4.1 Traders and consumers as individual actors
4.2 Collective actions by traders and consumers
Relations between consumers and traders can be viewed from two perspectives, depending on whether the two groups are considered individually or collectively. In most African societies, traditional trading relationships often evolved between families specialising in specific sectors of production and services. Those engaged in a particular activity rarely formed co-operatives but rather established special relations between families with complementary activities. For example, families producing cereals usually maintained links with particular dairymen and fishermen, and vice versa. These social relations constituted the basis of trust between families and governed their interaction.
The situation may be different in urban areas trading activities are dominated by “foreigners” with whom consumers have little or no traditional ties. Traders-consumers relationships, therefore, have to be built up through exchange transactions in which the actors pursue different objectives. Urban housewives are usually keen to establish stable, lasting relations with particular traders in an attempt to guarantee the supply of quality produce, since prevailing cultural norms encourage fair play among parties between whom there is mutual trust.
In Dakar, each housewife tends to have her cliane (from the French word client), a trader with whom a trust-based trading relationship has been established. The relationship is, however, not exclusive but simply preferential, since the housewife is dependent on or restricted to dealing with a particular trader. The specific objectives pursued by consumers depend on the food item in question and the associated services required as discussed below.
Meat: A survey by Cheyns (1996) in Ouagadougou showed that hygiene and freshness are two key factors that affect the choice of the source from which housewives buy meat. The desire for clean, safe meat usually influences purchasing decisions of housewives with regard to the place (such as abattoir and section of market) and time (early in the morning “before flies and heat affect the quality of meat” [Cheyns, ibid.]).
Most housewives from average-income families prefer buying from small-scale butchers selling without any standard weights and measures, since this presumably encourages bargaining between the two parties. Muslims also tend to buy from butchers of the same religion so as to ensure that the meat is from animals slaughtered in conformity with particular standards prescribed by their religion. Maintaining long-term relationships with particular meat suppliers tends to reduce risks with regard to uncertainty as to conditions and procedures at the point of slaughter and during transportation of supplies to the market.
Cereals: Wholesale purchase of cereals does not require long-term relationships between parties especially since quality and price are often standardised. However, for poor families who buy supplies on daily basis, such a relationship may be necessary to guarantee supplies during periods of shortages and also to enhance access to short-term credit when necessary.
In Dakar, Lebanese and Syrians dominate the wholesale trade in imported cereals while traders of Mauritanian origin used to predominate the retail sector (Mbow, 1976). The Mauritanian retailers usually maintained close personal relations with families and operated informal “savings and credit banks”. Many families “saved” housekeeping money and unused stocks of food with these retailer-bankers, who also provided short-term suppliers’ credit to those they were well acquainted with. These traders left Dakar in 1989 in the wake of hostilities between the two countries. There is no empirical evidence on the extent to which indigenous Guinean and Senegalese traders have taken over these activities.
Traditionally processed products (soumbala, couscous): As discussed in section 3.4.1 (in chapter 3), the choice of supply source for these products may be influenced by the desire of individuals and households to affirm their cultural identity. However, the need for quality assurance also promotes maintenance of long-term trust-based relationships between consumers and traders (Cheyns, 1996).
Traders generally tend to form associations that are easily identified by produce and develop group strategies with respect to their suppliers and consumers. Consumers, on the other hand tend to show more individual behaviour. This is partly attributable to the long-term trade relationships between them and traders and the long history of state control over prices and quality in most African countries. These conditions discouraged consumers from collectively pursuing their interests in relations with traders.
Consumer associations are a very recent phenomenon in African countries. In 1990, there were only 6 in 6 countries, but by June 1997 the number had risen to over 100 in 45 countries. National consumer associations can now be found in almost every Francophone country in Africa. In many SSA countries, there was initial scepticism about these associations as most citizens perceived them either rightly or wrongly as being more suited to developed countries. Their formation was usually led by a small group of middle-class intellectuals whose primary concern was about produce quality, particularly since trade liberalisation under structural adjustment encouraged the importation of produce of doubtful quality (sometimes including even expired and banned products.
The consumer associations in SSA have largely been modelled after the European consumer movements, with public demands and lobbying as the central activities. However, difficulties in pursuing consumer interests in countries like Senegal have led to some adaptation in the methods used by the associations, as discussed below.
Specialisation: The growing conviction among leaders that dissipation of effort is partly responsible for the ineffectiveness of consumer associations has led to the formation of sector-specific associations in a number of countries. These focus mainly on issues related to the provision of electricity, water, food and transport. The food sector associations tend to be closely linked with the environmental movement.
Adaptation of method to local conditions: The need for a social base and legitimacy in dealing with the authorities and traders has led some associations to adopt a strategy involving the formation of branches and units in working-class districts with structures modelled on those of political organisations (like cells and committees). This development has often affected the approach of the associations since the poor and disadvantaged are more concerned with ensuring regular supplies and price controls than with issues of quality. In a number of instances, women members from poor neighbourhoods urged their leaders to pursue new activities that reduced household food expenditure, including:
This approach usually encourages growing awareness of the need for consumers to be actively involved, through their organisations, in all issues concerning food supply and distribution. It has been used, for instance, by consumers in Mali. They examined the food chain and concluded that distribution margins were too high. They, therefore, sought government support in promoting a distribution system that benefited young unemployed people.
The burgeoning associations, however, tend to have very limited means of fulfilling their roles (implementing projects and expressing objective views on subjects related to food supply and distribution). In most cases the militant option overshadows a scientific and objective approach, leading to errors of judgement. A major challenge facing the consumer movement in most SSA countries is that of broadening its social base so as to be relevant. It is also important that leaders clearly understand the interests of the social groups represented by the associations in order to avoid gaps between them and consumers that will undermine their legitimacy.
Another major challenge is that of informing and making citizens aware of the issues involved in food supply and distribution, especially those pertaining to hygiene and nutrition. They also have the task of making traders aware of consumer needs and working with them to devise strategies to meet those needs.
These associations can play a crucial role in promoting dialogue between consumers, traders and the state. This role can facilitate the resolution of conflicts as well as provide an effective framework for evolving strategies to deal with anticipated and unanticipated supply problems. In the medium term, consumer associations can also be encouraged to assume responsibility for managing buffer stocks from the state since they can be more effective than the latter.
The associations also have a crucial watchdog function. They should, therefore, be well-equipped (especially in terms of both resources and training for the leaders) and enabled to recruit and retain personnel with required technical skills in order to fulfil their role and establish credibility. Militancy and voluntarism soon reveal their limitations when expectations begin to grow. The movement, therefore, has to be “professional” without being “bureaucratised”.
