3. Guidelines on gender information for sectoral planning and project formulation - the micro level
Access to and control over fisheries-related resources
Socio-cultural factors affecting adoption of new technologies
At the micro-Ievel, the inland fisheries sectors can be arranged into community and household levels. When formulating plans and/or projects for specific areas, information is needed for both levels. The key issues regarding gender which need to be taken into account at this stage, arc examined in the following sections.
There are many factors at the community level which influence men's and women's activities and their access to and control over resources: the general economic conditions, the nature of government bureaucracies, socio-cultural factors, familial norms and religious beliefs, legal parameters, training and education. Most factors will not he amenable to change by a project. Therefore, an assessment should be, made on whether and how these factors will affect or can be affected by a project.
Generally speaking, activities should focus on the community as a whole, with equal importance accorded to addressing the differing needs of men and women. Special women's projects should be the exception rather than the rule, in order to avoid the isolation and marginalisation of women. Equally important is to tackle the weaknesses in gender-sensitivity within existing institutions and services. Only in cases where a high degree of sexual segregation and separation of productive roles exists or there is a clear case of positive discrimination in a local community, will such components he necessary.
A community is made up of different types of households. However, a "household" is not a homogeneous undifferentiated grouping of people with a production and consumption function, i.e. with shared and equal access to resources for production and benefits from it. In many cases, individual household members may have different production priorities.
The relative bargaining power of the two sexes within the household will influence the allocation of productive resources as much as purely economic considerations do.
The inland fisheries sector is divided into a number of sub-sectors. These include fishing, processing and trading, plus ancillary activities such as net mending, crew accommodation, fuelwood collection etc. Often, these activities are not mutually exclusive and a certain amount of vertical integration exists. Although both men and women take part in most fisheries-related activities, some patterns do emerge in inland fisheries in southern and eastern Africa. Men tend to be harvesters, processors for particular high-value species and traders to distant or cross border markets. In permanent settlements, women tend to be processors and small-scale traders serving local markets.
Women are also more likely to be involved in ancillary activities. However, the smaller and less specialised the fishery, the less likelihood there is of any significant ancillary activities. This differentiation of roles between men and women has emerged largely because of the reproductive activities of women, which by necessity keep them close to their homes. In some areas (e.g. Lake Mweru) there is a socio-cultural stigma attached to women travelling long distances by themselves, This, combined with their lack of access to sufficient working capital to run a large scale operation also strengthen differentiation of roles. There are obviously exceptions to the rule. Women can be large-scale processors and traders. They can own and control fishing units. The planner has to be aware that the common sexual division of labour between the catching, processing and trading subsectors may not necessarily apply in a particular fishery; and that changes in one fisheries sub-sector will inevitably influence the others.
Key issues: What are the socio-economic characteristics of craft and gear owners and fisherfolk (by types of craft gear and targeted species)? Are there any conflicts between different groups of participants in the fishery? Are these gender-related? Are there differences between men and women who invest in fishing?
Numbers and types of fishing units (boats, traps, hook and line) provide a general picture of the local fishery. This is essential information for fishery management purposes and care must be taken not to exclude units that would appear to have little impact - such as hook and line or traps. In small water bodies, especially, these units might have a significant impact on fish stocks.
Associated with the type of unit are the socio-economic characteristics of owners and operators. In smaller fisheries, owners also tend to be operators, while in larger, more commercial fisheries, these two roles may be distinct. There may be a number of owners within one catching unit - a boat owner, a net owner and an engine owner. Each of these owners would have some right to the catch in predetermined proportions. Care should be taken to understand the socio-economic characteristics of owners, to differentiate between male and female owners in order to determine the conditions under which a woman or a man is able to become an owner.
While women are usually not allowed to fish from boats because that is supposed to bring bad luck, they can and do become boat/net/engine owners if they have the resources. In some lucrative fisheries, women function as absentee owners -- and their socio-economic characteristics should be known, particularly in situations where women are targeted as a homogeneous group. This is because the differences between women who own assets and those who do not may be substantive. This may have its impact on the processing and trading sub-sectors where access to fish is significantly different for men and women.
Likewise, understanding the socio-economic characteristics of fisherfolk other than boatowners (e.g. crew members, net users, owners of equipment) is important too, in order to understand the implications of changes in catch on the reciprocal arrangements that may exist between husbands and wives, or men and women, and to identify areas of potential conflict. Other such areas of conflict are between different gear users and different types of units targeting the same fish species.
Whether the catching unit is motivated primarily by cash or consumption is an important consideration. Often, units that are interested only in consumption are owned or controlled by women and may be less 'visible'. For instance, hook and line fishing in small water bodies is geographically dispersed and difficult to keep track of, so that they are often ignored by planners.
Key questions: Are the different types of processing (technology, species, scale, etc.) dominated by men or women? What are the socio-economic characteristics of processors (men/women, age, experiences, residence status)? Are there any reciprocal arrangements (supply of fish/credit) with fish catchers which are gender related? Does labour mobility affect male and female processors differently? Are there situations in which women or men are not remunerated for their labour inputs? Who are most affected by fuelwood shortages?
Types of processing are often gender-differentiated and often related to such factors as access to fish, new technologies, and credit. In a fishery characterised by migrant fishing units, harvesting, processing and trading activities are likely to be integrated; women are less likely to be involved in the processing and marketing of fish, as their reproductive and agriculture activities make it difficult for them to accompany migrant fishermen.
The development of a high-value fishery also has different implications on men and women processors because of gender differences in labour mobility. When fish processing resulting in a highvalue product becomes an economically important activity at a certain location, it often attracts men from other economic activities, as they are more mobile and can more easily switch from one economic activity to the other. For example, when salt-dried Nile perch became popular in areas close to Lake Victoria, many fishermen switched to Nile perch processing. As salt drying needed higher capital costs (for salt, brining tanks, drying racks and storage) and demanded more physical strength, women processors could not take to the new activities as quickly as men. Moreover, the Nile perch fishery led to reduced landings of other fish species traditionally processed by women in some areas, such as tilapia and Haplochromis spp
Reciprocal supply arrangements between harvesters and processors are common, but the assumption that a woman processor will he supplied by her husband (if he catches fish) is not necessarily correct. Often, reciprocal arrangements exist with outsiders; consequently a wife may not have any access to her husband's fish and has to develop her own arrangements.
In some fisheries, cleaning and gutting of fish are considered to be part of woman's household duties, and she does not get paid for this work. In this case, development interventions which increase catches on a local scale may have a negative effect on women.
Fuelwood shortages also affect domestic fuelwood use; they can raise prices and increase the distances women and children have to go to fetch fuelwood.
Key questions: What are the socio-economic characteristics of traders? Is there any differentiation between male and female traders (location, species traded types of market, ease of entry and exit)?
Many fish traders are linked to fish catching and processing households, and either live in the community or visit it regularly. Although fish trading is often a highly profitable enterprise, large-scale operations require large amounts of working capital for purchase and transport of fish. In some fisheries, fish trading is dominated by women; in others, by men. Who participates in marketing depends on the location and the type of the market as well as on the scale of operation. In general, the majority of women traders focus on local markets and on low-value fish with a fairly small scale of operation. They may also combine this activity with fish processing. The reason many women fish traders concentrate on local markets is that their domestic duties make it difficult for them to travel long distances; further, their limited access to credit (formal and informal) inhibits the scale of their operation. However, there are exceptions. Some women do engage in large-scale fish trading to distant markets. An example is the women who trade in fresh water sardines in Zaire and Zambia. Finding out who these people are is important to understanding whether other men and women can also enter the trade.
In many inland fisheries, the high-value fish trade is dominated by men (e.g. Lake Mweru, Lake Victoria). As this fish trade often deals with fresh or frozen fish, it is relatively capital-intensive, relying on ice and refrigerated transport. In many migrant fisheries, male fishermen become processors and sometimes, traders. In small water body fisheries in southern Africa, the majority of the fish traders are men; they are also fish catchers. For example, in Zimbabwe, fishermen are licensed to fish a number of dams and therefore have to travel from dam to dam where they catch, process and sell their Fish.
Some traders combine their fish trading activities with other trading activities. This practice is more common with female traders than male traders perhaps because the economic activities of women tend to be on a smaller scale and more diversified. In Lake Malombe, Malawi, women fish traders also trade in flour and fruits for the hinterland markets. These trader.% concentrate more on non-fishery products during closed seasons. In Lake Mweru, Zambia, many women travel to urban markets. They trade in dried fish, also buy and sell lamps, paraffin and other domestic goods.
Key questions: What types of ancillary activities are there? What are the socio-economic characteristics of those involved? How will changes in the harvesting/processing/marketing subsector affect these activities?
Ancillary industries vary from fishery to fishery and include net mending, provision of crew lodging, informal credit, food for fishermen, charcoal burning, fuelwood collection and boat repair. Women take part in many of these activities either full time or part time. These activities can represent an important source of income.
It is important to identify all these activities in order to determine the linkages between them and the effect that changes in the fishery sector may have on them. For example, more fuel-efficient technologies may have a negative impact on the incomes of fuelwood collectors.
Key questions: What are the different types of migration among rural/fisherfolk populations? How does it affect the roles of men and women in migrant households and communities? How does the practice of migration affect the supply of fish for men and for "men?
Migration among rural populations is related to the seasonal movement of fish, climatic conditions, changes in fish prices and changes in other economic activities. Migration can be temporary or permanent, regular or irregular. Temporary migrant settlements usually comprise migrant Fishermen and sometimes, their families. In many cases, there is a high degree of geographical mobility into and out of the settlement and many economic activities are of a transient nature. Along lakeshores, such settlements may be geographically isolated with little or no community services such as on the Zairean side of Lake Tanganyika and Lake Mweru, in Zambia. Permanent settlements are affected by increasing population, in addition to permanent or temporary migration into and out of their communities.
Migration into or out of a community affects activities, division of labour, and access to or control over resources in the community and in the households. A population influx into a community, triggered by a boom in fisheries, may create income-earning opportunities for both men and women. In fishing villages in Zambia, a number of economic activities such as processing maize flour for sale, food catering and housing and accommodation have been generated by the migration of fishermen and traders.
Migration can also lead to fewer benefits from the fishery for household members such as women and children who remain behind. When men migrate seasonally in search of better prices or catches, women will have increased workloads. Although they may be unable to exercise any influence on the earnings of their husbands, they may exercise a greater influence on household decision making. Where the women travel with men (like fisheries camps in Lake Bangweulu, Zambia), they allocate less time for domestic activities (e.g. cooking, child caring, fetching water and fuelwood etc,). This may have a negative impact on household well-being.
Key questions: What kind of activities are carried out by whom (types, location and seasonality)? Are there differences in opportunities for men and women in fisheries-related activities? What alternative economic opportunities exist for men and women engaged in fisheries-related activities?
The importance of fisheries activities varies between one community and another, depending on the other activities taking place in the adjacent area. Fisheries may contribute little to the overall economy of the community but could help strengthen food security in the community. Other economic activities such as irrigation and livestock watering may take precedence over fisheries, and persons that participate in the fishery for household consumption may not have a strong voice in the community. For example, in Zaire and around small water bodies in Zimbabwe and Zambia, women and children catch fish on an ad hoc basis for household consumption, while simultaneously carrying out other activities such as washing clothes or collecting water.
Often planners fail to recognise the linkages between male and female activities within and between households. In households where both men and women are engaged in fishery-related activities, labour may be hired to carry out agricultural activities, usually under the supervision of a relative. As regards fishery-related activities, women may find it difficult to take part in them if fish-processing equipment or the fish resource is located far away from the household. Women would then be unable to combine their productive and reproductive duties.
The introduction of new technologies may change sexual division of labour within the household, especially in the fish processing sector. As commonly observed in agriculture, technologies which increase the value of a product traditionally produced by women may get taken over by men. Where women cannot find alternative economic activities, they will not benefit from these innovations.
Many activities other than fisheries -- such as agriculture, trading, mining etc. -- exist in a fishing community. These non-fisheries activities offer occupational mobility to men and women engaged in fisheries. Men may concentrate on a limited number of activities, while women may perform many activities on a smaller scale, between which they can shift priorities according to changes in relative profitability.
For instance, in Bukoba, on Lake Victoria, the collapse of producer prices for coffee caused many male farmers to intensify fishing activities. In Lake Mweru, when demersal fisheries declined, a number of women fish smokers of demersal species switched to food production for sales, petty trading and catering which gave them better incomes.
Seasonality of economic activities, especially where a high degree of sexual division of labour prevails, is also important -- busy periods for women may be different from those for men. Seasonality in a fishery may also divert male labour away from agriculture and place heavier workloads on women. This can also occur wherever temporary migration of fishermen takes place.
Key questions: Who has access to and control over fishery resources? Are norms, customary laws and territorial rights disadvantageous to one sex? Are there any direct consultations between men and women in the community? How do fishery-related activities affect other users of the water? Who is most affected?
Fisheries management is usually the responsibility of the state although there might be localized traditional management schemes in place. Often, communities find it difficult to understand state regulations because they see no causal link between them and the productivity of the fishery. Some regulations discourage poorer groups from entering the fishery because a fishing permit is costly and hard to get for someone without either cash or connections. Some regulations discriminate against less regular or visible users -often, women or children Fishing for household consumption. In many fisheries, traditional management systems regulate fishing areas and fishing rights. Therefore, it is important to find out how these traditional systems work, whom they benefit and how. This information is important for planners in order to enable improvements in management systems.
Access to and control over the resources necessary to carry out fishery related activities -- such as fishing craft, gear, credit, processing technologies and transport -- depends on many factors. Kinship systems (e.g. matriliny and patriliny) may affect the allocation and access of productive resources.
Access to the skills needed to catch or process fish is easier in families with a fishing or processing tradition. Depending on the type of method used, these may be available to both men and women, although certain fishing gear (spears, traps, nets) are often considered "male-only" activities. Perceptions that all fishing is a male activity lead to men having better access to formal credit and extension advice for activities such as fish capture.
Resource management schemes which fail to take into account all the users of the fishery resource have little hope of success, because the people who have been overlooked will have little commitment to a sustainable fishery. Less 'visible' users such as women and children using hook and line to catch fish for household consumption, or 'indirect' users such as processors and traders, should also have a say in resource management. Failure to take into account these users has led, in the past, to conflict and marginalisation. For example, in Zimbabwe, unlicenced fishermen ("poachers") because they are illegal have been excluded from management discussions. Around small water bodies, domestic water users may be affected by increased fishery activities. If they are not represented as a resource user, they may lose their access to the small water body and have to travel longer distances to fetch water.
How men and women increase or maintain access to resources can also be different. Men will often reinvest incomes earned in the sector or in agricultural land or livestock, whereas women may build up their processing or trading enterprises as a more diversified enterprise -- using earnings from other economic activities (e.g. agriculture, beer brewing, petty trading). Although this is a more effective way to diversify risk, it can also restrict expansion into the sector and thus affect access to fish.
Key questions: What are the customs and norms that influence adoption of innovations by men and women?
There are many norms and taboos concerning women's active participation in fishing in inland waters. For example, there is an island in Lake Victoria which women are not allowed to go. It is believed that when women go out in fishing boats, catches are poor, equipment gets lost and accidents occur.
Social norms about unrelated men and women working together, can bar women from extension information and new technologies. In some communities, women cannot be contacted by men in the absence of their husbands. This may result in women being left out from extension services and management decision-making. Women processors and traders may also face difficulties in establishing reciprocal arrangements with unrelated fishermen or trading to distant markets.
Therefore, an assessment should be made on whether and how these factors will affect or can be affected by a project.
Key questions: What types of organizations exist in a community and who makes up their membership? Can these organizations be involved in fishery resource management? Do men and women participate in decision- making within these organizations?
Social organizations, (e.g. group of village elders, informal savings groups, mutual support systems) can be an entry point to involve the community in development and management decision-making.
It is important to identify different types of interest groups in a community and find out whose interests are advanced by their decision- making process and whose are not. In Lake Mweru, fishermen's associations exclude women gear and boat owners. Women may he under-represented in the political decision-making structure of the community, or there may be separate systems in which women discuss matters like regulation of fishing. It should not be assumed that women's interests and views are always expressed through their spouses.
Special attention is necessary to include the opinions and aspirations of people who do not belong to any groups. For instance in Kigoma Lake Victoria, there are groups of women processors organized among large-scale fish mongers, who play intermediary roles between women processors and fishermen. The interests of small-scale women processors and traders may not be represented as they are not organised in groups.
Key questions: What are the actual and potential sources of conflict between men and women? Are there any conflict management systems in existence?
Conflicts often arise through multiple uses of the lakeshore, or because of multiple users of these resources. In parts of southern Africa, irrigation and livestock watering are often the main reasons for construction of a small water body; development of a fishery may lead to conflicts with these users, both men and women. In Zambia, for example, women complained that fishermen using seine nets made the water too turbid for use as drinking water. Conflicts can also arise between fish catchers, most frequently between larger and smaller vessels or between different gear users. Infrequently, conflict management systems exist, especially in dynamic or migrant fisheries with few formal structures. However, the potential exists for establishing conflict management systems in new fisheries which include all possible users (male and female), such as around newly constructed small water bodies.
Conflicts may also arise as a result of development interventions which target one particular group within a community, such as women. Providing special credit to women fish processors and traders can create conflicts with those processors and traders who do not have access to the same facilities. It may also create conflicts between husbands and wives within the households. One must be aware that such conflicts can undermine the achievement of intended objectives.
Key questions: Do extension workers reach both men and women?
In many countries, fishery extension is considered primarily for the enforcement of fisheries regulations and collection of statistics. Reaching both men and women, understanding the various roles of men and women in fisheries-related activities and reflecting them in development and management planning is important if extension information is to reach all participants. This means fishery extension services should tap not only fish catchers, but also less 'visible' users such as women and children fishing for household consumption, and 'indirect' users such as processors and traders.
Key questions: Who makes decisions within households regarding production priorities; allocation of resources; distribution of benefits from economic activities? How will the benefits from development interventions be distributed between household members?
Generally, men have the final say on decisions over labour allocation and the movements of household members. In migrant households, the woman can become the decision-maker. In some patrilineal societies, this decision-making role may be transferred to the husband's brother or cousin, rather than the wife.
Women and men often have multiple sources of income, which include fisheries- related activities such as food production and sales, beer brewing etc.. However, the relative importance of various activities for allocating resources between them can be different for men and women. Decision-making on diverse socio-economic activities for men and women will obviously depend on the availability of resources, but also on the ability to withstand changes in the fisheries and to participate in development and management interventions.
The use of income from fisheries activities differs significantly between men and women. This should be kept in mind when estimating the capacity of men and women to increase their financial commitment to fisheries-related activities. Women tend to spend more of their income from productive activities on essential commodities for the household -- any surplus is likely to be invested in productive activities they are able to control. Men are more likely to invest, as a priority, in productive assets for themselves. If they are migrant fishermen this may be land in the area they originate from, or new fishing equipment. This difference has implications for fisheries planning. Increasing the incomes of men does not necessarily increase the well-being of the household. In some cases, it may place greater pressure on women within the household to meet day-to-day expenses, school fees etc and generate a negative impact on household food security. By the same token, increasing the incomes of women from fisheries-related activities does not necessarily mean that these will expand; they may indeed diversify into other activities or invest the income earned from fisheries into other economic activities.
In less established or new fisheries, it is likely that access to and control of benefits will follow the pattern of existing economic activities. Often these fisheries merely supplement the more important economic activities of the household, such as agriculture and livestock.
