2.1 Descriptive and predictive knowledge
Endnotes
2.2 Management practices
Endnotes
2.3 Organization of management
2.4 Analysis
Endnotes
This chapter attempts to provide as wide a cross section as possible of the different types of LKMS among the peoples of arid and semi-arid lands of Africa. It first discusses the descriptive knowledge: how they use their natural resources, how they name and classify them, and how they understand the inter-relationships between the resources.
In a second section, the discussion focuses on how the local people manage (harvest, process, store, etc.) their natural resources on a daily basis, and what impact these practices have on the natural resources. It touches on traditional herd and range management practices, management of trees and shrubs, water, hay and fodder, and other resources including wildlife and wild plant gathering.
In the final section, the social, economic, and political organization and control over natural resources is discussed. It covers a brief view of production systems and strategies, natural resource tenure, the occurrence of reserves and protected areas, and the means by which these rules are enforced.
2.1.1 Forms of utilization of natural resources
2.1.2 Descriptive knowledge
2.1.3 Ecology and biogeography
2.1.4 Analysis
The study of descriptive knowledge, the way people describe their physical environment, can provide insights into how local peoples categorize and perceive their environment. It shows what the people consider important and practical. We can gain an understanding of how much control they perceive as having over the elements, and what they base their future expectations and predictions on. In this section, a brief review of what they use natural resources for, is followed by how they name, classify, and describe physical elements, and how they perceive ecological interrelationships.
All natural resources in pastoral areas are used for both productive and non-productive uses. Water, perhaps the most important item in an arid environment, is used for both human and animal consumption, cleanliness, coolness, fishing, and certain rituals. Soil is used for pottery, for making adobe bricks (in the case of settled or partially settled agropastoralists), for extracting iron and copper by specialized guilds, and as salt licks for livestock. But by far the most diverse use is made of plant, and to a lesser extent wildlife, resources.
Plants provide food, fuel, fodder, timber and fibre for tools and construction of houses and fences, crafts, dyes, musical instruments, weapons, utensils, medicine, and other ritual products. In addition, they are used for shade, as landmarks for orientation in space, for salt and oil, to build smoke fires to keep insects at bay, to extract poisons, as a source of drinking water, as sugar, to make alcoholic beverages, etc. (see BOX 2.1).
BOX 2.1
|
Of the many studies on the uses of plants among pastoralists, a few can be mentioned as examples. Among the Mossi and Basi agropastoralists of southeast Burkina Faso, young boys gather hay for calves, medicinal plants which their father tells them to gather when necessary, and smoke producing plants to ward off insects at the corral6. The Lugbara of northwest Uganda collect a certain plant, from whose ash they obtain salt7. The Tonga of Zambia harvest Dactyloctenium aegyptium, Brachiaria spp, Panicum spp, Echinochloa spp, Rottboellia spp, Urochloa spp, and wild sorghum as cereals during famines, and supplement food with leaf relishes. These provide them with sources of vitamins, minerals, proteins and fats. They also use plants for tools, building material, fibre, salt, medicine, poisons, etc.8 During the drought of 1972, the Twareg of Niger ate wild seeds and leaves, and searched for seeds in ant and termite hills9. The seeds of waterlilies are used by the Dinka of southern Sudan to make beer10. The Bushmen of Kalahari eat mangetti nut which has 5 times the
calories and 10 times the protein of most cereals. This nut makes up two thirds
of the vegetable diet of theakung bushmen. The /Gwi bushmen do not have access
to drinking water for long stretches of the dry season and get it from the tsama
melon and rumen of animals11. The Zaghawa of Chad and Sudan harvest
many annual grasses for food and beer (D. aegyptium, Echinochloa colona,
Panicum laetum, Eragrostis pilosa, and Oryza breviligulata).
Cenchrus biflorus and Tribulus terrestris seeds (and leaves of
latter) are used only during famine. Herders eat wild fruits on the job. Plants
are also used for sugar, flour, nuts, and medicine12. |
Although use of wild plants by pastoralists is usually for self-consumption, some families in each group will specialize in collecting and selling them. For example, one Wodaabe Fulani family from Niger specializes in collecting medicinal plants and selling them in the early dry season on their transhumant route into Mali, Cote d'Ivoire and Guinea13.
Almost all plant species are used for something, making it difficult to write some plants off as “unimportant” or “undesirable”, as is usually done in most reseeding and revegetation programmes. For example, among the Tonga of Zambia, of 222 species studied, 93% had a use14. The diversity of plants used for food and medicine alone can be high. For example, among the Pokot of Kenya, out of 307 plant species identified by botanist, 20% were used for food, and 39% for medicine15.
Animals and insects are used for food, tools, and indicators of ecological dynamics. However, their consumption as food among pastoralists is often accompanied by taboos that restrict the consumption or killing of certain species to certain groups of people. For example, among the Turkana some animals are not eaten because of supernatural powers or because of ancestral taboos16. Among the Zaghawa, although insects, locusts, caterpillars, eggs, and honey are eaten by all, only non-circumcised children and members of the blacksmith caste can eat rabbits, and small birds17 (see section 2.2.5 for more on taboos).
The diversity in the use of animals is usually less than in plants, and can vary even among neighboring groups. For example, among the Turkana, 103 out of 148 mammals and birds are eaten, whereas the Rendille only eat 6 species, all ungulates18.
2.1.2.1 Climate
2.1.2.2 Soils and geomorphology
2.1.2.3 Plants and vegetation types
2.1.2.4 Water
2.1.2.5 Livestock
2.1.2.6 Wildlife
2.1.2.7 Traditional veterinary and human medicine
2.1.2.8 Measurement systems
The local knowledge of climatic patterns, their variability in space and time, and the ways in which it is predicted, forms an indispensible part of the information the pastoralist and farmer need to survive. Our study of the detailed “weather lore” of local people is important because it reflects the great spatial variation in tropical rainfall19, as well as how they have organized their daily agricultural (farming and herding) tasks to fit the climatic patterns. The local calendar is more flexible than the western calendar (i.e. does not necessarily have a set number of days per season) because it is linked to both climatic variability and agricultural activities20.
The classification of climatic events into seasons and sub-seasons ranges from very detailed categories to a simple system of a few classes. No matter what the actual climatic pattern (and in arid and semi-arid Africa it can vary from one rainy season to two separate rainy seasons), the minimum number of categories appears to be three seasons (e.g. the Fulani of Yatenga, northern Burkina Faso21), and the maximum 8 (e.g. the Wodaabe Fulani, whose eight categories are related to both climatic patterns, and forage phenology and value22). The majority of the Sahelo-sudanian pastoralists recognize 4 or 5 seasons (e.g. the Twareg of Niger23, Fulani of the Niger River Delta24, Fulani of south central Mauritania25, the people of western Chad26, and the Zaghawa of Chad and Sudan27).
Local knowledge can vary within the same ethnic group, especially if it is a large group dispersed over a large area, such as the Fulani. For example, the Fulani of Yatenga recognize only 3 seasons28, but the Fulani of the Niger River delta distinguish 4 seasons based on rainfall patterns, not flood patterns29, and the Wodaabe Fulani of Niger recognize 8 seasons30. Given that the climatic pattern in these three areas are not dissimilar, the variation could be due to either different information eliciting techniques among the researchers, or due to cultural influences (or both).
The etiology of the traditional calendar can provide useful hints on how agricultural activities are organized. The names of the climatic categories usually refer to a prominent climatic characteristic (e.g. rains vs. dry), specific agricultural activities (e.g. dispersion of herds during mid rains) or social events that are conducted at that time (e.g. marriages). A good example in point is the Turkana of northern Kenya31.
Prominent drought years are well remembered. For example, the Moors and Fulani of Mauritania still remember the 1913 drought, the former calling it after Boscia senegalensis (because they had to eat its fruit) the latter calling it rice, because they got famine aid from the French32. The Turkana remember drought patterns well, maintaining that only about one year in four or five has a 'good wet season'33.
Climatic predictions are based on countless years of accumulated observations. In some cases, they may be accurate, in others not. For example, the Rendille of northern Kenya base their predictions on the constellations of stars, lunar phases, cloud patterns, but also the viscera of animals34.
There are predictors (indicators) for the onset of rains, the quality of rains, the end of rains, droughts, etc. These indicators can range from the movement of birds, frogs, ants, and other fauna, to changes in plant phenology and meteorological conditions such as changes in air temperature, lightening patterns, etc. (see BOX 2.2).
BOX 2.2
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The Turkana of Kenya say that several birds (ground hornbill, green wood hoopoe, spotted eagle owl, and night jar) and frogs are prophets of rain35. In western Kenya people use indicators of frogs, birds, white ants, lightening and rise in swamp waters to forecast rainfall36. In Zaria, Nigeria, certain birds indicate a drought37. In northeast Tanzania, the indicators of beginning of rains are (in order of frequency of response): increase in temperature, lightening, change in patterns and behavior of birds, insects and mammals, and three different types of plant changes (flowering, new leaves, grass wilting). In the same area, forecasts of end of rains depends mostly on meteorological factors (ie. drizzling or steady rainfall, wind strength, temp change, etc.), but also fauna (e.g. bee swarms, birds changing color) and flora (ripening of seeds, decline in bamboo fluid, etc.)38. The Fulani of Mauritania predict seasons by the position of the stars; for example, when the big dipper “jungo niiwi” is directly above (ie. August) then it is time for the most abundant rains, and when its tail is pointing to the top then it is the end of the rainy season39. In western Nigeria, farmers start planting when the new leaves of the baobab tree (Adansonia digitata) and Chlorophora excelsa appear, and when the “konkoto” bird stops singing40. The quality of the rainfall (i.e. its quantity and
distribution overtime and space) is usually evaluated after the end of the
season, based primarily on meteorological factors. For example in northeastern
Tanzania, some factors are the distribution of rains, fogs, sunshine periods,
etc.41. Only one record was found of the prediction of the
quality of rainfall; namely, the Kamba farmers of Kenya believe that a rainbow
means no or little rain will follow42. |
In order to effectively use the LKMS on climate, we need more information on how far in advance the local people make forecasts, and the standard deviation of accuracy of forecasts compared to actual events44.
All records indicate that the knowledge of soil types and their quality and potential for agricultural use is quite high among pastoralists. In many cases, the soil classification system is very similar to the one used by formal science (e.g. see BOX 2.3), but it often tends to be detailed only if a particular use is made of the soil type45. Thus it is very closely linked to land use potentials (whether pastures or farmland). For example, the Somali distinguish 4 types of soils based on their suitability for grazing different livestock46.
BOX 2.3
|
The Bambara agropastoralists of Mali have one of the most
complete soil classification systems. They distinguish 7 major soil types, which
very regularly correspond to western soil texture types. The level of
classification is not equally detailed for all soil groups. The most detailed
division is for the sandy soil, due to the fact that these are used for
cultivation. They also distinguish soil color - not just hue but also
greyness/brightness and darkness/lightness (similar to formal science). They
also classify soils according to their inundation potential, ease of cultivation
and potential for certain crops47. |
The names of soil types and categories are seldom duplicated, as in vegetation nomenclature, but tend to be less detailed than the latter54 (see below). Soil names are very particular to each ethnic group. However, in some cases, the same word may mean different things for different groups. For example, the Twareg and Gaobe Fulani who live in the same area (northern Burkina Faso) have different meanings for the word “seno”: for the former it refers to a distinct topographical feature (ancient dunes), while for the latter, it connotes its use and potential for agriculture55.
Compared to LKMS on climate and plants, the LKMS of soils among pastoralists has not been covered well. More research is needed on their classification system, their knowledge of the relations between soils and pasture types, and how they evaluate soil differences.
The knowledge of plants is perhaps the most refined aspect of LKMS among pastoralists. The simplest classification of plants corresponds to the specific epithet level in the western Linnean classification system, but some groups distinguish higher categories of classification, such as genus and families (see BOX 2.4).
BOX 2.4
|
The Somali living in Ethiopia have names for every single
plant species56, and the Zaghawa of Chad/Sudan have a classification
system very similar to the botanical one57. The Suiei Dorobo
hunter/gatherers of northern Kenya, have several higher categories: the highest
three divisions are 1) grasses and Cyperaceae, 2) parasites and cryptogams, 3)
all other plants. The latter is divided into herbs, vines, trees and shrubs.
Some plants have a binomial nomenclature (like the Linnean system)58.
The Gabra of northern Kenya recognize not only species, but also three Families:
Graminae, Capparaceae, and Burseraceae59. |
BOX 2.5
|
Plant nomenclature and classification is usually based on its morphology and phenology. Some examples were found among the Somali60, nomads of Wabe Shebelle valley in Ethiopia61, Wodaabe Fulani of Niger62, and the Turkana of Kenya63. In Sudan, Heliotropium spp. (a member of the Borraginaceae family with scorpioid inflorescence) are called “tail of scorpion”64. The Turkana of Kenya have more generic names among herbs than trees and shrubs65, reflecting, perhaps, the greater diversity of use of the latter for both human and animal food. Among the Suiei Dorobo, the same plant will be called
differently depending on the attribute that one wishes to emphasize, such as
“medicinal”, “toxic”, etc.66. In addition, the
plants that have common characters have another generic name on top of their
specific one67. The Dogon of Mali too, will name plants according to
their therapeutic value for human diseases68. The Mbeere of Kenya
have utilitarian categories for plants, such as shade, perfume, and
bedding69. The Arab pastoralists of the Sahel have special names for
barks of those trees that are used for tannin70. Phenological changes
in plants are often reflected in several names for the same plant corresponding
to the early vegetative stages, flowering, senescence, etc. For example, the
Wodaabe Fulanidifferentiate mature vs. young green grass71, and the
Dinka give different name to different phenological stages of Hyparrhenia
rufa depending mainly on its forage value for roofing
thatch72. |
Knowledge of the botany of plants can be quite detailed. All groups have different names for plant parts, such as roots, stems, bark, flowers, etc. For example, the Twareg distinguish leaves that are simple, from pennate ones75.
The local people also have an intimate knowledge of the characteristics and values of different plants. For example, their value in stimulating milk and meat production in livestock, their toxicity, saltiness, and medicinal value, their ability to indicate the agricultural potential of a soil, and their prominent characteristics (such as prolific fruiters, fast rate of growth, etc.) (see BOX 2.6).
BOX 2.6
|
The Pokot and Turkana of Kenya recognize the seasonal
availability of different plants and their role in stimulating greater milk and
meat yields76. The Wodaabe of Niger know that Zornia
glochidiata is toxic to livestock only in its beginning, vegetative stages.
They also know that certain plants are salty, e.g. Ipomoea acanthocarpa,
and will deliberately take their livestock to graze on them during the rainy
season77. The Mbozi of southern Tanzania use plants to indicate the
agricultural potential of an area78. Among the Samburu of Kenya,
blessings refer to trees. For example, to bear as many children as the
“enparuei” tree, to live as long as the “nkusuman” tree, to
be as sweet as the “seiye” tree, and to have peace as the
“lokorosio” tree79. |
Vegetation communities are usually classed according to broad divisions, within which further sub-divisions are made. The classification and nomenclature of vegetation types and communities is usually defined by a combination of integrated factors, such as the dominant plant species, the soil type, and the shape of the landscape (see BOX 2.7).
BOX 2.7
|
The Maasai of Kenya differentiate between pastures and the
“wilderness” (the former used for grazing, the latter for hunting),
and divide pastures into lowland (wet season) and highland (dry season)
areas81. The Fulani of northern Burkina Faso recognize 4 major
vegetation communities, each divided into different range types82.
The Zaghawa distinguish many different range types, depending on their forage
value (coarse, tender, salty, poisonous, etc.) and effect on livestock
(constipating, irritating, nutritious, etc.)83. The Mbozi of Southern
Tanzania have several broad vegetation types, but in the same type will have
different names according to the density of vegetation84. The Wodaabe
categorize plants according to the type of soil they grow on and in which they
are best suited to85. The Twareg distinguish many different
woodlands, e.g. “efei” is a large area with big trees,
“afara” is an area with a mixture of trees, bushes and herbs,
“taferfera” is a dense thicket, “agoras” is a line of
riparian trees, “abatol” is a small, isolated wooded area,
“amesekni” is an isolated, remarkable tree in the middle of
grassland/desert, or an isolated tree of one species in the middle of a forest
which is used as a point of reference86. |
Most studies on plant LKMS are restricted to presenting an alphabetical list of plant species and their equivalent local names and etiology of the names. More work needs to be done on systems of plant classification, botanical names and divisions, and plant identification.
The study of local water systems, although fairly well developed for rainfed and irrigated cropping systems, is less easily found among pastoralists. Most pastoralists will have different names for different types of water points, such as wells (large, small, etc.) and natural ponds88. For example, the Twareg of Niger differentiate a chain of ponds from a single pond89. The Fulani of Senegal also differentiate water points for human use (that are cleaner) from those for livestock use90. In addition, many groups have a fine-tuned art of detecting the location and quantity/quality of ground water, detailed knowledge of geological strata, and elaborate systems for evaluating the quality and duration of natural ponds (see BOX 2.8). Much of this knowledge, if tested against formal science, may prove to be accurate and useful in helping to design new water points. For example, the Zaghawa of Chad and Sudan consider Acacia albida to be an indicator of good ground water for permanent wells. Botanists agree because of the tree's long tap root91.
BOX 2.8
|
The treatise of A.S. Ba (1982) provides a rare but detailed look into the “water lore” of the Fulani of Mauritania. They have a detailed art of detecting ground water. Their indicators are based on topography (e.g. shallow aquifers can be found near natural ponds or in depressions of mountains), on plant species (especially tap-rooted trees such as Bauhinia rufescens, Tamaris senegalensis, Capparis decidua, and Acacia albida, but also perennial grasses, such as Vetivera nigritana, and Panicum anababtismum), and the health or vigor of the plants, such as the greenness of leaves during the year. Other indicators are based on fauna (e.g. wild boars only live where they can dig and find moist soil; other animals that prefer to stay around moist places are caimans, amphibious lizards, tortoise, band of butterflies, some bird species, and many termite hills). The Fulani also are familiar with the geological strata in their area, and that they must dig through the whole layer of red or grey clayey soil and arrive at the sandy layer before finding ground water. A good quality ground water that is clear, sweet, and has a good mineral content, is indicated by the presence of Guiera senegalensis, B. rufescens, termite hills, and the depth of wells (the deeper, the better quality). The best quality natural ponds are indicated by the presence
of water lilies, followed by Acacia nilotica, and Mitragyna
inermis. Bad, diseased water, is indicated by the presence of the grass
Echinochloa pyramidalis. Water quality is also tested by immersing a
leather container in it. The best water does nothing to the leather, and as the
quality of water deteriorates, the intensity and duration of the color of the
leather will change to white, black, red or finally yellow/orange. Water quality
is also evaluated by its effect on livestock, especially their behavior after
drinking (whether they are content or not) and the yield of
milk92. |
The pastoralist's knowledge of his livestock will be touched upon only briefly. Besides knowing what types of forage are preferred by his different animals, and how often they need water, the pastoralist also knows a lot about their behavior and other needs (see BOX 2.9).
BOX 2.9
|
The Rendille of northern Kenya say that camels prefer silty,
chalky soil, cattle prefer lateritic and montmorillonitic soils, and shoats
(sheep and goats) prefer lateritic and hard stony ground93. The
Fulani believe that cattle are more intelligent than shoats, because they can
“remember” the location of water, salt, good pasture, etc., after
being shown only once, and are able to detect predators better94. The
Wodaabe of Niger say that dew is good for cattle but not camels95.
The Twareg of Niger, and many other pastoralists, know that livestock have to
use salt licks to purge parasites. The Twareg also know that their livestock
have to graze on Ipomoea acanthocarpa each year; this herb has been shown
to contain significant amounts of vitamin A96. |
Knowledge of his livestock defines how the pastoralist uses the natural resources. For example, they define whether he will herd them continuously or not, or whether he will use certain pastures at specific times of the year.
Livestock management, including the LKMS on livestock behavior and needs, is one topic that is amply touched upon by most researchers. However, rarely is an attempt made to show how this information helps the herder to make decisions concerning the use of natural resources.
In most cases, wild animals are classified and named at the species level, although generic names for non-important species can also be found (for example, among Turkana of Kenya99). Differentiation into sub-divisions usually occurs if the fauna are also eaten, used, or are important pests in the production cycle. For example, the Hausa agropastoralists of Niger aggregate all locusts and grasshoppers in three levels, but ants and termites are classed only at the species level100.
In addition, wildlife can be classified according to their value. The Turkana divide all wildlife into good (“themselves”) and bad (“enemies”)101. In most cases, wildlife nomenclature is distinct for each ethnic group. However, variation in names can occur even among sub-tribes. For example, the Kel Tamachek (Twareg) of Air call the cheetah what the Kel Tamachek of Ouadalan call the serval102.
The pastoralists' knowledge of the behavior of wildlife may not be as detailed as the hunter/gatherers (see BOX 2.10), but nevertheless it is high. For example, the Zaghawa of Chad and Sudan have a sophisticated knowledge of animal tracks103. The people of southern Chad also know of a certain bird that indicates the presence of a bee colony, and the value of different trees for attracting bee colonies; e.g. Khaya senegalensis is thought to be bad for bees, which may be due to its bitter resin and nectar104.
BOX 2.10
|
The !kung San of northwest Botswana and northeast Namibia are
described by Blurton Jones & Konner (1987). Their knowledge of wildlife
behavior includes much attention to details of behavior and ecology of
practically every animal. They make a distinction between data (actual
observations) and hearsay, and generally avoid making inferences unless they
have strong observational links. Their knowledge is also dependent on what they
find necessary or common sensical to observe. For example, they do not know
whether the lion's cub's eyes are open at birth or not, because they say it is
foolish to approach the lioness so close at that time. In addition, they have a
rich mythology of animal behavior that may appear “non-rational” (e.g.
being possessed by birds). However, some of their observations have helped
western scientists. For example, their observation that quelea, a major
crop-damaging bird, will strip leaves off the end of branches a few days before
coming to rest there, has helped scientists in their quelea population
surveys105. |
The knowledge of diseases and their cure is quite high among all rural populations, who have had to depend on local means to mitigate the effects of diseases. The study of veterinary and human medicinal LKMS has gained quite a momentum106. One aspect that directly or indirectly affects natural resources is the knowledge of epidemiology, i.e. the presence of diseases, contagious or otherwise107, which then determines the pastoralists' use and avoidance of certain areas until all signs of the disease have disappeared. The Fulani of Yatenga (northern Burkina Faso) may not make the connection between tse tse flies and trypanosomiasis108, but they do know that they have to avoid tse tse infested areas, otherwise their animals will get “sick”.
The knowledge of traditional cures, especially of traditional vaccination techniques against some of the diseases (see BOX 2.11), allows the pastoralist greater freedom in selecting infected pastures.
BOX 2.11
|
The pastoralists of Mali [unfortunately unspecified by author]
have traditional vaccination techniques109. The Wodaabe Fulani of
Niger have a traditional method of vaccinating against Contagious Bovine
Pleuropneumonia and smallpox110. The Fulani of west central Burkina
Faso vaccinate their cattle against rinderpest by inserting a part of the
diseased lung of a dead animal, or injecting the solution in which the lung
tissue has been soaked, into an incision of the nose of a healthy one, and
leaving it there until the wound festers. The Fulani of Senegal and Mauritania
also have a similar technique for bovine pneumonias111. The fact that
several Fulani groups, so geographically dispersed, have similar vaccination
techniques, suggests that the original LKMS, before the groups separated, has
remained intact through the centuries. |
Measurement systems - how people measure time, distance, volume, weight, etc. - are important components of LKMS in that they define how people evaluate productivity and yields, determine what is needed to get from one place to another, and communicate the information to others. No study was found of measurement systems among pastoralists. Two studies among farmers, one in southern and central Ghana112, and the other in southern Nigeria113 may help to stimulate research among pastoralists (see BOX 2.12).
BOX 2.12
|
LKMS measurements may be different from formal science in the
standards that are used, but they are similar in that predetermined units form
the basis of measurements of time, volume, weight, and length. These units are
usually based on parts of the body, or other common objects. People have a very
strong memory of the unit, and a strong ability to reproduce it with a
non-significant margin of error114. Another major difference is that
geographical distances are measured not by a linear measurement (such as
kilometers), but by the amount of time that is necessary to traverse it, a more
realistic assessment where straight roads are rarely found. In addition,
measurements related to agricultural tasks are based on output per unit of
labour, rather than output per unit of land115. |
Most groups have precise systems of classifying and naming each ecological zone, can cite landmarks that form the boundaries of these zones, and are familiar with the spatial location of each feature, be it a plant or a hill. Knowledge of the spatial location and variation of natural resources is an essential and necessary part of the production system, and spatial terms can be described in more complex ways than in western languages (see BOX 2.13).
BOX 2.13
|
The Somali of Bay region117 and the Gabra of northern Kenya118 can locate landmarks that form the boundaries of pastures. Among the latter, every location in the landscape has a story and a significance attached to it119. The Tallensi of southwest Burkina Faso and northeast Ghana name places based on prominent topographical or geographical features. For example, “nayaberaabo'og” means “cattle poison grass valley” referring to a particular grass that grows there. Each Tallensi individual “knows every rock and tree, and almost every tuft of grass, the quality of soil, and the ownership of farm plots in his or neighboring settlements”120. The bushmen of Kalahari can locate plants based on their
knowledge of the association between plants and soil types121.
Spatial terms can refer to several related spaces. For example, among the
Fulani, Wolof, and Lela the word for “house” can also mean wall around
the compound, and an extended family122. The Tonga and Senegalese
Diola names for spatial types have several parameters, including soil,
vegetation, topography, geomorphology, agricultural potential, land use, and
action needed to use the land (build a fence, dig a ditch, etc.)123.
Among the Konkomba of northwest Togo and northeast Ghana, space has both a
geographical and social dimension, so that if two adjacent lands are owned by
different social group or lineage, then they are said to be “far”
away124. |
Almost all pastoral and fanning groups are familiar with ecological associations, and the relations between climate, soil, vegetation, wildlife, topography, and human occupation. Gaps in knowledge are often filled by religion and mysticism. For example, Yoruba farmers could trace the hydrological cycle from rain to soil to plant to runoff to ocean, but not ocean to cloud and rain, which they then explained by divine providence126. Unfortunately, similar types of information do not appear to have been collected among pastoralists.
Knowledge of the evolution of a plant community can be very high, especially since it is based on long term, accumulated observations. For example, the Fulani of northwest Burkina Faso127, the Wodaabe Fulani128, and the Twareg Illabakan of Niger129, know how rainfall variations and droughts affect the plant community, and how the morphological and phenological characteristics of plants can help them resist and even take advantage of stress. The Mbozi of southern Tanzania can describe the progress of plant succession in fallow fields130.
Knowledge of wildlife ecology can be quite high. For example, the Zaghawa of Chad and Sudan are keen observers of wildlife habits, calling their Sahara pastures as the “grazing grounds of the oryx and the soemmering's gazelle”131. The Maasai and Turkana know movements of wildlife very well, and will try to get to good rangelands before the latter get there. In Amboseli, Maasai enter the swamps after the elephants and buffalo have “improved the structure for cattle”132.
The process of environmental degradation is another ecological feature that is known in detail. For example, the Fulani of northern Burkina Faso perceive degradation by changes in plant composition133 and decrease in soil cover, and have names for all the same types of soil degradation that formal science recognizes134. Both the Fulani and Twareg believe certain rangelands are “dirty” or polluted due to overgrazing, and certain forages are “weak” due to excessive animal pressure135. The Dinka of Sudan look at the quantity of manure left by livestock in order to detect overuse of the range136.
The cause of degradation may be overgrazing or other factors. For example, the Fulani of Yatenga recognize that retrogression of perennial grasses is due to overgrazing as well as drought, bush fires, and insufficient time for fallow137. However, “degradation” may mean different things to different people. Most commonly, as among the Rendille, it is taken to refer to the loss of forage rather than the loss of soil potential138.
The pastoralists are often accused of not knowing much about ecological dynamism of their environment, and thus causing environmental problems. However, the reason is most certainly due to the fact that researchers have neglected to study it, and not that it does not exist. It is an area that needs to be given immediate priority in research if only because of the grave and pressing problems of environmental degradation in the arid and semi-arid areas of Africa.
Local knowledge of natural resources is made up of three types of information: 1) accumulated cultural knowledge, 2) knowledge modified through contact with other cultures, and 3) progressive learning of the environment139. Descriptive LKMS depends on what they can see and remember without the aid of microscopes, journals and historical records. But their strong memory and incorporation of the knowledge into songs, stories, and daily proverbs allows the information to be passed down generations. For example, the Kel Dinnik Twareg have a game where all the movements, positions, pieces and strategies are named after range and herd management activities and objects140. These games and stories can be used to gain an understanding of local management strategies.
Most of the descriptive knowledge has an utilitarian character, since it is detailed only if there is a use of a particular resource. However, other types of knowledge do not have an immediate use and yet are part of the local lore. Thus, labeling LKMS as “utilitarian” is just as bad as “irrational” because it assumes that there is no intellectual or abstract dimension, and therefore it is not capable of change and growth from within141.
LKMS depends on what the people consider to be necessary or common sensical to know. They may see correlations but not understand causality, and won't necessarily pick up on regional trends (such as macro-economics), geologic cycles, etc.142. Their knowledge of the local ecology may be very fine tuned, but once outside their territory they will know less143.
In almost all cases discussed in the previous sections, the knowledge of natural resources, whether climate, plants, water or disease, is accurate and sometimes similar to formal science. But the advantage that LKMS has is its ecological particularism. For example, local people can have information that is hard for scientist to obtain, such as the spread of grasshoppers through different villages over several years in Nigeria144. And even in some cases, the local people can identify more species and varieties of plants than formal science, perhaps because they have had more time to search and find all the plants in their area. Some examples were found among the aKo bushmen of Botswana, and farmers in Nigeria145. LKMS also reflects information that the formal scientist may find unnecessary to obtain. For example, that pest damage may not change total yield of cassava much, but will make the tuber harder and unusable as flour146. In many cases, LKMS has much to gain from formal science, but also vice-versa.
The classification and nomenclature of soils, geomorphology, and vegetation shows detailed knowledge of micro-variation in resources, and sources of environmental risk147. The classification systems depend on the complexity and diversity of the local environment, but will also indicate patterns and priorities of use. The same resource may have different names, and conversely, different things may have same name because they share an underlying concept. For example, the Ikale of southwest Nigeria have the same name for fertilizer, pesticide, and witchcraft because all three connote power and control over the environment148. In addition, vernacular names are often of restricted local use, even from one village to the next149. Classification systems, at least for plants, also appear to be more detailed among pastoralists than farmers living in the same area, although more comparative studies are needed before this point can be generalized. For example, the Amhara farmers of Ethiopia lump more plants together into generic names than the Somali pastoralists who use the same area150.
The value and use of natural resources is relative to what is available and what tradition dictates. Good examples are plants that are noxious and abundant in one area, but rare and desirable in another, and taboos on eating certain wildlife.
One important aspect that has emerged recently is that one cannot assume that all LKMS is known and shared equally by everyone in the local community. Variation in knowledge is due to age and sex differences, aptitude, economic and social class, etc.151 Older people usually know more. Variation due to individual skill can be substantial, and may be due to different levels of informal experimentation152. Sexual and social differences are usually due to divisions of labour. Women may know more about gathering wild cereals, while men may know more about the best wood for house-poles. However, this relationship may not necessarily hold true where the production system is totally dependent on wild resources, such as hunter/gatherers. For example, among aKo bushmen, women do all of the plant gathering, so one would expect them to know more about plants, but a survey found that men know just as much153. Finally, there are specialists or “interest groups” such as marabouts, blacksmiths, local doctors, who are the repository of specialized knowledge.
This diversity in the level of knowledge suggests that it is not enough to just talk to a small of group informants or only the group's leader154. In addition, one cannot assume that the information will be given freely, whether to researchers, or to other villagers155; this is especially true of the “specialists”, who may either stand in the way of change, or may provide a basis for collaboration156, depending on what the local socio-political context is, and how they are approached.
In conclusion, the descriptive knowledge of natural resources among pastoralists has been shown to be quite thorough. This knowledge enables them to make full use of the resources around them for their daily work and survival. The study of the descriptive knowledge not only shows what the building blocks of the production system are, but also may provide interesting hypotheses or even guidelines for conducting formal scientific research and experimentation in the locality.
1. Bernus 1979, pp. 122-124; Gillet 1987.
2. Capot-Rey 1962, p. 303.
3. Biesele 1971, p. 65.
4. Allan 1965, pp. 255-256.
5. Brokensha & Riley 1980a, p. 123.
6. Delgado 1979, p. 126.
7. Baxter & Butt 1953, p. 121.
8. Allan 1965, pp. 255-256.
9. Bernus 1977, p. 211.
10. Alfredo Guillet 1989, pers. comm.
11. Biesele 1971, p. 65.
12. Tubiana 1969, pp. 58-70.
13. Maliki et al 1984, p. 324.
14. Morgan 1980, p. 2.
15. Tanaka 1981 cited in Barrow 1988, p. 7.
16. Itani n.d., p. 41.
17. Tubiana 1969, p. 71.
18. Itani n.d., p. 41.
19. Jackson 1982, p. 168.
20. Knight 1974a, p. 64.
21. Benoit 1979, p. 49.
22. Maliki et al 1984, pp. 257-266.
23. Winter 1984, pp. 552-556.
24. Wilson 1986, p. 33.
25. Ba 1982, p. 10.
26. Clanet 1977, p. 250.
27. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 33.
28. Benoit 1979, p. 49.
29. Wilson 1986, p,33.
30. Maliki et al 1984, pp. 257-266.
31. Dyson-Hudson & Dyson-Hudson 1982, p. 220.
32. Hervouet 1977, p. 77.
33. Gulliver 1970, p. 23.
34. Oba 1985.
35. Itani n.d., p. 47.
36. Tyrell 1973 cited in Jackson 1982, p. 171.
37. Fry 1973 cited in Jackson 1982, p. 171.
38. Jackson 1982, pp. 171-174.
39. Ba 1982, pp. 10-12.
40. Richards 1985, p. 47.
41. Jackson 1982, p. 175.
42. Silberfein 1984, p. 104.
43. Cassanelli 1984, p. 484.
44. Jackson 1982, p. 175.
45. Knight 1974a, pp. 69-71.
46. Hjort 1976b, p. 78.
47. Aubert & Newsky 1949, pp. 107-109.
48. Diop 1987, p. 26.
49. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 34.
50. Knight 1974a, pp. 69-71.
51. Maliki et al 1984, p. 464.
52. Winter 1984, p. 552.
53. Behnke & Kerven 1984, p. 19.
54. Baumer 1975a, p. 11.
55. Barral 1977, p. 7.
56. Guillaumet 1972, p. 76.
57. Tubiana 1969, p. 62.
58. Ichikawa 1987, p. 3.
59. Stiles & Kassam 1986, p. 4.
60. Guillaumet 1972, pp. 77-78.
61. Guillaumet 1972, p. 77.
62. Maliki et al 1984.
63. Morgan 1980.
64. Baumer 1975a, p. 11.
65. Itani n.d., p. 40.
66. Ichikawa 1987, p. 4.
67. Ichikawa 1987, p. 3.
68. Dieterlen 1952 cited in Carrington 1983, p. 149.
69. Brokensha & Riley 1980a, p. 119.
70. Bernus 1979, p. 104.
71. Maliki et al 1984, p. 257.
72. A. Guillet 1989, pers. comm.
73. Baumer 1975a, p. 11.
74. For example Le Mouel 1969, p. 481, writing among the Eskimo of the western shore of Greenland.
75. Bernus 1979, p. 104.
76. Barrow 1988, p. 7.
77. Maliki et al 1984, pp. 257 & 280.
78. Knight 1974a, p. 76.
79. Spencer 1965, p. 178.
80. Monod 1975, p. 70.
81. Galaty 191, p. 4.
82. Marchal 1983, p. 555.
83. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, pp. 35 & 84.
84. Knight 1974a, p. 76.
85. Maliki et al 1984, p. 290.
86. Bernus 1979, p. 123.
87. Brokensha & Riley 1980a, p. 119.
88. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 9.
89. Barral 1977, p. 18.
90. Diop 1987, p. 41.
91. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 35.
92. Ba 1982, pp. 29-31.
93. Oba 1985.
94. Riesman 1984, p. 181.
95. Maliki et al 1984, p. 259.
96. Bernus 1977, p. 207.
97. Ba 1982, p. 23.
98. Ohta 1987, p. 1.
99. Itani n.d., p. 26.
100. Levy-luxereau 1980, p. 265.
101. Itani n.d., p. 41.
102. Barral 1977, p. 21.
103. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 9.
104. Gadbin 1976, p. 107.
105. Blurton Jones & Konner 1987, pp. 8-17.
106. For example, see McCorkle 1986; Ohta 1984; Maliki et al 1984.
107. Ba 1982; Maliki et al 1984, p. 291.
108. Benoit 1979, p. 51.
109. Woillet 1979, p. 208.
110. Maliki et al 1984, pp. 291 & 455.
111. McCorkle 1986, p. 135.
112. Fink 1980.
113. Richards 1980.
114. Fink 1980, p. 251.
115. Richards 1980, p. 186.
116. Richards 1980, p. 187.
117. Behnke & Kerven 1984, p. 10.
118. Stiles & Kassam 1986, p. 3.
119. Schlee 1987, p. 5.
120. Fortes 1945, p. 158.
121. Howes 1980, p. 337.
122. Langley 1975, p. 92.
123. Langley 1975, p. 94.
124. Langley 1975, p. 97.
125. Bernus 1981b, pp. 102-105.
126. Knight 1980, p. 223.
127. Benoit 1978, p. 41.
128. Maliki et al 1984, p. 290.
129. Bernus 1979, p. 120.
130. Knight 1974a, p. 76.
131. Tubiana & Tubiana 1977, p. 72.
132. Western 1982, pp. 193-195.
133. Benoit 1978, p. 41.
134. Marchal 1983, p. 608.
135. Clyburn 1978, p. 108.
136. Niamir 1982.
137. Benoit 1979, p. 170.
138. Oba 1985.
139. Knight 1974a, p. 61.
140. Bernus 1975a, p. 174.
141. Howes 1980, p. 346.
142. Richards 1980, pp. 184-186.
143. Biesele 1971, p. 63.
144. Richards 1975, p. 110.
145. Howes 1980, p. 337.
146. Richards 1975, p. 110.
147. Knight 1974a, p. 63.
148. Richards 1975, p. 106.
149. Richards 1975, p. 111; Howes 1980, p. 341.
150. Guillaumet 1972, p. 77.
151. Warren & Meehan 1980, p. 328.
152. Howes 1980, pp. 341-344.
153. Howes 1980, p. 341.
154. Brokensha & Riley 1980b, p. 266.
155. Johnson 1980, p. 64.
156. Warren & Meehan 1980, p. 328.
2.2.1 Herd management
2.2.2 Range management
2.2.3 Tree and shrub management
2.2.4 Hay and fodder production
2.2.5 Water management
2.2.6 Natural resources for food and medicine
2.2.7 Analysis
The term “management practices” refers to the myriad, small and large, decisions taken on a daily basis by pastoralists in their use of natural resources. It goes beyond descriptive knowledge to what the pastoralist does with his store of accumulated knowledge - not just what he uses natural resources for, but also how. We are interested principally in his system of harvesting natural resources and how this affects the long term sustainability of the resources. By manipulating his livestock (such as changing herd sizes and structures, herding into one pasture and not another, etc.), by his mobility, monitoring, and in some instances manipulation of natural resources, and by respecting (or not) both formal social controls and common sense rules on the harvesting of herbs, trees, shrubs, water, hay, wild cereals, wildlife, and other resources, the pastoralist is showing his knowledge and experience of natural resource management.
The topic of livestock management, ranging from livestock breeding to daily milking techniques is wider than can be covered here. The discussion will be confined to those practices that directly or indirectly affect natural resources. These include certain production and herding techniques, the organization of herds, and labour requirements for livestock and range management.
The main objectives of pastoralists are not just increasing herd size, but also increasing milk yield, maintaining an appropriate herd structure, and ensuring disease resistance by breeding1. In addition, the priorities given to each goal is not a static one, and will change depending on the particular circumstances each household faces. For example, among the Somali, a young family with young children will try to maximize milk, while an older family with older children will try to maximize marketable slaughter animals². This can result in differential use of pastures, since a milk herd is often not allowed to graze far from the main camp, while a “meat” herd is taken to distant pastures.
In addition, the types of livestock raised by each household will depend on labour availability. For example, the Somali families of Bay region, who entrust small children with herding shoats, will probably not maintain shoats (even selling them if received as gifts or inheritance) if they do not have small children³.
Finally, production strategies such as seasonal calving for fattening and marketing, and calf-killing, can affect the population fluctuation in herds, and thus change stocking rates at any one point in time. For example, the Muslim practice of fattening rams for Tabaski, Eid al Kabir and Hajj, can increase the seasonal pressure on rangelands in the immediate vicinity of villages and settlements without any relation to ecological patterns since the Muslim calendar follows the lunar cycle. Some authors believe that these practices are detrimental to the range, and say, somewhat shortsightedly, that they should be stopped4. A better alternative is to find appropriate technical solutions to increase forage production during the fattening months.
The Somali sometimes practice “pre-weaning slaughter” of mostly male calves in order to save the life of the cow during drought or disease, or as a way to increase milk for human consumption5. Although the frequency of such a practice among the Somali and perhaps other groups is not known, it may result in higher offtake rates during times of stress and therefore, lower pressure on rangelands.
The organization of livestock into herds that graze together (a “herding unit”) can vary according to whether they belong to one household or several, and whether they are composed of the same types and ages of livestock or not. Each particular system is a function of the seasonal variation in pasture resources, as well as the size and type of herds. Individual or communal herding determines the concentration or dispersion of animals vis-a-vis natural resources, as well as the lowest institutional level in which basic resource management decisions are taken (see BOX 2.14).
BOX 2.14
|
Among the Zaghawa of Chad/Sudan, the livestock in a herd
belong to only one household, but herds tend to come together when they trek to
seasonal grazing areas, dispersing again once they arrive at the
pasture6, and the Tonga of Zambia herd their cattle either as
individual households, or a group of related households7. Most groups
with large numbers of livestock practice some form of communal herding, because
the tasks require at least 2-3 adults. Even groups with small numbers of
animals, especially most settled agropastoralists, such as the Wolof on the
Senegal River8, tend to prefer communal grazing (either by a hired or
local herder) so as to free labour for other agricultural tasks. The communal
herds can belong to a group of households in the same extended family, such as
among the Karamajong of Kenya9 and the Nyakyusa of southwestern
Tanzania10, or of the same clan, such as the Nuer of
Sudan11 and Rendille of Kenya12, or based on membership in
age-sets, such as the Kikuyu of Kenya13. In some cases, the communal
herds will come together at certain times of the year, especially for
ceremonies. The Rendille and Ariaal of Kenya have one of the most concentrated
herding units, since they are composed of 2-5 herding groups, each group made up
of several related households14. |
BOX 2.15
|
Most groups will split their herd according to the type of livestock because of both forage and water requirements. The most common pattern is for cattle and/or camels to graze separately, while sheep and goats (shoats) are herded together, such as among the Somali in the dry season15, and the Rendille16, and Ariaal17 of Kenya. In most cases, the cattle and camels will be taken to distant pastures, while the shoats remain around the homestead, although exceptions do occur, such as among the Pokot who herd their shoats and camels near the homestead all year, but take their cattle on long distance transhumance18, or the Toucouleur agropastoralists of Senegal, who will allow both the cattle and shoat herds to graze separately around the homestead19. Another form of herd splitting according to type of livestock is practiced among the Twareg of Niger in the dry season20, and the Zaghawa of Chad/Sudan Kall year round21. These groups split the herd so that camels and sheep graze together and cattle and goats are together. This forms a well-fitted complementarity since there is little dietary overlap between camels and sheep, and between cattle and goats. The herd can also be split according to the productivity of the animals, ie. between the “milk” herd and the “main herd”. The former refers usually to the majority of the milking cows, camels, ewes and does, and their suckling young, and/or pregnant animals nearing the end of their gestation, who are kept close to the homestead. The “main” herd is composed of the remainder of the livestock and is usually the larger of the two, and is taken to distant pastures. Many pastoral groups practice this form of splitting, such as the Fulani of northern Senegal22, the Somali23, and the Dinka of Sudan24, although some agropastoralists, such as the Fulani of northern Burkina Faso25, also do so. In some cases, the livestock are split into more than two herds according to several criteria: type, productivity, and age. Examples are the Turkana26, the Samburu27, the Macina, and the Diafaradji Fulani of the Niger River delta. The latter two may have up to 6 herds: 1) “beydi”, or new nursing/pregnant cows and old/weak sheep, kept at the village and herded by children; 2) “tarancaradji”, or the younger males and older females for sale or slaughter that are kept at the village but not necessarily herded; 3) “njarniri”, or the males of all animals for fattening and slaughter that are kept tied at stakes in the village; 4) “bucal”, or the rest of nursing cows and goats, herded in a reserved communal pasture; 5) “bendi”, same as bucal but includes only the hairy sheep, and 6) “horey”, or the surplus or main herd that goes on transhumance28. Finally, the Turkana may also split the herds even further,
this time among wives living in different areas, each wife having some of all
types of livestock29. In general, those who do not split herds often
do not have enough livestock, or herders, or both. For example, the Wodaabe of
Niger will split their herd only if they have enough labour to do
so30. |
BOX 2.16
|
Most agropastoralists will herd their livestock at least in
the wet season to protect their crops, for example the Fort Jameson Ngoni of
southeast Zambia34, but others, such as the Toucouleur of
Senegal35, do not herd their livestock at all except at the end of
the dry season when browse has to be cut down for them. They protect their crops
with fences and vigilant boys. Most non-cultivating transhumants herd their
livestock full time, although exceptions do occur. For example, among the
Zaghawa of Chad/Sudan, cattle are not herded except in the wet season (to avoid
crop damage to farmers) and if there are many predators, but shoats are always
herded for fear of predators and thiefs36. Because of labour
shortages, the Twareg of Niger, do not herd cattle in the dry season, not even
to water (they come to water every two days by themselves), and camels are taken
to pasture and left there for a week, then rounded up for watering, but sheep
are herded all the time37. |
BOX 2.17
|
The ratio of herder to livestock varies considerably among
pastoralists, since it depends on whether the animals are communally or
individually herded, how large they are, and what the local conditions
(especially predators, or competition from crops or other herds) are. However,
some norms tend to be expressed and followed. For example, the Somali say that a
camel herd requires less labour for watering, but more labour for
trekking/herding, since it goes longer distances and moves more frequently than
cattle. They believe that one man can herd 20-30 camels, or 50 cattle, or one
child can manage 20 shoats40. Among the Fulani of central Nigeria, a
single herder is said to be able to manage 150 head, but it is preferable that
herd size be kept at 75-10041. In the Sudan, the Ingessana
agropastoralists have one herder to 25-30 cattle, the Fulani (relatively
newcomers to area) have 1 to 50-60, and the Rufa'a al-Hoi 1 to 100
cattle42. |
The patterns of labour allocation for herding and divisions of labour by age and sex determine who are the basic decision makers - the actual managers - and thus, who controls the daily use of natural resources. In the majority of cases, men and/or boys are responsible for herding and caring for cattle or camels, while women and young girls are responsible for herding shoats, and milking all animals. Some examples are the Kikuyu agropastoralists46, Rendille pastoralists47, the Pokot48, and the Tonga of Zambia49. However, in some cases, women have more, or less, responsibility than this norm, and young boys may have full or partial responsibilities (see BOX 2.18).
BOX 2.18
|
In some cases, women are not allowed any contact with animals
except for milking, such as the Fulani of Nigeria50. In contrast,
among the Somali of Bay region, women are responsible for managing the shoats
and cattle because they and the children need and work with the milk; the actual
herding is done by girls and young boys, but the women take the major decisions.
Although Somali women are not assigned to herd camels, they will often herd
small camel groups without male assistance, or may travel with the men and help
them in herding and watering the camels51. Among many groups young
boys are often put in charge of smaller animals (such as shoats and calves)
while the men take care of the mature animals. Among the Samburu only older men
water animals because boys must preserve their energy for herding, and older men
can better control the animals that get excited52. In most cases, men
water livestock, but among the Turkana, the task is given to young
girls53. Some researchers state that young boys, (and presumably
girls), take less care in managing both the herd and the range54. Not
enough research has been done on the comparative success of management by men
vs. boys, and indeed women vs. men, to make a generalization at this
time. |
The role of women in herding livestock is an aspect that has long been neglected, mainly because of the assumption that men were responsible for livestock and women for cultivation. This dichotomy does not necessarily hold everywhere (as BOX 2.18 shows). The fact that Somali women prefer herding to farming, because they say it is less harsh on the body57, suggests that women may start to have a more important role in herding as men leave the pastoral economies for urban wages and other attractions. More studies need to be aimed in this direction. In particular, where women do have responsibility for herding, how independently do they act from the men, how do they secure grazing rights, and is their LKMS different from men's.
2.2.2.1 Range use: mobility, rotation and deferment
2.2.2.2 Range evaluation and monitoring
2.2.2.3 Range improvement
2.2.2.4 Social controls on range use
Most western educated range managers are under the mistaken impression that African pastoralists are not “range managers” - that they do not manage but simply use natural resources. This section will show that the African pastoralist, through his knowledge and manipulation of the resources at his disposal, is as much a range manager as the American and Australian rancher.
Pastoralists can be divided between those who's livestock have full or partial mobility, such as transhumants and settled agropastoralists who send their livestock on transhumance in the dry season, and those whose livestock graze all year round around the village. The latter either return to the village every night, or may camp on the periphery of the village pastures for short periods. The former differ in that they generally will move to more distant pastures, often traversing other peoples' territories to get there.
Almost all mobile groups practice some form of “transhumance”, ie. seasonal movement to regular pastures. Some, but not others, may have regular routes between the pastures, but almost all will have regular areas that they pasture in every normal year. The exact location used in an area will probably change from year to year, but not so much the wider land area. This also applies to “nomads”, who previously were thought of as being entirely opportunistic with no regular timing or location of movement patterns or pastures58.
The strategy of mobility is one of the most adapted and deliberate means of obtaining what livestock need in an ever-variable environment. It necessitates large areas of rangelands, which most groups obtain by a combination of territorial rights and alliances with neighbours (see section 2.3.2). There are many different types of mobility, and the particular strategy used by each stock owner at any point in time may differ from the norm for his own group, depending on labour availability, types and numbers of livestock, and environmental and social conditions (see BOX 2.19).
BOX 2.19
|
The mobility of pastoralists can be as varied as the
environment demands. The Wodaabe of Nigeria differentiate between many types of
mobility: spending the wet or dry season, going to dry or wet season areas,
returning from wet or dry season areas, moving about in a limited area,
out-migration proper, and migratory drift59. The latter refers to the
movement pattern where the territorial boundaries used by a group will gradually
shift over many generations (expanding, contracting, or moving laterally) in
response to ecological and political pressures. A good example is the Fulani who
have gradually moved across the Sahel over many centuries. The Somali of Bay
region use several different types of mobility: 1) the “laal” refers
to cases where the household has no extra labour and a small herd, in which case
it will keep calves at the village, allowing cows to graze unherded. The
disadvantages of such a strategy, such as losses due to straying, predation, and
theft, and less nutrition due to overgrazing around the household, are well
understood, and it is a technique that is frowned upon by those who have large
herds; 2) short transhumance during the rains and early dry season, returning to
the village to eat harvest residue; 3) long transhumance between different
ecological zones, where the herd and/or household is split up to meet the needs
of livestock and children's milk60. |
BOX 2.20
|
The decisions taken daily by herders and stockowners continuously balance information and needs. Preferences for certain pastures are clearly expressed, e.g., the Wodaabe of Niger prefer areas where standing hay is leafy not stemmy and abundant, and choose water that is “bitter” not muddy63. However, ideal conditions are rarely found, and trade offs continuously have to be made:64 between pastures with good forage but bad water, and those with good water and bad forage; between using a heavily grazed but disease-free area or one that is rarely used but is infested with tse tse flies; between staying with others (for protection against predators) or striking out alone for fresh pastures; between reaching cropped fields in time for harvest or staying longer on good distant pastures. The pastoralist “acts at each point so as to make optimum use of what exists and what is expected.”65 For example, among the Samburu, the problem of choosing between proximity salt licks or to good pasture in the dry season is resolved by considering herd size and type: shoats need more salt, so for a large flock camp is established at the salt lick, but if for a large herd of cattle camp is set up in the good pastures66. The spatial organization of herds is based on two conflicting tendencies: the desire to be together for social, political and protection purposes, and the necessity to be apart for ecological reasons67. For example, the Wodaabe Fulani used to camp and pasture together all the time for common defence, but since Colonial pacification they have been able to disperse68 and use pastures never used before69. Among the Somali, certain sociopolitical factors can be important, e.g. managerial ability, character, reputation, wealthy, etc. of cooperating households and age-set rules, stock-friendships, and social obligations or vendettas70. The movements of people and livestock among the Turkana may depend on the advice of soothsayers predicting local disasters such as enemy raids or disease71. In East Africa, the Maasai and Turkana will try to get to a
range before wildlife arrive72. The Maasai avoid camping where the
vegetation cover is greater than 10% because of predators and damage by large
mammals to korals and settlements. They also avoid camping on white soils
because they say that the temperature is colder and results in more stress for
livestock, decreasing milk production (formal scientists studying this
phenomenon agree, given the high reflectivity of white
soils73). |
Because of socio-political factors, movements will sometimes have to be made that do not benefit livestock or range resources (e.g. as recorded among the Somali78), but these movements tend to be temporary and not repeated from year to year, unless the underlying causes persist. Pastoralists are increasingly being forced to follow this latter strategy because of recent external changes in their social and environmental milieu (see section 4.0).
Mobility patterns, such as routes vs. pastures, concentration vs. dispersion, adjusting livestock pressure, deferment and rotation, frequency of movements, and drought vs. normal strategies, differ among groups depending on the criteria discussed above. Most transhumant groups performing long distance movements will distinguish “sojourn pastures” from “access or transit pastures”79, and will have specific rules on how to use both of them. For example, the Twareg of Niger follow regular routes, called “tawshit”, toward their salt licks80. The Zaghawa move their sheep and camels in the wet season north to Sahara pastures in separate parallel paths, leaving ungrazed a portion of the range for their way back south81. The Macina Fulani have transhumant routes for each sub-tribe, “burti”, which can be 100-200 miles long82. For those conducting livestock only short distances, the distinction between access and sojourn pastures may become blurred.
The pattern of concentration and dispersion of herds and camps varies. In some cases, there is concentration of herds in the dry season around a few permanent wells, and dispersion in the wet season, as among the Somali83 and the Maasai of Amboseli National Park84, while other groups will disperse in the dry season because of the lack of adequate forage, but concentrate in the wet season because of abundant grass and water, as among the Arab pastoralists of Central Chad85, and the Turkana86. Concentration and dispersion can also be determined by socio-political factors. For example, the Turkana, Fulani, Kababish, and Maasai have higher individual dispersion of herds compared to the Somali or North African Bedouins who are more restricted by communal lineage decisions87.
Some groups adjust the number of their livestock to the capacity of the land. In most cases, they will do so by sending the surplus livestock to neighbouring territories where they have alliances, such as among the Fulani of Nigeria, and split their herds even further, such as among the Twareg of the Gourma (Mali)88, rather than through deliberate slaughter and culling of livestock89. In the case of range overcrowding among the Tswana of Botswana, the traditional range overseers would appeal to the Kgotla (or communal gathering) to allocate more range land or to move some herds out of the area90.
Transhumance or movement between dry season and wet season pastures is a traditional form of pasture rotation and deferment91. The rotational strategies of pastoralists can be more efficient and complex than anything a rancher can do with his fences92. Such movements result in several simultaneous benefits: 1) dry season pastures are allowed a period of rest and growth during the wet season which maintains, and sometimes increases, the vegetation biomass, and wet season pastures if ungrazed during the dry season retain a good ground cover that protect the soil from the erosive first rains - both of these benefits maintain and may increase the carrying capacity; 2) wet season pastures often have abundant natural ponds, thus reducing the need for labour to water animals at least for part of the year; 3) in xeric zones, pastures allocated as wet season areas usually have higher quality and quantity forage in the wet season than the dry season, thus allowing livestock to take advantage of a resource at its highest potential (in mesic zones, the same is true for dry season pastures); and 4) a period of rest breaks the cycle of disease and parasites that tend to build up around dry season wells (see BOX 2.21).
BOX 2.21
|
Work done among the Kababish93, the
Rendille94, the Pokot and Turkana95, the Fulani of
northern Senegal96, and the pastoralists of the Algerian
steppes97, have highlighted complex rotational strategies. The Maasai
have elaborate grazing sequences (rotation and alternation), and will widen the
radius of pasturage and delay going into the dry season area by using donkeys to
transport water98. In Amboseli National Park, such a strategy has
been shown to increases the total carrying capacity by 50%99.
Except during a drought, the Pokot have wet season communal deferment of areas
with termite-resistant grass to allow good fodder for the dry
season100. The Fulani of northern Sierra Leone practice
“shifting pasturage”, where they over-graze one area with high
stocking rates for 2-3 years then move elsewhere and rest the first area for
15-20 years101. A similar phenomenon occurs among the Sukuma, who
live south of Lake victoria, and who allow a rest period of 30-50
years102. |
BOX 2.22
|
Most rules about frequency of movements are informal rather than institutionalized. For example, during the wet season the Maasai's strategy of following the quality of forage (i.e. wherever forage is fresh-green, which also means high crude protein content) results in rotational use similar to that of wildlife103. The Somali don't stay more than “a few weeks” in the same pasture unless it is very good grass or hostility prevents movement104. But a few groups have more formal rules. For example, the Wodaabe use lunar cycles to move to new pastures, which in effect results in moving camp every 2-3 days, and moving out of an area every week. This system is common to all Fulani but the Wodaabe observe it more strictly105. However, such formal rules are also tempered by local circumstances. The herders closely monitor their environment and livestock for signs that indicate a need to move. For example, the Fulani say that if cattle begin to stampede, then the time to move on has already passed106. The frequency of movements depends on the regions' level of resources, the season, and whether the herder is at the sojourn pastures or on the transit pastures. For example, the Wodaabe will be more mobile in the wet than in the dry season because of the need to vary the kind of forage eaten so as to avoid bloat and other nutritional problems107. With the beginning of the rains, the Twareg do not move long distances nor fast, but move frequently, because their animals have not regained their strength yet108. Such a strategy ensures even and light grazing at a time when the new grass needs all the time it can have to grow. The Rufa'a al-Hoi of the Sudan have two types of grazing: “light” grazing which is done when they are on transit pastures, and which leaves plenty of green matter behind for the return, and “heavy” grazing at the sojourn pastures109. The frequency of movements can vary a lot between groups. For example, the norm among the Fulani of Niger is to change campsite every 204 days110, the Fulani of northern Nigeria say that they must move at least 4 times in a season so as to prevent over-use111, the main herd of the Samburu stays in one place a maximum of 2-3 weeks before moving on112, and the Jie and Turkana herds will make 5-10 major moves, and many smaller moves around the major camps113. The particular system is often determined by individual circumstances based on the monitoring of environmental indicators and usually results in a rotational pattern of use and rest which is fine-tuned to the needs of both animals and plants. The net effect of most of these rotational strategies is to
cancel out grazing effects in the long run. A study among Afghani pastoralists
who have a similar system to most african long distance transhumants found no
correlation between the condition (health) of the range and distance to
water114. However, agropastoral systems that have considerably less
mobility than these fully transhumant systems, have fewer rotational strategies,
and are more likely to degrade the areas around their permanent
wells115. |
Many of these mobility strategies, designed for normal years, are not appropriate during drought years. Some drought strategies are designed to mitigate long term fluctuations, while others are “crisis” oriented solutions. For example, having large herds and high ratios of females in the herds help to ensure a minimum number of animals for survival during the drought, and fast reconstitution of the herd after the drought (see section 2.3.1). Crisis strategies include increased mobility and dispersion, using pastures that are normally reserved or communally protected, as among the Pokot118, using pastures that normally are not used due to disease, predators, and low nutritive value, changing the diet from predominantly milk to shoat meat119, going to neighbouring territories (in case of local, small scale droughts), by using tribal alliances, entering the urban or farming labour force, as among the Fulani of northern Senegal120, and the Moors and Fulani of Mauritania121, and sending family members to live temporarily with kinfolk in good places, as recorded among the Somali122. The choice of strategy depends on the remaining herd size, the rate at which the drought came and passed and its duration, alliances upon which the individual herder can call upon, proximity to urban centers, etc. etc. Drought strategies are meant to ensure the survival of the household unit. They may in some cases, such as increased mobility and dispersion, help to reduce stress on the already weakened plants, but usually the normal year strategies for protecting natural resources seem to break down during drought years. However, so little is known of the full range of resource sustaining traditional strategies, that it is unwise to conclude that there are no deliberate resource saving strategies during drought years.
All pastoralists have devised systems to help them evaluate the productivity of rangelands, from which they can calculate an approximate carrying capacity. The systems are based on monitoring detailed signs and indices of environmental health, stress, and change. These indicators can be individual plant species, soil types, tree cover, or the overall quantity and quality of the forage. The behavior of wildlife and their own domestic animals also help them judge the value of the lands they use. The evaluation of degraded pastures, and knowledge of the process of degradation, can also be quite detailed. Some indicators of degradation are milk yields, grass and browse availability, and presence of particular plant and wildlife species (see BOX 2.23).
BOX 2.23
|
Systematic monitoring of environmental changes in climate, and
quality and quantity of forage helps the herders take advantage of green flushes
of forage, or to avoid overcrowded areas123. Even from a distance the
Wodaabe herder can judge the intensity and significance of greenness of a
pasture. He will also monitor the feces of livestock, milk yield, animal weight,
and the number of cows in heat, to tell him about how well animals eat, and
therefore the quality and quantity of forage124. A very thorough
study of traditional environmental indicators has been done among the Fulani of
Mauritania. They evaluate the quantity of forage by looking at the density and
height of grasses and herbs, the portion of land covered by each pasture type,
and the tree cover, and compare all of this with the need of livestock on the
pasture. They evaluate the quality of range through 1) soil type and capability
for each type of pasture; 2) presence or absence of individual forage species,
and their palatability to different livestock; 3) degree of greenness of forage;
4) presence or absence of wildlife, for example good pastures also support
gazelles, hyenas, lions, wild boars, etc., while the ones that have elephants,
giraffe, ostrich, are good only in the dry season because of excessive humidity
and disease; and 5) behavior of domestic animals, e.g. a good pasture is
indicated by cattle who eat with good appetites, are not restless at night,
sleep on their right side (full stomach not pressed), breathe slow but deeply,
have beautiful skin and hair, are not rushing to pasture in the morning, do not
need to be forcefully restrained during the morning milking, increased number of
females in heat, and feces are wet, not friable, and have little undigested
matter. When going into a new, unknown pasture, the Fulani herder will take the
animals to pasture for 7 consecutive days in each of four major directions, and
will compare the pastures by evaluating the effect on the animals125.
The Fulani know that vegetation changes can be caused by overgrazing, drought,
bush fires, etc., but say that droughts cause the greatest change126.
There are also many indicators for monitoring the degradation of pastures. The
Maasai and Wodaabe look at milk yields127, and the Samburu observe
grass and browse availability128. Among the Fulani of Mauritania,
degraded pastures are indicated by Cassia occidentalis and Calotropis
procera, and the presence of vividly coloured
lizards129. |
The success of a monitoring system relies not only on careful tracking by each herder, but also the constant exchange of the information between herders. Among the Saudi Arabian Bedouins, there is continuous communication among section chiefs about grazing and water conditions, especially the type of plants, biomass, water availability and presence of other people. This information is obtained from travellers, scouts, couriers from other chiefs, etc.132 Similarly, among the Fulani information is collected from fellow herders and other local people, the literate, the elders and notables, outsiders who visit, traders, etc.133.
Without range evaluation and monitoring, the pastoralist is not able to adjust his strategies to the short and long term availability of natural resources. Much more work is needed on what indicators pastoralists use to evaluate the present status or condition of rangelands, and also their expectations of what the future trends will be.
Range improvement, as taught in formal science, includes such interventions as range reseeding, bush clearing, fertilizing, water development, etc. Except for a few techniques, such as bush fires, shrub clearing, and water development, most pastoralists do not improve the range deliberately, but sustain it in the long run by having a diverse portfolio of livestock, appropriate breeds, and mobility strategies.
In general very little study has been done on traditional range improvement techniques. It may be that such techniques, apart from the ones discussed below, do not exist because the need for range improvement has only recently come up, and pastoralists have not had the time, nor the opportunity, to experiment with new techniques on a trial and error basis134.
Bush fires are usually set deliberately to obtain green regrowth from perennial grasses, to clear the dead biomass (in order to reduce the chances of more serious fires, to obtain higher production next season, and to make it easier for people and livestock to walk through and to detect predators and raiders), to eradicate disease vectors, and to stop bush encroachment. Pastoralists will also take advantage of fires that are accidental or set by hunters and bee gatherers, and some groups have systems for preventing undesirable fires (see BOX 2.24).
BOX 2.24
|
By far the greatest use of bush fires is to obtain green regrowth from perennial grasses. The Dinka of Kongor Rural Council burn at least 80% of the “toich” or temporary swamp lands every year to get regrowth, to make it easy to walk through area, and to be secure against predators and raids by Murle pastoralists. These fires are deliberately set early in the dry season only. The Dinka will wait 15 days before grazing the burned areas, even though regrowth appears after a few days135. By contrast the neighbouring Nuer, who also burn the Sudd swamps in the early-mid dry season, will graze it only 3 days later136. The Fulani of Burkina Faso know that fire is only good for perennial grasses, and that it keeps trees in check137. Some other groups who have been recorded to set fires to obtain regrowth are the Pokot138, and the Fulani who herd the livestock of the Bambara139. The Fulani of southern Burkina Faso say that they no longer practice bush burning, because the advent of the drought has reduced the quality of regrowth140. The Wodaabe of Nigeria set fires only at the beginning of the dry season, and only after having grazed the pasture, to reduce the potential fuel and to enhance the quantity and quality of biomass in the following year141. Whether fires actually do increase herbaceous biomass productivity is a matter of considerable debate within formal science, but there are increasing number of studies that support it. The Boran and Gabra142, and the Maasai143 of northern Kenya burn pastures to prevent encroachment of non-palatable bushes. Some groups have systems for controlling the use of fires. The
Fulani of Mali monitor the area for unwanted bush fires, and after bringing it
under control, will punish the person who set it by forcing him to feed
everyone144. The Fulani of northern Senegal use a system of small
preventive fires to create a grid of fire breaks to protect camps from wild
fires145. |
Some traditional practices have implications for introducing modern range improvement techniques. For example, the Lozi King of present-day Zambia can call together his subjects for public works, such as building canals, an action that could theoretically extend to other communal improvements148. The Maasai see grass as a gift of God via the mediation of rain, and they often use grasses in pastoral rituals. Cultivators are especially hated because they plough up the grass149, so would the Maasai be adverse to range reseeding, which often involves ploughing and seed broadcasting?
At a general level, most if not all pastoral societies regulate their movements according to seasonal use150. The previous sections showed that at the particular level, pastoral strategies can be complex and involve formal and informal rules. Formal rules generally tend to be enshrined in communal codes and “traditions”, and recognized by all members of the group. These rights and regulations are often created and enforced by fairly complex internal organizations at several levels. These are: the herding unit, a group of herding units or the entire tribe, and the inter-tribal level. Many herding units have clear cut internal organizations for assigning chores and making communal decisions. These include scouts to patrol and monitor the rangelands for pasture quality and quantity, a headman and a council of elders, and regular daily or weekly meetings among all household heads (see BOX 2.25).
BOX 2.25
|
Almost all pastoral groups have scouts who go ahead of the herd to monitor the range and to evaluate its quality, quantity and suitability for livestock. They will also report on disease, presence of other herds, and other information necessary for communal decisions. Some examples are the Rufa'a al-Hoi of eastern Sudan151, the Somali nomads152, and the Wodaabe of Nigeria, where the scouts are on horseback153. Communal decisions are usually taken by a council of elders
headed by a chief or elder statesman. The chief is often elected on the basis of
his success in herd management, which is evident in the large number of
livestock that he has. For example, the “chief shepherd” of the Macina
Fulani is usually the largest owner elected from among the
villagers154. But the chief has to have other important qualities.
For example, the Dinka say that their elected headman (“bany de wut”)
has to be an arbiter, chairman, planner and enforcer of decisions. He is
assisted by the “bany de biok” who manages daily affairs, such as
assigning communal chores, including herding155. The Wodaabe have a
council (“kinnal”) twice a day which is led by a leader
(“ardo”), and which discusses the information supplied by scouts and
makes decisions on communal movements. Although the elders are respected and
listened to, it is the opinion of young adults - the actual herders - which
carries the most weight156. In the Maasai herding unit,
“enkang”, there is no leader but a council of elders that decides on
range management strategies every day, and assigns duties to herders and
supervisors of herders157. Among the Tswana of Botswana, the chief
appoints several “modisa” or overseers of common land, who are
responsible for reporting on whether decisions were being respected by members
of the community and if the range was being overused158. |
Herding units will at times join together into larger cooperating groups. This usually occurs in favourable seasons, and for socio-cultural reasons. During these times, usually a coordinating council made up of the elders of each herding unit will form to make communal decisions. In other cases, herding units will not necessarily join together but will follow the communal decisions laid down by a main chief either on a year-round basis, or at specific times and places (see BOX 2.26).
BOX 2.26
|
Cooperation among herding units is often assured by a committee formed when the units come together on a seasonal basis, or all year round by a main council or chief. For example, among the Somali, social events are subordinate to ecological considerations, since large ceremonies are held only when and where there is enough pasture and water to support all attendants for the days required161. The same phenomena has been reported among the Wodaabe162 and the Maasai163. Year round coordination among herding units is often ensured by a higher level authority and set of rules. It can be a set of general controls over rangeland use or specific rules for using certain pastures or transit routes. For example, sets of laws and procedures have been recorded among the Twareg of Gourma, the Berti of Sudan164, and the Somali nomads who call theirs the “gariyo xeer”165. The II Chamus of Kenya have a council of elders that enforces the grazing controls (“olokeri”) and coordinates movements of herding units through the members of the “II Murran” age set (i.e. the 18-30 year old males)166. The Saudi Arabian camel Bedouins have a well defined order in which each tribal section can use an area, with enough time in between the passage of each section to allow the growth of annual forage plants. The selection of grazing area within a section is done in the chief's tent among leading men of the section167. The Berbers of Morocco have a chief of grass, “amghar n'tuga”, who is an elder selected by the council of elders, and who makes final decisions concerning common grazing, such as the timing and location of movements, deferring grazing, and granting permission to outsiders168. Among the Tswana major decisions affecting a village and its several herding units, including allocation of grazing land, were made at the kgotla169, and an overseer (“modisa”), was responsible for checking conditions of the rangeland assigned to each section, conferred with chiefs to move livestock if an area became overstocked, and allocated well digging sites and cattle posts according to a set of rules designed to avoid overgrazing170. Apart from general all-year regulations, some social controls also were placed on certain times and places. The most renowned example is probably that of the Dina Code of the Macina Fulani. This Code regulated the movements of the Fulani and Twareg tribes into and out of the delta zone of the Niger River. Before all herds and flocks could re-enter the delta in the early dry season, they would have to congregate at the border of the delta, waiting for the leader to permit them to cross171. Other less well-known regulations also exist. For example, among the Tallensi of northeastern Ghana/southwestern Burkina Faso, only the chief has the right to set fire to bushland because of the danger of accidents172. Among the Rufa'a al-Hoi of Sudan, the tribal chief, “nazir”, with his deputy, “wakil”, confer with the sheikhs of the herding camps in order to coordinate the movement south at the end of rains. The coordinated movement is designed to avoid conflicts with the sedentary population and allow the farmers to finish harvesting the crops173. Finally, the Lozi king of northwestern Zimbabwe would decide the date when cattle and people would have to leave the flooded area for higher ground174. Coordination among herding units does not occur in all cases.
For example, the basic cooperating unit among Arab pastoralists of central Chad
is the herding group (“ferik”) which is about 20 families, whose
composition changes from year to year depending on marriages, alliances, etc.
But even when the feriks group together in the rainy season, there is no higher
level cooperation in range management other than the
ferik175. |
Informal rules, or principles of common sense, can be found among all pastoralists. Some rules tend to be common to all groups, for example, “first come first serve”, which applies to the use of particular pastures or camp sites. Pastoralists tend to avoid areas already in use, and will keep at a certain distance of others, although studies tend to be vague about what this minimum distance is, and how it varies with resource stress. In addition, they will avoid areas just recently vacated by others, but the time allowed to elapse before a campsite or pasture is reoccupied again varies among the groups. Other informal rules concern the timing and intensity of use of pastures, concentration and dispersion following the availability of resources, and what to do about outsiders who use one's pastures (see BOX 2.27).
BOX 2.27
|
The “Fulani way” is the overriding value that
ensures good husbandry among the Fulani so that rangeland productivity can be
sustained for the next generations. To violate these norms is to bring disease
and misfortune to the herd and family179. The Twareg and Fulani
prefer areas that have no signs of trampling180, which tends to
represent a longer rest period for the range than the Dinka of Abyei, who avoid
areas with moderate to high amounts of cattle feces181. The Saudi
Bedouins leave the pastures before they have been eaten out or completely
trampled down182. The Turkana say that less persistent pastures
should be utilized first, and more persistent pastures should be reserved until
the worse times of the year when the pastures are more or less
exhausted183. The Twareg follow an informal rule that those with
large herds must go further from the water point than those with small
herds184. Most pastoralists will follow the rule to disperse if
resources are scarce185. The Fulani say that to better feed your
livestock, you must isolate yourself186. The Fulani will also
disperse in the wet season so as to use up the fresh growth better and to reduce
the effects of trampling187. Most pastoralists will not deny
outsiders access to both water and pastures (see section 2.3.2). But many,
including the Turkana, will deny them access only in times of extreme pasture
stress, although it is considered bad form to do so188. |
2.2.3.1 Harvesting trees and shrubs
2.2.3.2 Regeneration of trees and shrubs
2.2.3.3 Protection of trees and shrubs
Our knowledge of what trees and shrubs are used for among pastoralists, is much greater than our understanding of when, how, and to what degree they are harvested, regenerated and protected. Conventional knowledge has it that pastoralists are either careless or deliberately destroy trees and shrubs, but in many cases some recent and not so recent studies show the contrary.
Woody species are used by pastoralists for browse, fuelwood, constructing houses, corals and fences, and other “minor” uses, such as food, medicine, shade, etc. In some cases, harvesting for browse has been shown to be destructive to the plants, but there are many other instances of the existence of formal and informal rules for protecting the plants against abuse (see BOX 2.28).
BOX 2.28
|
Many studies report on what trees and shrubs are used for, but not how they are harvested. The few studies that record harvesting techniques show that, with a few exceptions, most groups tend to harvest in such a way as to avoid destroying the plants. One of the exceptions is Fulani pastoralists, some of whom have been known to coppice trees for browse, tannin, tools and medicine, by cutting half way through the branch, then pulling down, which results in the bark being pulled off and reduces chances of bud regeneration from the affected area189. Deliberate or careless misuse of trees and shrubs seems to occur more frequently when one is outside one's own territory. For example, in central Mali, the Fulani hired herders of the Bambara will coppice trees for the livestock, but it is the nomadic Fulani and the Moors that do most of the damage190. Instances where formal and informal rules exist to enhance the
productivity or protect trees and shrubs against abusive browsing have been
recorded among a few groups. The Pokot and Turkana of Kenya are selective in how
they coppice trees. Rarely will they deliberately cut a valuable tree down, and
only less useful bushes will be cut back in order to make fences and to reduce
bush encroachment on the range191. The Lahawin of eastern Sudan shake
down the leaves for their small stock with special sticks rather than cutting
down branches, but recently outsiders and merchants are cutting down the
trees192. The Kel Adrar Twareg of Kidal (Mali) have traditional
prohibitions against cutting trees (although the author provides no more
details)193. After coppicing Parinaria curatellifolia, the
Mbeere of Kenya leave it to rest for a season or two to
regenerate194. The Dina Code of the Macina Fulani had provisions for
policing the bush for unauthorized coppicing of trees for browse195.
Finally, the people of northern Burkina Faso, will periodically prune the
Acacia albida in their fields to enhance its
productivity196. |
BOX 2.29
|
Among the Pokot and Turkana only dry and dead wood is collected for fuel. Trees have important roles in their culture. For example, people are named after trees, trees are used in almost all rituals, and meetings are held under them, thus they think twice about cutting them down198. In Gopeshwar (in the Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh, India) only one member of each household is allowed to collect fuelwood once a week in order to conserve the communal supply199, however, such a formal organization has not yet been recorded among pastoralists in Africa. According to the Gabra tradition (“aada”), Salvadora persica, which is used for many other products, should not be used for fuelwood, and live wood should not be cut for fuel. The Gabra are conservative in their use of fuelwood, and will not let a fire burn needlessly, saving unburned logs for another time. Only live wood is used for making huts and corals, but some special buildings can only be made out of certain species, and wood for poles of houses can only be collected at certain ritually prescribed times of the year200, although it is not clear whether these times have any correlation with the phenological stage of the trees. Among the southern Turkana of northern Kenya fuelwood use has been estimated at 1.14 kg/capita/day, entirely made up of dead wood, but wood for constructing houses and corrals which is done every time they go to a new camp, is 2.76 kg/capita/day of wood. Construction wood is live wood but usually the small trees of abundant species are used and although some trees are only pruned, others are completely used and killed. This area is sparsely populated and the main pastoral strategy of dispersion and frequent movement of camps is still possible. Thus, the use of fuelwood and construction wood use is brief and localised with long rests in any given area, and it does not appear to |