Ingano – Table 5.2

Crus sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cyanocorax violaceous / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cygnus buccinator / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Cygnus columbianus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Dendragapus canadensis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Ducula oceanica / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Egretta sacra / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Fregata minor / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gallicolumba kubaryi / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gallus bankiva murghi / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Gallus domesticus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gallus gallus / Awajun – Table 4.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2

Gavia adamsii / Inuit – Table 1.1

Gavia arctica / Inuit – Table 1.1

Gavia immer / Inuit – Table 1.1

Gavia stellata / Inuit – Table 1.1

Gygis alba / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Haliastar spherus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Icteridae / Ingano – Table 5.2

Icterus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Lagopus lagopus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Lagopus mutus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Larus argentatus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Leptotila rufaxilla / Awajun – Table 4.2

Melanitta fusca / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Melanitta perspicillata / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Meleagris gallopavo / Igbo – Table 12.1

Melleagris sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Mergus merganser / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Mergus serrator / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Monasa nigrifrons / Awajun – Table 4.2

Munida meleagris / Igbo – Table 12.1

Myzomela rubratra / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Oryctolagus cuniculus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Penelope jacquacu / Awajun – Table 4.2

Penelope purpurascens / Ingano – Table 5.2

Phaethon lepturus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Phasianidae / Ingano – Table 5.2

Picoides pubescens / Bhil – Table 10.1

Psarocolius angustifrons / Ingano – Table 5.2

Psittaciformes / Bhil – Table 10.1; Ingano – Table 5.2

Psittacula sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Psophia crepitans / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ptilinopus porphyraceus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pyrrhura sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ramphastus ambiguus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Ramphastos cuvieri / Awajun – Table 4.2

Sciuridae spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Somateria mollissima / Inuit – Table 1.1

Somateria spectabilis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Squamata spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Steatornis caripensis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Sterna paradisaea / Inuit – Table 1.1

Strigidae / Bhil – Table 10.1

Sula sula / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Thraupis sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Tinamus tao / Awajun – Table 4.2

Uria aalge / Inuit – Table 1.1

Uria lomvia / Inuit – Table 1.1

Zenaida asiatica / Awajun – Table 4.2

Fish, seafood & marine mammals

Abudefduf sordidus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanthocybium solandri / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanthurus gahhm / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanthurus lineatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanthurus triostegus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanthurus xanthopterus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Acanturus guttatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Aeginella longicornis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Aequidens latifrons, / Ingano – Table 5.2

Alectis ciliaris / Ingano – Table 5.2

Anadara antiquata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Ancistrus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Aphareus rutilans / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Arius sona / Dalit – Table 9.2

Artediellus atlanticus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Artediellus uncinatus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Astacus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Balaena mysticetus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Bentheogennema borealis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Brachycerus latro / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Bolbometopon muricatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Boreogadus saida / Inuit – Table 1.1

Brachyplatystoma flavicans / Ingano – Table 5.2

Brycon sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Brycon spp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Canthopomus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Caprella laeviuscula / Inuit – Table 1.1

Caranx cynodon gibbus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Caranx ignobilis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Caranx melampygus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Caranx sexfasciatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Carassius auratus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Carcharhinus amblyrhinchos / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Carcharhinus melanopterus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Carcharias sp. / Bhil – Table 10.1

Catla catla / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cephalopholis argus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cephalopholis miniata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cetopsis coecutiens / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cetoscarus bicolor / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Chaetodon auriga / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Channa obscurus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Channa limbata / Karen – Table 8.2

Chanos chanos / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Characiformes caranx / Awajun – Table 4.2

Characiformes charanx moenkhausia / Awajun – Table 4.2

Characiformes mylosoma / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cheilinus trilobatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cheilinus undulatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Chelonia mydas / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Chionoecetes opilio / Inuit – Table 1.1

Cichlasoma sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Clupea pallasi / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Coilia dussumieri / Bhil – Table 10.1

Coregonus artedii / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Coregonus clupeaformis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Coregonus nasus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Coregonus sp. / Inuit – Table 1.1

Coryphaena hippurus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cottunculus microps / Inuit – Table 1.1

Cottunculus thomsoni / Inuit – Table 1.1

Ctenochaetus striatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cudanonantas / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cyclocheilichthys apogon / Karen – Table 8.2

Cynodon sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cyprinodontiformes poecilidos / Awajun – Table 4.2

Dangila siamensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Delphinapterus leucas / Inuit – Table 1.1

Delphinus leucas / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Distichodus rostratus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Echidna polyzona / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Elagatis bipinnulatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Eleginus gracilis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Elops saurus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Ensis directus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Epibulus insidiator / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus coeruleopunctatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus fasciatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus macrospilos / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus malabaricus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus merra / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus morrhua / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus polyphekadion / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Epinephelus septemfasciatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Eretmochelys imbricata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Erignathus barbatus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Etelis carbunculus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Etelis coruscans / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Euthynnus affinis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gafrarjum tumidum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Garra fuliginosa / Karen – Table 8.2

Gasterosteus aculeatus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Gastropoda sp. / Inuit – Table 1.1

Geocarcordea natalis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Geophagus steindachneri / Ingano – Table 5.2

Gerres abbreviatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gerres oyena / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Grammatorcynus bilineatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gymnarchus niloticus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Gymnosarda unicolor / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gymnocanthus tricuspis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Gymnothorax javanicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Gymnotiformes gymnotid / Awajun – Table 4.2

Haliotis spp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Harengula thrissina / Ingano – Table 5.2

Harpodon nehereus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Hemibagrus nemurus / Karen – Table 8.2

Hemiramphus guoyi / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hippoglossus hippoglossus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Hippopus hippopus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hipposcarus longiceps / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hirundichthys oxycephalus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hoplias malabaricus / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Istiophorus platypterus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Katsuwonus pelamis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Kyphosus cinerascens / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lambis lambis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Leiognathus equulus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus harak / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus kallopterus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus lentjan / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus microdon / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus ramak / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lethrinus xanthochilus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Liza vaigiensis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lobocheilos quadrilineatus / Karen – Table 8.2

Lota lota / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Luciocephalus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Lutjanus argentimaculatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus bohar / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus fulvus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus gibbus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus kasmira / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus monostigmus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus rivulatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lutjanus semicinctus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Macrobrachium hirsutimanus / Karen – Table 8.2

Macrobrachius brasiliensi / Awajun – Table 4.2

Makaira nigricans / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Margaritifera margaritifera / Ainu – Table 7.2

Matapenaeus moyebi / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Megalonema platycephalum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Menticirrhus panamensis / Ingano – Table 5.2

Microgadus tomcod / Inuit – Table 1.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Mirounga angustirostris / Inuit – Table 1.1

Monodon monoceros / Inuit – Table 1.1

Monotaxis grandoculus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Mulloides flavolineatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Mya arenaria / Inuit – Table 1.1

Myoxocephalus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Myripristis berndti / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Mystacoleucus marginatus / Karen – Table 8.2

Mytilus edulis / Inuit – Table 1.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.1

Naso lituratus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Naso unicornis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Naso vlamingii / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Neptunes sp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Octopus aculeatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Odobenus rosmarus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Oncorhynchus / Ainu – Table 7.2

Oncorhynchus gorbuscha / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Oncorhynchus keta / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Oncorhynchus kisutch / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Oncorhynchus nerka / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Oncorhynchus tshawytscha / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ophiocara porocephala / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Ophiocephalus striatus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ophiodon elongatus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ostracion cubicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Palaemon seurifer / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Panaque nigrolineatus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Panilurus spp. / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Paraglyphidodon melas / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Parastichopus californicus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Paratephusa spinigera / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Parupeneus barberinus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Parupeneus cyclostomus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Parupeneus indicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pelanus laturus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Phoca groenlandica / Inuit – Table 1.1

Phoca hispida / Inuit – Table 1.1

Phoca sp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Placopecten magellanicus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Platichthys stellatus / Nuxalk – Table 2.1

Plectorhinchus chaetodonoides / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectorhinchus goldmanni / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectorhinchus obscurus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectorhinchus orientalis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectorhinchus picus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectorhynchus celebicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectropomus areolatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Plectropomus laevis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pomacea sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Potamotrygon hystrix / Awajun – Table 4.2

Pristipomoides argyrogrammicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Prochilodidos leoprinus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Prochilodus nigricans / Ingano – Table 5.2

Prochilodus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Prosopium cylindraceum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Pseudancistrus sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pseudomystus siamensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Pseudopimelodus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Pseudoplatystoma fasciatum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pseudoplatystoma filamentosum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pseudoplatystoma tigrinum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Puntioplites proctozysron / Karen – Table 8.2

Quadricornis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Reinhardtius hippoglossoides / Inuit – Table 1.1

Rhinecanthus aculeatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Rivulus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Roeboides sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ruvettus pretiosus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Salmo gairdneri / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Salmo sp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Salvelinus alpinus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Salvelinus alpinus sp. / Inuit – Table 1.1

Salvelinus fontinalis / Inuit – Table 1.1

Salvelinus namaycush / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Salvenilus namaycush / Inuit – Table 1.1

Sardinella aurita / Ingano – Table 5.2

Sargocentron spiniferum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sargocentron tiere / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scarus frontalis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scarus ghobban / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scarus gibbus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scarus rubroviolaceus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scomberoides lysan / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Scylla serrata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sebastes ruberrimus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Selar crumenophthalmus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sepidenthis lessoni / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Seriola dumerili / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus argenteus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus doliatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus puellus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus punctatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus spp. / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siganus vulpinus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Siluriformes astroblepidae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes callichtyidos coridoras / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes cetoposids / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes diplomistidos / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes doradidos pseudo-doras / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes loricardididos / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes loricardididos loricaria / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes pimelodids / Awajun – Table 4.2

Siluriformes pimelodids sorubim / Awajun – Table 4.2

Sphyraena barracuda / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sphyraena genie / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Stenodus leucichthys / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Sticopus japonicus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Strongylocentrotus sp. / Inuit – Table 1.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Syncrossus beauforti / Karen – Table 8.2

Teterotis niloticus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Thaleichthys pacificus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Thunnus albacares / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Thymallus arcticus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Tor sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Triaenodon obesus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Tridacna maxima / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Trochus niloticus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Turbo argyrostomus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Turbo petholatus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Valamugil seheli / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Variola albimarginata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Fruits, nuts and seeds

Abelmoschus esculenta / Igbo – Table 12.1

Acacia drepanolobium / Maasai – Table 11.2

Acacia tortilis / Maasai – Table 11.2

Achras sapota / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Adenanthera pavoniva / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Aegle marmelos / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Aframomum danielli / Igbo – Table 12.1

Allium sativum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Amelanchier alnifolia / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Anacardium occidentale / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Anacardium occidentalis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ananas comosus / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Annanas comosus / Karen – Table 8.2

Annona cherimolia / Ingano – Table 5.2

Annona muricata / Pohnpei – Table 6.3; Ingano – Table 5.2

Annona reticulata / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Annona squamosa / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Anonas comosus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Anonas muricarta / Igbo – Table 12.1

Arachis hypogaea / Dalit – Table 9.2

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Areca catechu / Dalit – Table 9.2

Artocarpus altilis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Artocarpus altilis/mariannensis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Artocarpus communis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Artocarpus heterophyllus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 3

Artocarpus sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Astrocaryum chambira / Awajun – Table 4.2

Averrhoa carambola / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Azadirachta indica / Igbo – Table 12.1

Bacaurrea ramiflora / Karen – Table 8.2

Balanites aegyptiaca / Maasai – Table 11.2

Bassia latifolia / Bhil – Table 10.1

Bassia longifolia / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Bouea macrophylla / Karen – Table 8.2

Brassica nigra / Dalit – Table 9.2

Buchanania latifolia / Dalit – Table 9.2

Calycopteris floribunda / Dalit – Table 9.2

Canarium schweinfurthii / Igbo – Table 12.1

Canthium dicoccum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Carica papaya / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Carissa carandas / Dalit – Table 9.2

Carissa edulis / Maasai – Table 11.2

Carthamus tinctorius / Dalit – Table 9.2

Caryodendron orinocensis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Castanopsis diversifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Catunaregam spinosa / Dalit – Table 9.2

Chrysophyllum albiduim / Igbo – Table 12.1

Chrysophyllum cainito / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Citrullis vulgaris / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Citrullus vulgaris / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Citrus aurantifolia / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Citrus aurantium / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Citrus grandis / Karen – Table 8.2

Citrus limon / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Citrus reticulata / Karen – Table 8.2

Citrus sinensis / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Clavia sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Clerodendrum infortunatum / Karen – Table 8.2

Cocos nucifera / Awajun – Table 4.2; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cola acuminata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cola lepidota / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cola nitida / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cola spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cordia rothai / Bhil – Table 10.1

Cornus canadensis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Couma macrocarpa / Awajun – Table 4.2

Crataegus douglasii / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Crataeva speciosa / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cucumis melo / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Cucurbita pepo / Igbo – Table 12.1

Curcurbita pepo / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dacryodes edulis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dennettia tripetala / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dialium guineense / Igbo – Table 12.1

Diospyros chloroxylon / Dalit – Table 9.2

Durio zibethinus / Karen – Table 8.2

Elaeagnus latifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Elaeis guineensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Embilica officinale / Dalit – Table 9.2

Emblica officinalis / Bhil – Table 10.1

Empetrum nigrum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Eugenia jambos / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Eugenia stelechantha / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Eugenia stipitata / Ingano – Table 5.2

Fabaceae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ficus carica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ficus chartacea / Karen – Table 8.2

Ficus glomerata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ficus racemosa / Bhil – Table 10.1

Ficus sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Ficus tinctoria / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Flueggea virosa / Karen – Table 8.2

Fragaria vesca, F. virginiana / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Garcinia kola / Igbo – Table 12.1

Gardenia gummifera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Grewia asiatica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Grewia bicolor / Maasai – Table 11.2

Grewia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Grewia tembensis / Maasai – Table 11.2

Grias peruviana / Awajun – Table 4.2

Guizotia abyssinica / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Helianthus annus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Herrania mariae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Husolandia opprosita / Igbo – Table 12.1

Icacemia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Inga feuillei / Ingano – Table 5.2

Inga nobilis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Inocarpus fagifer / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Irvingia gabonensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Irvingia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Landolphia owariensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Landolphia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Latina camera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Linum usitatissimum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Litchi chinensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Lycopersicon esculentum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Lycopersicum esculentum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Magnifera indica / Bhil – Table 10.1; Igbo – Table 12.1

Malus sylvestris / Dalit – Table 9.2

Mangifera indica / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Matisia cordata / Ingano – Table 5.2

Mauritia flexuosa / Awajun – Table 4.2

Moraceae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Morinda citrifolia / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Morus sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Musa balbisiana / Awajun – Table 4.2

Musa paradisiaca / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Musa regia / Ingano – Table 5.2

Musa sapientum / Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Musa sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Musa spp. / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Myrianthus arboreus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Nephelium lappaceum / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Oenocarpus bataua / Awajun – Table 4.2

Pachira aquatica / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pachystela breviceps / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pandanus tectorius / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pangium edule / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Passiflora edulis / Dalit – Table 9.2; Ingano – Table 5.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Passiflora edulis f. flavicarpa / Ingano – Table 5.2

Passiflora foetida / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Passiflora ligularis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Passiflora multiflora / Ingano – Table 5.2

Persia americana / Awajun – Table 4.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Phoenix dactylifera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Phoenix sylvestris / Dalit – Table 9.2

Phyllanthus acidus / Karen – Table 8.2

Physalis angulata / Karen – Table 8.2

Phytelephas sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Piper umbellata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pithecellobium duke / Dalit – Table 9.2

Pourouma cecropiifolia / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pouteria campechiana / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pouteria sapota / Awajun – Table 4.2

Prunus amygdalus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Pseudolmedia laevigata / Awajun – Table 4.2

Psidium guajava / Awajun – Table 4.2; Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Punica granatum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Renealmia alpinia / Awajun – Table 4.2

Rheedia madruno / Ingano – Table 5.2

Rhus natalensis / Maasai – Table 11.2

Ribes bracteosum / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ribes divaricatum / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ribes hudsonianum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Ribes lacustre / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ribes laxiflorum / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ribes oxyacanthoides / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Ribes parviflorus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ribes triste / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Rollinia microcarpa / Awajun – Table 4.2

Rosa acicularis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Rosa nutkana / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rubus chamaemorus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Rubus idaeus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rubus leucodermis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rubus spectabilis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1 Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Saccharum officinarum / Awajun – Table 4.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Salacca wallichiana / Karen – Table 8.2

Sambucus racemosa / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Sandoricum koetjape / Karen – Table 8.2

Schleicheraoleosa / Karen – Table 8.2

Semecarpus anacardium / Dalit – Table 9.2

Senecio herreanus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Senna occidentalis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Sesamum indicum / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2

Shepherdia canadensis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Sicana odorifera / Awajun – Table 4.2

Socratea exorrhiza / Awajun – Table 4.2

Solanum coconilla / Awajun – Table 4.2

Solanum macrocarpum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Solanum sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Solinum nigrum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Spondias dulcis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sterculia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Syagrus sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Syziguim cumini / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Syzygium malaccensis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Syzygium sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Telferia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Terminalia catappa / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Tetracarpidium conophorum/Plukenetia conophora / Igbo – Table 12.1

Theobroma bicolor / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Theobroma cacao / Ingano – Table 5.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Theobroma cocao / Awajun – Table 4.2

Theobroma sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Theobroma subincanum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Treculia africana / Igbo – Table 12.1

Uraria chamae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Vaccinium alaskense / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vaccinium membranaceum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vaccinium myrtilloides / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Vaccinium myrtillus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Vaccinium ovalifolium / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vaccinium oxycoccus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Vaccinium parvifolium / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vaccinium uliginosum / Inuit – Table 1.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vaccinium vitis-idaea / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Viburnum edule / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Vitis vinifera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ziziphus sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Zizyphus enoplia / Dalit – Table 9.2

Zizyphus jujuba / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Grains

Amaranthus paniculatus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Echinochloa crus-galli / Ainu – Table 7.2

Eleusine coracana / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Hordeum vulgare / Dalit – Table 9.2

Oryza glaberrima / Igbo – Table 12.1

Oryza sativa / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2

Panicum italicum / Ainu – Table 7.2

Panicum miliaceum / Ainu – Table 7.2; Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Panicum miliare / Dalit – Table 9.2

Paspalum scrobiculatum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Penisetum typhoideum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Pennisetum spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pennisetum typhoides / Maasai – Table 11.2

Pennisetum typhoideum / Bhil – Table 10.1

Setaria italica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Solanum tuberosum / Ainu – Table 7.2

Sorghum bicolor / Maasai – Table 11.2

Sorghum vulgare / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Triticum aestivum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Zea mays / Awajun – Table 4.2; Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2

Insects, mollusks and larvae

Achatina spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Atta sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Atta spp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cleoptera grylligaee / Igbo – Table 12.1

Coleoptera / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Gryllus bimaculatus, degeer / Karen – Table 8.2

Hymenoptera brachygastra / Awajun – Table 4.2

Hymenoptera formicidae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Pomacea maculate / Ingano – Table 5.2

Termitidae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Land animals (including amphibians and reptiles)

Alces alces / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Alouatta seniculus / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Antilocarpa americana / Igbo – Table 12.1

Antilope cervicapra / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ateles sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Atherurus macrourus / Karen – Table 8.2

Bos spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Bos taurus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Bubalus bubalis / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3; Dalit – Table 9.2

Cabassous unicintus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cabassous unicintus and Geochelone carbonaria / Ingano – Table 5.2

Callicebus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Canis cupus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Canis familiaris / Igbo – Table 12.1; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Capra eagagrus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Capra hircus / Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Capra hyrchusb / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Castor canadensis / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Cavia porcellus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cebuella pygmaea / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cebus albifrons / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cebus apella / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cervu elaphus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cervus nippon / Ainu – Table 7.2

Chiropotes satanas / Ingano – Table 5.2

Colostethus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Crocodilus fuscus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Crocodiles mississipiensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cuniculus paca / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Dasyprocta aguti / Awajun – Table 4.2

Dasyprocta fuliginosa / Ingano – Table 5.2

Daypus noremcinctus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Didelphis albiventris / Ingano – Table 5.2

Duicker / Igbo – Table 12.1

Erethizoatidae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Erethizon dorsatum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Geochelone carbonaria / Ingano – Table 5.2

Hyaenidae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Hystrix brachyura / Karen – Table 8.2

Iguana iguana / Ingano – Table 5.2

Kaloula pulchra / Karen – Table 8.2

Lagothrix logothricha / Ingano – Table 5.2

Lagothrix sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Lepridae sylvilagus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Lepus americanus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Inuit – Table 1.1

Lepus arcticus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Lepus capensis-Leporidae / Bhil – Table 10.1

Macaca sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Mazama americana / Ingano – Table 5.2

Mazama rufina / Ingano – Table 5.2

Mazama sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Myoprocta pratti / Ingano – Table 5.2

Myrmecophaga tridactyla / Ingano – Table 5.2

Naemorhedus sumatraensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Nasua brasiliensis / Ingano – Table 5.2

Nasua nasua / Awajun – Table 4.2

Odocoileus spp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ondatra zibethicus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Oryctolagus cuniculus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Oreamnos americanus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ovibos moschatus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Ovis aries / Dalit – Table 9.2; Maasai – Table 11.2

Ovis dalli / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Pitechia monachus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Podocnemis expansa / Ingano – Table 5.2

Podocnemis unifilis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Polychrotidae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Potos flavus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Rangifer tarandus granti / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Rangifer tarandus spp. arcticus, caribou, granti, groenlandicus, pearyi, tarandus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Rattus norvegicus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Saguinus inustus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Saimiri sciureus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Sciuridae / Ingano – Table 5.2

Sciurus igniventris / Ingano – Table 5.2

Sclurus sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2; Dalit – Table 9.2

Spermophilus adocetus / Ingano – Table 5.2

Squamata spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Sus cristatus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Sus scrofa / Awajun – Table 4.2; Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Sylvilagus brasiliensis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Sylvilagus sp. / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Tamandua tetradactyla / Ingano – Table 5.2

Tapirus terrestris / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Tayassu pecari / Awajun – Table 4.2

Tayassu tajacu / Awajun – Table 4.2; Ingano – Table 5.2

Tupaia glis / Karen – Table 8.2

Ursus americanus / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Ursus arctos / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Ursus maritimus, Thalarctos maritimus / Inuit – Table 1.1

Varanidae varanus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Varanus bengalensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Vranus flavescens (yellow) or Varanus bengalensis / Bhil – Table 10.1

Varanus salvator / Karen – Table 8.2

Legumes

Arachis hypogea / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cajanus cajan / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Canavalia ensiformis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cicer arietinum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Dolichos biflours / Bhil – Table 10.1

Dolichos biorus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Dolichos lablab / Bhil – Table 10.1

Dolichos lablab / Dalit – Table 9.2

Faba vulgaris / Dalit – Table 9.2

Glycine max / Igbo – Table 12.1

Glycine max merr. / Bhil – Table 10.1

Kerstingiella geocarpa / Igbo – Table 12.1

Lathyrus sativus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Lens esculenta / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Mucuna spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pentaclethra macrophylla / Igbo – Table 12.1

Phaseolus aureus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Phaseolus mungo / Bhil – Table 10.1

Phaseolus vulgaris / Ingano – Table 5.2

Pisum sativum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Sphenostylis stenocarpa / Igbo – Table 12.1

Tetrapleura tetraptera / Igbo – Table 12.1

Vicia faba / Dalit – Table 9.2

Vigna subterranea / Igbo – Table 12.1

Vigna catjang / Dalit – Table 9.2

Vigna catjung / Bhil – Table 10.1

Vigna sesquipedalis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Vigna sinensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Vigna spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Vigna subterranea / Igbo – Table 12.1; Maasai – Table 11.2

Vigna unguiculata / Karen – Table 8.2

Miscellaneous (including drinks, herbs, condiments, spices, mushrooms)

Acacia kirki / Maasai – Table 11.2

Acacia nilotica / Maasai – Table 11.2

Acacia nubia / Maasai – Table 11.2

Acacia senegal / Maasai – Table 11.2

Aframomum danielli / Igbo – Table 12.1

Aframomum melegueta / Igbo – Table 12.1

Afzelia africana / Igbo – Table 12.1

Albizia amara / Maasai – Table 11.2

Allium sativum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Auricularia auricula / Ingano – Table 5.2

Brachystegia eurycoma / Igbo – Table 12.1

Capsicum annum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Capsicum annuum / Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Capsicum annuum, Capsicum frutescens / Awajun – Table 4.2

Capsicum frutescens / Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2

Capsicum sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Capsicum var. grosa / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cinnamomus carolinense / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Citrillus vulgaris / Igbo – Table 12.1

Coriandrum sativum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cuminum cyminum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Curcuma domestica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Curcuma longa / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cymbopogon citratus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Detarium macrocarpum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Elettaria cardamomum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Ferula asafoetica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Hibiscus rosa-sinensis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hippocratea welwischtii / Igbo – Table 12.1

Lannea schweinfurthii / Maasai – Table 11.2

Mansoa alliacea / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Mucuna flagellipes / Igbo – Table 12.1

Myristica fragrans / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Mystrolyxon aethiopicum / Maasai – Table 11.2

Ocimum basilicum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Osyris lanceolata santalaceae / Maasai – Table 11.2

Papaver somniferum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Parkia biglobosa / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pimpinella anisum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Piper guineense / Igbo – Table 12.1

Piper methysticum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Piper nigrum / Dalit – Table 9.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pleurotus tuber / Igbo – Table 12.1

Prosopsis vitex / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ricinus communis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Saccharum officinarum / Dalit – Table 9.2; Maasai – Table 11.2

Salvadora persica / Maasai – Table 11.2

Secamone punctulata / Maasai – Table 11.2

Sterculia africana / Maasai – Table 11.2

Syzygium aromaticum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Tamarindus indica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trachyspermum amoni / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trigonella foenum-graecum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Vatovaea pseudolablab / Maasai – Table 11.2

Vitex doniana / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ximenia americana / Maasai – Table 11.2

Xylopia aethiopica / Igbo – Table 12.1

Zingiber officinale / Dalit – Table 9.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Vegetables (including roots, tubers, leaves, bark)

Abelmoschus esculentus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Acacia pennata / Karen – Table 8.2

Acacia rugata / Karen – Table 8.2

Acalypha malabarica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Acanthacean sp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Acanthoceae sp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Achyranthes aspera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Aegle marmelos / Karen – Table 8.2

Agaricus bisporus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Agarum turneri / Inuit – Table 1.1

Ageratum conzoides / Igbo – Table 12.1

Alchornea cordifolia / Igbo – Table 12.1

Allium cepa / Dalit – Table 9.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Allium fistulosum / Karen – Table 8.2

Allium sativum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Allium schoenoprasum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Allium sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Allium victorialis / Ainu – Table 7.2

Alocasia macrorrhiza / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Alpinia galanga / Karen – Table 8.2

Alpinia sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Alternanthera sessillis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Alternanthera sissoo / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Alternanthera tenella / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus gangeticus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus paniculatus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus polygonoides / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Amaranthus spinosus / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Amaranthus tristis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus viridis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Amaranthus viridius / Igbo – Table 12.1

Amorphophallus campanulatus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Amphicarpa bracteata / Ainu – Table 7.2

Anacardia occidentale / Karen – Table 8.2

Ananas comosus / Karen – Table 8.2

Anemone flaccida / Ainu – Table 7.2

Angelica edulis / Ainu – Table 7.2

Arachis hypogaea / Awajun – Table 4.2

Aralia cordata / Ainu – Table 7.2

Archidendron jiringa / Karen – Table 8.2

Artocarpus heterophyllus / Karen – Table 8.2

Asparagus racemosus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Aspilia / Igbo – Table 12.1

Asplenium nidus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Astrocaryum chambira / Awajun – Table 4.2

Astrocaryum sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Asystasia gangetica / Igbo – Table 12.1

Auricularia polytricha / Karen – Table 8.2

Aurthum graveolus wild / Dalit – Table 9.2

Baccaurea ramiflora / Karen – Table 8.2

Bactris gasipaes / Awajun – Table 4.2

Bambusa affinis / Karen – Table 8.2

Bambusa arundinacea / Bhil – Table 10.1

Bambusa bambos / Karen – Table 8.2

Bambusa sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Bascilla sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Baselia sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Basella alba / Karen – Table 8.2

Basella rubra / Dalit – Table 9.2

Begonia plebeja / Ingano – Table 5.2

Benincasa hispida / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Beta vulgaris / Dalit – Table 9.2

Boerhavia diffusa / Igbo – Table 12.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Boesenbergia rotunda / Karen – Table 8.2

Borassus flabellifer / Dalit – Table 9.2

Brassaiopsis ficifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Brassica alboglabra / Karen – Table 8.2

Brassica campestris var. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Brassica chinensis / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Brassica oleracea / Maasai – Table 11.2

Brassica oleracea var. botrytis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Brassica oleracea var. capitata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Brassica pekinensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Brillantaisia nitens / Igbo – Table 12.1

Bryophyllum pinnatum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Burseraceae / Awajun – Table 4.2

Caesalpinia mimosoides / Karen – Table 8.2

Cajanus cajans / Karen – Table 8.2

Caladium bicolor / Awajun – Table 4.2

Canavalia gladiata / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Canna edulis / Karen – Table 8.2

Canthium spinosa / Dalit – Table 9.2

Capparis horrida / Dalit – Table 9.2

Carica papaya / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Carludovica palmata / Ingano – Table 5.2

Carissa carandas / Bhil – Table 10.1

Carthamus tinctorius / Dalit – Table 9.2

Caryodedron orinocensis / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cassia ariculata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cassia fistula / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cassia sophera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cassia tora / Dalit – Table 9.2

Celosia argentia / Dalit – Table 9.2

Centella asiatica / Karen – Table 8.2

Chenopodium album / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Chlorophytum borivilianum / Bhil – Table 10.1

Chlorophytum tuberosum / Bhil – Table 10.1

Chromolaena odorata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Chrysophyllum mexicanum / Ingano – Table 5.2

Cicer arietinum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Cissampelos mucrumata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Citrus aurantifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Citrus medica / Karen – Table 8.2

Citrus sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Cleome gynandra / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Cnidoscolus chayamansa / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Coccinia grandis / Karen – Table 8.2

Coccinis cordifolia / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cocculus hirsutus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Coffea sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Colocasia antiquorum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Colocasia esculenta / Awajun – Table 4.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Colocasia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Commelina benghalensis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Corchorus olitorius / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Corchorus spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Coriandrum sativum / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Costus speciosus / Karen – Table 8.2

Crateva magna / Karen – Table 8.2

Cucumis melo / Karen – Table 8.2

Cucumis sativus / Dalit – Table 9.2; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cucumis sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Cucurbita maxima / Awajun – Table 4.2; Bhil – Table 10.1

Cucurbita moschata / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Cucurbita pepo / Igbo – Table 12.1; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Curcuma parviflora / Karen – Table 8.2

Cyamopsis tetragonoloba / Dalit – Table 9.2

Cyclanthera pedata / Awajun – Table 4.2

Cymbogon citraus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Cymbopogon citratus / Karen – Table 8.2

Cyrtosperma chamissonis / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Dalbergia latifolia / Bhil – Table 10.1

Daucus carota / Dalit – Table 9.2; Inuit – Table 1.1

Dendrocalamus asper / Karen – Table 8.2

Dictyophora sp. / Bhil – Table 10.1

Dygera arvensis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Dillenia indica / Karen – Table 8.2

Dioscorea alata / Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Dioscorea bulbifera / Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1

Dioscorea cayenensis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dioscorea dumentorum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dioscorea esculenta / Bhil – Table 10.1; Karen – Table 8.2

Dioscorea praehensilis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dioscorea rotundata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Dioscorea sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Dioscorea spp. / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Dioscorea trifida / Awajun – Table 4.2

Diospyros mespilifomis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Diplazium esculentum / Karen – Table 8.2

Dolichos lablab / Dalit – Table 9.2

Dracaena sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Dryopteris expansa / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Eichhornia crassipes / Karen – Table 8.2

Elaeis guineensis / Igbo – Table 12.1; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Enicostema hyssopifolium / Dalit – Table 9.2

Entada sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Entoluma macrocarpom / Dalit – Table 9.2

Epilobium angustifolium / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Eryngium foetidum / Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Erythrina indica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Erythropalm scandens / Karen – Table 8.2

Euphorbia hirta / Igbo – Table 12.1

Euphorbiacae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Euterpe precatoria / Awajun – Table 4.2

Ficus glomerata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Fritillaria camschatcensis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Glycine max / Dalit – Table 9.2

Gnetum africanum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Gnetum gnemon / Karen – Table 8.2

Grongronema latifollis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Guilielma gasipaes / Ingano – Table 5.2

Gymnema sylvestre / Dalit – Table 9.2

Gynura crepidioides / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Heinsia crinita / Igbo – Table 12.1

Heliotropium indicum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Heracleum lanatum / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Hibiscus cannabinus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Hibiscus esculentus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hibiscus manihot / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Hibiscus sabdariffa / Karen – Table 8.2

Husolandia opposite / Igbo – Table 12.1

Hydrocotyle umbellata / Karen – Table 8.2

Ipomoea aquatica / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Ipomoea batatas / Awajun – Table 4.2; Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Ipomoea longituba / Maasai – Table 11.2

Jatropha curcas / Igbo – Table 12.1

Kaemferia sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Lactuca runcinata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Lagenaneria siceraria / Karen – Table 8.2

Lagenaria siceraria / Dalit – Table 9.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lagenaria vulgaris / Bhil – Table 10.1

Lasia spinosa / Karen – Table 8.2

Ledum groenlandicum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1; Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Ledum palustre / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Lemmaphyllum carnosum / Karen – Table 8.2

Lepidium peruvianum / Awajun – Table 4.2

Leptadenia spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Leucas aspera / Dalit – Table 9.2

Lilium cordatum / Ainu – Table 7.2

Lilium cordatum var. glehnii / Ainu – Table 7.2

Luffa acutangula / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Luffa cylindrica / Karen – Table 8.2

Lupinus nootkatensis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Lycopersicon esculentum / Awajun – Table 4.2; Dalit – Table 9.2; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Lygodium flexuosum / Karen – Table 8.2

Maerremial emarginata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Mangifera indica / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Manihot crantz / Igbo – Table 12.1

Manihot esculenta / Awajun – Table 4.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Ingano – Table 5.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Maasai – Table 11.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Maranta arundinacea / Awajun – Table 4.2

Marantha sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Marsilea crenata / Karen – Table 8.2

Matteuccia struthiopteris / Ainu – Table 7.2

Melientha suavis / Karen – Table 8.2

Mentha cordifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Mentha spicata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Merremia / Igbo – Table 12.1

Merremia tridentata var. hastate / Dalit – Table 9.2

Mirabilis jalapa / Dalit – Table 9.2

Momordica charantia / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Momordica dioica / Dalit – Table 9.2

Morinda citrifolia / Karen – Table 8.2

Moringa oleifera / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Igbo – Table 12.1; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Mormodica charantia / Karen – Table 8.2

Mormodica chochinchinensis / Karen – Table 8.2

Murraya koenigii / Dalit – Table 9.2

Musa sp. / Karen – Table 8.2

Myrianthus arboreus / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ocimum americanum / Karen – Table 8.2

Ocimum basilicum / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Ocimum gratissmum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ocimum sanctum / Karen – Table 8.2

Oenocarpus bataua / Ingano – Table 5.2

Oxalis corniculata / Dalit – Table 9.2

Oxalis oregana / Inuit – Table 1.1

Oxyria digyna / Inuit – Table 1.1

Pachyrrhizus tuberosus / Awajun – Table 4.2

Passiflora foetida / Karen – Table 8.2

Paullinia yoco / Ingano – Table 5.2

Petasites Japonicus / Ainu – Table 7.2

Phaselolus coccineus / Bhil – Table 10.1

Phaseolus coccineus / Dalit – Table 9.2

Phaseolus vulgaris / Dalit – Table 9.2

Phellodendron amurense / Ainu – Table 7.2

Philodendron sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Phyllanthus maderaspatensis / Dalit – Table 9.2

Physalis minima / Dalit – Table 9.2

Phytelephas sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Piper betle / Dalit – Table 9.2

Piper guineense / Igbo – Table 12.1

Piper sarmentosum / Karen – Table 8.2

Piper sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Piper umbellata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pisum sativum / Karen – Table 8.2

Polygalaceae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Polygonum alaskum / Gwich’in – Table1

Polypodium glycyrrhiza / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Populus balsamifera spp. trichocarpa / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Porphyra abbottiae / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Porphyra perforate / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Portulaca grandiflora / Dalit – Table 9.2

Portulaca oleracea / Dalit – Table 9.2

Portulaca sp. / Dalit – Table 9.2

Portulaco oleracea / Igbo – Table 12.1

Potentilla pacifica / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Pouteria sp. / Ingano – Table 5.2

Psophocarpus tetragonolobus / Pohnpei – Table 6.3; Karen – Table 8.2

Psychotria spp. / Igbo – Table 12.1

Pteridium aquilinum / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Pterocarpus soyauxii / Igbo – Table 12.1

Ptychosperma spp. / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Pyrus fusca / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Raphanus sativus / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Rheum rhaponticum / Gwich’in – Table 3.1

Rubus parviflorus / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rubus spectabilis / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rumex acetosella / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Rumex vesicarius / Dalit – Table 9.2

Salix arctica / Inuit – Table 1.1

Sauropus androgynus / Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Saxifraga oppositifolia / Inuit – Table 1.1

Saxifraga sp / Inuit – Table 1.1

Sechium edule / Ingano – Table 5.2

Securingea virosa / Dalit – Table 9.2

Senna alata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Senna occidentalis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Sesbania aegyptiaca / Dalit – Table 9.2

Sesbania grandiflora / Dalit – Table 9.2

Socratea exorrhiza / Awajun – Table 4.2

Solanum macrocarpum / Igbo – Table 12.1

Solanum melongena / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2; Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Solanum nigrum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Solanum torvum / Karen – Table 8.2

Solanum tuberosum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2; Maasai – Table 11.2

Spathodea campanulata / Igbo – Table 12.1

Sphaeranthus africanus / Karen – Table 8.2

Spinacia oleracea / Dalit – Table 9.2

Spondias pinnata / Karen – Table 8.2

Tacca leontopetaloides / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Talinum triangulare / Igbo – Table 12.1

Tamarindus indica / Dalit – Table 9.2; Karen – Table 8.2

Taraxacum lacerum / Inuit – Table 1.1

Tectona grandis / Bhil – Table 10.1

Telferia occidentalis / Igbo – Table 12.1

Trachyspermum ammi / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trianthema decandra / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trichosanthes anguina / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trifolium wormskioldii / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Trigonella foenum / Dalit – Table 9.2

Trigonnella foenum graecum / Bhil – Table 10.1; Dalit – Table 9.2

Urtica dioica / Nuxalk – Table 2.2

Uvaria chamae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Verbenaceae / Igbo – Table 12.1

Veronia amygdalina / Igbo – Table 12.1

Xanthosoma mafaffa / Igbo – Table 12.1

Xanthosoma sagittifolium / Pohnpei – Table 6.3

Xanthosoma sp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Xanthosoma spp. / Awajun – Table 4.2

Zingiber officinale / Dalit – Table 9.2

Photographic section

Inuit

Nuxalk

Gwich’in

Awajun

Ingano

Pohnpei

Ainu

Karen

Dalit

Bhil

Maasai

Igbo

Ainu

“Revitalizing the Ainu food culture will help to re-establish the dignity of the Ainu in the present society.”

Chapter 7 >> 139

Karen

“…All the foods we eat belong to Mother Nature – the Karen are grateful to her…”

Chapter 8 >> 159

Dalit

“Greens give us strength, we grew up on them.”

Chapter 9 >> 185

Bhil

“Thank you Mother for the food that you’ve given us!”

Chapter 10 >> 209

Maasai

“Our culture and traditional knowledge of our food systems are the pillars of our heritage. Please join us to promote and protect them. Thank you very much.”

Chapter 11 >> 231

Igbo

“People who depend on foreign food eventually die of hunger.”

Chapter 12 >> 251

[31]Ainu is also spelled Aynu in recent documents. In this chapter, the more conventional spelling of Ainu is used.

[32]Ainu words are italicized to distinguish them from Japanese words.

[33]A “township” is a larger area in which there are towns.

[34]This section is a brief summary of Biratori Choushi, History of Biratori Town (1974).

[35]Scientific names are given in Table 11.2.