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4. FOREST RESOURCES AS A SOURCE OF CASH INCOME: THE MARKETING OF GATHERED AND PROCESSED FOREST PRODUCTS


4.1 The production and marketing of bushmeat
4.2 Gathering and marketing of other forest foods
4.3 Production and marketing of palm wine
4.4 The market for medicinal products: The case of chewing sticks
4.5 Fuelwood production and marketing
4.6 Cola trade and production
4.7 The export of forest and tree resources from the humid zone region: Medicinal plants and animals
4.8 Processing enterprises: a source of household income from forest products

Forests (and uncultivated trees) provide important sources of income to many rural people in the West African forest zone. Forest products such as bushmeat and fuelwood are gathered and traded at local and regional markets and are generally destined for urban consumers. Forests also provide the raw materials for artisan and processing activities. Forest products are traded in both local and urban markets, and are sold to meet both rural and urban consumer needs. There are no studies which assess the socio-economic importance of the non-timber forest product trade to rural households and communities, and there are also no studies which evaluate the importance of this trade to regional economies. There are a few studies which focus on the income earned from gathering of forest products. Thus, the following discussion focuses largely on marketing.

A myriad of different forest products are collected for rural and urban markets. In general, studies which examine the harvesting of forest products do not distinguish between those products that are marketed and those products that are consumed by the household. For example, in the Boualé region of Côte d’Ivoire, Blanc-Pamard (1979) notes that several forest products are regularly collected for trade and home consumption. Among them: cola nuts (for trade), palm products (oil, wine, fruit, leaves for construction, basketry and other artisanal activities), wild fruits and other foods, fuelwood (in villages close to regional markets this provides an important source of income), poles for house construction, snails, insects, and mushrooms.

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: a. fruit

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: b. nuts

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: c. pods

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: d. Leaves

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: e. bark/sap

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: f. honey

Trees and forests provide many different forms of food: g. fungi

The degree to which these different forest products are marketed depends on the needs for cash, the accessibility of markets, the quantities of the product that are available as well as the time available for their collection and sale (Blanc-Pamard 1979). Forest products are sometimes marketed to meet specific cash needs. Sale is a predominantly seasonal activities, which is at its height during the agricultural slack periods, when less time is required for farming activity and the need for cash is high. Some researchers suggest that specific cash needs also helps determine the prices that are accepted or offered at different market levels (Kengne 1987, Nsangou no date). In a study in southern Cameroon, Weber (1974) asserted that the amount of cocoa being harvested reflected farmers’ need for cash. In households where the surrounding resources provided for most of their daily needs, cocoa was harvested only to meet specific cash needs (such as taxes); by comparison, in regions where households were more dependent on the market for their needs, a greater portion of the cocoa that was produced was harvested to meet daily cash needs.

The marketing of many forest products is specialised, involving producers (gatherers), wholesale traders in rural, regional and urban areas, and retail traders. While most people, and especially farmers, participate in these activities seasonally, or on a part-time basis, these activities provide employment for many rural and urban people. The sale of forest products in rural areas is an especially important source of cash income as there are often fewer alternative means. There are, however, no studies which evaluate the number of people involved in these trading activities.

There is a considerable amount of information available from market case studies as well as market commodity studies on the products sold and their marketing channels. From the information available it is evident that some forest products are sold almost universally in markets throughout the West African region. The following discussion focuses on these popular products as case examples. Included are bushmeat, and other forest foods such as Irvingia gabonensis, palm wine, fuelwood, plant medicines, and cola nuts.

Carica papaya - a popular fruit

4.1 The production and marketing of bushmeat


4.1.1 Bushmeat markets
4.1.2 Production of bushmeat for cash income

Bushmeat is valued throughout the West African region as a source of cash income and food. Wild animals are hunted for the consumer market by professional hunters (full-time), agriculturalists (part-time) and pygmies. In areas with access to urban markets, bushmeat is now often sold rather than being consumed. Hunting and gathering of bushmeat often complement seasonal requirements for agricultural labour. Hunting for bushmeat is a predominantly male activity. However, the collection of bushmeat such as snails and insects is carried out by both men and women. Women are generally responsible for processing bushmeat (i.e. smoking).

Many of the studies that are available examine the importance of bushmeat production at the national level, but no studies have been conducted on the socio-economic importance of bushmeat trade for rural communities. Few studies have examined quantities hunted by individuals, or the income earned from the sale of bushmeat. In addition, there is very little information on the income that is earned from the trade of bushmeat or the marketing costs involved. Therefore, while there is enough information from market studies to indicate that bushmeat is a popular and widely consumed forest product, there is little information available to assess its income-earning value and potential.

4.1.1 Bushmeat markets

The greatest amount of research on the markets for bushmeat has been carried out in Ghana and Nigeria. In Nigeria the demand for bushmeat is increasing (an increase of 159% since 1975 (Mba 1983)). It has been estimated that the value of bushmeat to the economy is 3.6 billion naira annually (Martin 1983) (see also Holsworth 1970, Section 6.7). This is reflected by the inflating prices: in urban markets bushmeat prices have risen by as much as 400% in recent years (Federal Department of Forestry 1987). Table 3 summarises available information on bushmeat market prices in different West African urban centers. In most cases the prices of bushmeat are higher than domestic meat prices. These prices are partly attributable to transportation and processing (when smoked) costs, which can add 25% to 50% to the original producer price (Ajayi 1979). However, high prices for bushmeat are primarily due to increasing consumer demands and dwindling supplies.

In 1965, Asibey analysed Ghana’s market and market price trends for bushmeat from 1956 to 1963. He found that prices had increased 25% in seven years. Since that time the Department of Game and Wildlife has conducted bushmeat market studies. The volume of bushmeat trade at one Accra market (Kantamanto) has been recorded for the last 15 years (see Table 3). An average 14,400 animals are sold annually (71,000 kgs. of bushmeat worth 2,900,000 cedis). As trade is not recorded every day these figures are minimal estimates. However, they do give an indication of the magnitude of trade. Grasscutter and duiker are the types of bushmeat that are most commonly sold in this market; in 1985, 9,400 of the 11,900 animals sold were grasscutters (Asibey 1987, Ntiamoa-Baidu 1987).

In Nigeria, Martin (1983) found that the prices for bushmeat had increased by about 25% over two years in the late 1970’s (the price of domestic meat increased by 20%), and grasscutter prices inflated by 75% during the same period. More recently, Asibey (1986, 1987) analysed the market price trends for bushmeat in Kumasi and Accra markets (see Table 4). He found that the bushmeat prices had increased at far greater rates than domestic meat prices; the price of grasscutter had increased from an average 84 cedis/kg. in 1980 to and average 685 cedis/kg. in 1986. In comparison, beef prices had risen from 41 cedis/kg. to 272 cedis/kg. over the same period.

Table 3: Market prices of meat in some West African countries

(US $/Kg)

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

(7)

Hare (Lepus ssp.)

3.75

7.2






African giant rat
(Crycetomys gambianus)


5.0


0.51

2.33



Grasscutter
(Thryonomus swinderianus)


9.6

3.33

1.06

3.96

10.00

1.00

Brushtailed porcupine
(Atherorus africanus)

4.30


3.66

1.06

3.04


2.50

Tree Hyrax
(Dendrohyrax arboreus)


6.4



3.66



Grey duiker
(Sylvicapra grimmia)


6.8


0.88



4.00

Maxwell’s duiker
(Cephalophus maxwelli)



2.83


3.75



Bay duiker
(Cephalophus dorsalis)

2.50



0.86

2.70



Black duiker
(Cephalophus niger)


5.2


0.79

2.91



Bushbuck
(Tragelophus scriptus)


5.2

1.33


3.07


2.50

Bushpig
(Potamochoerus porcus)



3.33


3.26


2.50

Spot-nosed monkey
(Cercopithecus ascenius)






3.47

2.50

Red colobus
(Colobus badius)

3.75






3.00

Civets
(Mandinia spp.)

1.88





3.35


Beef

2.50

4.2


0.45


3.00

2.50

Mutton

3.50

2.8


0.61


6.00

4.00


(1) Cameroon, Sabouang, 1978

(5) Ghana, Accra, 1985

(2) Nigeria, Ibadan, 1975

(6) Côte d’Ivoire, Abidjan, 1978

(3) Nigeria, Bendel State, 1977

(7) Liberia, Monrovia, 1979

(4) Ghana, Accra, 1970


Source: Asibey 1986

Table 4: Bushmeat recorded for Kantamanto Market (Accra, Ghana)

July 1970 to December 1985 excluding July to December 1984

YEAR

NUMBER

WEIGHT (kg)

VALUE (cedis)

July 1970/71 June

21,249

105,002.7

114,124.22

1971/72

15,640

73,364.5

87,477.48

1972/73

14,847

67,720.9

106,881.31

1973/74

17,794


147,861.91

1974/75

20,536


197,891.69

1975/76

16,612


264,869.80

1976/77

13,403


305,417.68

1977/78

16,625


620,645.74

1978/79

14,363


1,205,624.00

1979/80

10,703


1,338,857.00

1980/81

16,948


3,661,688.00

1981/82

14,319


5,312,492.00

1982/83

18,443


8,520,381.00

July-Dec. 1983

8,628


6,300,420.00

1984 (Jan.-June)

9,667


10,060,435.00

1985

11,900


12,098,701.00

Total

230,967


46,682,079.00

Average

14,435


2,917,629.90

Source: Asibey 1987 a

Table 5: Urban consumer prices for some meat in Ghana


Beef

Mutton

Bushmeat


Kumasi

Accra

Kumasi

Accra

Kumasi

Accra

1980

22.09

40.08

23.09

NA

78.15

83.95

1981

52.51

47.84

52.83

NA

81.90

114.00

1982

85.51

83.64

88.57

87.56

48.56

180.48

1983

165.00

135.75

150.91

150.33

125.73

373.68

1984

234.17

239.00

234.17

252.67

223.71

453.08

1985

283.94

276.53

305.00

453.15

299.98

510.61

1986

270.41

271.87

260.04

255.96

349.45

684.64

In Cedis/Kg.

Source: Asibey 1987 a

In southwestern Cameroon, in the Mudemba market, the price of bushmeat has increased 117% in the last four years (Gartlan 1987). And in Mbandjok, Cameroon, Barbier and Tissandier (1980) studied the trade value of products sold in the market by day. They found that 3050 FCFA worth of termites were sold on one day in March 1971 (13% of the total (24,100) amount of meat, fish, and eggs sold).

Although the most important bushmeat markets are in urban centers, several authors note that there is also a rural market for bushmeat. Martin (1983) found that rural people spent an average 8.75 naira/month on bushmeat compared to an average 10.49 naira/month spent by urban consumers in Nigeria. Martin (1983) conducted an interesting market study in Bendel State in southeastern Nigeria. He found that duikers, grasscutters and brush-tailed porcupine were the most common species being sold at roadsides. The sale of snails was also widespread. He noted that snail, porcupine and grasscutter fetched the highest market prices (of all meats) per kilogramme while grasscutter was most preferred and most often sold. However, the extent to which people purchase bushmeat often varies considerably by household and community (Dietworst 1987).

4.1.2 Production of bushmeat for cash income

Bushmeat production and marketing provide employment and income to a large number of rural people. Meat is sold fresh and smoked. Bushmeat is often sold to village collectors (wholesale traders) who in turn, sell the produce to urban retail traders. Sometimes, however, bushmeat is sold directly by the producers at the roadside or to roadside sellers (Ajayi 1979).

For many women in Ghana the bushmeat trade is the main source of livelihood (Ntiamoa-Baidu 1987). The hunting also provides an important source of supplemental income for many farmers (see Asibey 1977, Ghana; Faure and Vivien 1980, Cameroon; Blanc-Pamard 1979, Côte d’Ivoire). In an interview with a farmer/hunter Asibey (1987b) relates that the farmer earned more income from bushmeat trade than from farming endeavors (maintaining the interests in farming because it was more secure and provided a greater variety of needed products). Similarity in Nigeria, Asibey (1987) asserts that hunting provides a good source of income. He estimates that sales of 4 grasscutters and 3 duikers a month would place a hunter in the lower middle income group ($130-660/year).

Adeola and Decker (1987) conducted an interesting study on the quantities of bushmeat produced by farmers and hunters in different ecological zones in Nigeria during the 1986 rainy season. The animals farmers most commonly harvested in the rainforest region were snails, squirrels, giant rats, guinea fowl, bats, cane rats, porcupine and duikers (in that order). In deciduous forest regions greater numbers of cane rats, bats, guinea fowl and snails were harvested. They estimated that the monthly harvest of bushmeat by farmers in the rainforest region was 61 million kilogrammes (61 kg./farmer), 318 million kilogrammes for big game. These figures are however misleading as small game were harvested in far greater numbers: 37 animals per farmer compared with 6 large animals per farmer (see Tables 5 and 6). They estimated harvest in the savannah region to be approximately 105 million kgs. It is interesting to note that farmers harvested substantial quantities of bushmeat when compared with professional hunters.

African buffalo

Table 6: Monthly wildlife harvest by Nigerian hunters in the deciduous and rain forest regions


Deciduous Forest Region

Rain Forest Region


Number/Hunter

Kg per Hunter

Number/Hunter

Kg per Hunter

BIG GAME

Duikers
(Cephalophus monticola,
C. Grimmia)

3.06

20.05

2.80

18.76

Bush Buck
(Tragelaphus scriptus)

0.54

5.94

3.14

34.54

Buffalo
(Syncerus caffer)

0.00

0.00

0.14

58.80

Est. Mon. Harvest/Hunter 1/

5.14

62.44

6.74

141.80

SMALL GAME

Squirrels
(Funisciurus anerythrus,
Xerus erythropus)

0.57

0.29

20.54

10.27

Cane rat
(Thryonomys swinderianus)

5.40

21.60

7.94

31.76

African giant rat
(Crycetomys gambianus)

7.06

14.12

10.34

20.68

Porcupine
(Hystrix cristata)

1.80

7.20

3.74

14.96

Bats
(Eidolon helvum)

0.00

0.00

11.20

3.36

Est. Mon. Harvest/Hunter 1/

15.11

43.56

59.36

88.03

GAME BIRDS

Guinea fowl
(Numida meleagris)

0.94

0.33

1.36

0.44

Francolin
(Francolinus spp.)

4.34

1.52

2.94

1.03

Est. Mon. Harvest/Hunter

27.40

1.85

12.22

1.47

REPTILES/MOLLUSKS

Monitor lizard
(Varanus niloticus)

0.34


3.0


Tortoise
(Kinixys belliana)

0.34


3.0


Giant snail
(Archachatina marginata)

1.06


27.2


1/ Estimated Monthly Harvest per Farmer surveyed
Survey from July to November rainy season 1986
Source: Adeola and Decker 1987

Table 7: Monthly wildlife harvest by Nigerian farmers in the deciduous and rain forest regions


Deciduous Forest Region

Rain Forest Region


Number/Farmer

Kg per Farmer

Number/Farmer

Kg per Farmer

BIG GAME

Duikers
(Cephalophus monticola,
C. Grimmia)

3.56

23.85

2.84

19.03

Bush Buck
(Tragelaphus scriptus)

1.33

14.63

1.77

19.47

Buffalo
(Syncerus caffer)

0.21

88.20

0.24

100.80

Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmer 1/

6.41


6.63


Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmers (Region) 1/

120,571,937 kg


318,351,758 kg


SMALL GAME

Squirrels
(Funisciurus anerythrus,
Xerus erythropus)

10.69

5.35

12.98

6.49

Cane rat
(Thryonomys swinderianus)

7.97

31.88

4.73

18.92

African giant rat
(Crycetomys gambianus)

8.83

17,66

8.53

17.06

Porcupine
(Hystrix cristata)

4.11

16.44

3.90

15.60

Bats
(Eidolon helvum)

10.13

3.04

5.53

1.66

Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmer 1/

44.04

43.56

37.55

88.03

Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmers (Region) 1/

55,407,500 kg


61,863,643 kg


GAME BIRDS

Guinea fowl
(Numida meleagris)

17.90

6.26

7.82

2.74

Francolin
(Francolinus spp.)

9.50

3.32

4.40

1.54

Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmer 1/

27.40


12.22


Est. Mon. Harvest/Farmers (Region) 1/

6,941,319 k g


4,312,106 kg


REPTILES/MOLLUSKS

Monitor Lizard
(Varanus niloticus)

2.38


2.40


Tortoise
(Kinixys belliana)

1.52


0.86


Giant snail
(Archachatina marginata)

36.54


17.16


1/ Estimated Monthly Harvest per Farmer surveyed
Survey from July to November rainy season 1986
Source: Adeola and Decker 1987

4.2 Gathering and marketing of other forest foods


4.2.1 The markets for forest foods
4.2.2 The marketing of the fruit and seeds of Irvingia gabonensis

A great number of forest foods are gathered and sold in the local and regional markets of the region. Semi-wild produce from trees on farm and fallow lands (considered semi-wild as they are not planted but protected by farmers) are being harvested for the market. And cultivation of “wild” species seems to be increasing (see also Sections 5.3, 6.6). For example, a market survey in southern Nigeria revealed that 57 species of wild woody plant products were sold regularly (Okafor 1981). Forest foods are especially valued during the dry season and at times when cultivated foods are in short supply. In addition, in areas where few natural forests remain there is a regular market for these food products.

Information on gathering and marketing of forest foods can be found in specific market studies as well as commodity studies. Forestry studies which examine the local importance of forest food species also contain useful information. There have been a few market studies which examine the trends in market prices for some forest tree foods (Njoku 1983, Okafor various). It is clear from descriptive accounts that gathering of forest food products and their trade provide an important source of income, especially to women and the rural poor. However, no studies examine the socio-economic importance of this trade to local rural people or regional economies. The greatest amount of information on the markets for forest foods comes from Nigeria. While the popular species may differ from region to region, there is enough descriptive information from other West African countries to suggest that the Nigerian findings reflect similar patterns elsewhere in the region.

4.2.1 The markets for forest foods

Okafor (1981) conducted an extremely interesting and thorough study on Nigerian household use of indigenous farm and wild trees, including the trade and market potential of these tree food products. This extensive market study examined the seasonal availability and comparative market prices of 39 wild and 18 cultivated plant species (it was conducted weekly at five market sites over a three year period). The seasonal availability of forest fruits (including Dacryodes edulis and Dennettia tripetala), seeds (including Afzelia africana and Irvingia gabonensis) and vegetable species (including Ceiba pentandra and Gnetum africanum) were compared with those of cultivated species (see the charts depicting seasonal availability of foods in the local market in Appendix 16).

Irvingia gabonensis - Fruit

Irvingia gabonensis - branch with leaves

Table 8: Rural market price of some woody vegetables in markets in Anambra State, Nigeria

Commodity

1st quarter

2nd quarter

3rd quarter

4th quarter

Irvingia (price in Naira per 175 grams)

Range

0.25-0.85

0.56-1.23

0.50-1.79

0.87-2.66

Mean

0.50

0.75

1.10

1.69

Melon (price in Naira per 150 grams)

Range

0.14-0.30

0.14-0.34

0.15-0.36

0.15-0.37

Mean

0.21

0.22

0.23

0.26

Gnetum (price in Naira per kilogram)

Range

-

-

-

-

Mean

1.88

1.01

0.50

0.47

Vernonia (price in Naira per kilogram)

Range

0.05-1.00

0.04-1.28

0.09-0.90

0.08-2.35

Mean

0.34

0.37

0.32

0.66

Telfairia (price in Naira per kilogram)

Range

0.08-1.13

0.14-1.19

0.16-1.50

0.22-0.83

Mean

0.34

0.43

0.48

0.47


Irvingia:

Irvingia gabonensis, var. excelsa

Melon:

Colocynthis vulgaris (cultivated)

Gnetum:

Gnetum spp.

Vernonia:

Vernonia amygdalina

Telfairia:

Telfairia occidentalis (cultivated)

Source: Okafor 1979

Table 9: Prevailing market prices of fruits and vegetables in Enugu, Nigeria - September 1980

Commodity type

Scientific name

Price (Naira) per 500 g (1)

Price (Naira) per 500 g (2)

Fresh vegetables


Gnetum spp.

1.60

1.60

Gongronema latifolium

0.51

0.50

Myrianthus arboreus

0-75

0.75

Ocimum gratissimum

0.22

0.25

Piper guineense

0.67

0.60

Pterocarpus milbraedii

0.70

0.85

P. santalinoides

0.43

0.50

P. soyauxii

0.83

1.00

Talinum trangulare

0.38

0.50

Cultivated fresh vegetables



Amaranthus viridis

0.14

0.50

Celosea sp

0.21


Corchorus spp.

0.45


Cucurbita pepo

0.10

0.65

Solanum anomalum

0.51


Solanum spp.

0.54

0.60

Telfairia occidentalis

0.23


Vernonia amygdalina

0.35

0.75

Wild (and semi-wild) fresh fruits


 

Piper guineense

5.00

6.50

Dennettia tripetala

1.62

1.86

Canarium schweinfurthii

0.60

0.85

Dacryodes edulis

1.17

2.50

Irvingia gabonensis
var. Gabonensis

1.22

1.20

Treculia africana

0.65

3.50

Cultivated fresh fruits


Carica papaya

0.23

0.40

Citrus spp.

0.29

0.20

Cucurbita pepo

0.90


Abelmoschus esculentus

0.48


Mangifera indica

0.25

0.30

Musa sapientum

0.37


Solanum anomalum

0.53

0.60

Telfairia occidentalis

0.23


Wild (and semi- wild) fresh seeds


 

Garcinia kola

0.14


Tetracarpidum conophorum

1.56


Cultivated fresh seeds


 

Cola acuminata

2.73


Cola nitida

3.16


Aframomum melegueta

1.31


Mucuna sloanei

1.07


Telfairia occidentalis

0.23


Capsicum fructescens

0.70



Sources:

(1) Okafor 1981


(2) Njoku 1983


The prices for wild and cultivated varieties were also compared; some wild species were more expensive than their cultivated equivalent (see Table 8) (Okafor 1981, Njoku 1983). Okafor recorded the market prices for wild and cultivated species at the end of the 1980 rainy season (when prices are generally lower than at other times of the year) and found that the prices of the wild tree products were considerably higher than those of the cultivated species (see Table 7). For example, the price of the fruit of Dacryodes edulis was 1.17 naira/500 g. compared with 0.29 naira/500 g. for citrus. Okafor concluded that these high prices were a reflection of the popularity and the level of demand for wild food products as well as an indication of their relative scarcity and availability at strategic times in the year when conventional foods are unavailable (see also Johnson and Johnson 1976, Section 5.3).

4.2.2 The marketing of the fruit and seeds of Irvingia gabonensis

There is a considerable amount of information on the markets for Irvingia gabonensis in southern Nigeria. In some areas there is such high demand for this product that it has become a luxury item. Its major market is in rural southern Nigeria. Marketing of Irvingia sp. involves producers (principally men), processors (principally women), and wholesale and retail traders (generally women). The Department of Forest Resource Management (1986) notes that market prices are usually controlled by wholesale traders, but that for distant markets retail traders have greater control over prices. Households are reported to devote, on average, between 2% and 5% of their annual expenditure on Irvingia products. It is estimated that there is a demand for 78.8 million kilogrammes of Irvingia sp. per year; and that 80% of this demand is in the southern parts of Nigeria. The consumption of Irvingia gabonensis seeds is limited by supply, and in urban areas, by high prices (Department of Forest Resource Management, Nigeria 1986).

Agbor (1986) conducted an extensive study of I. gabonensis marketing and production. There are two varieties of Irvingia sp., one produces a sweet fruit and is generally consumed raw, the other is a bitter variety exploited for its seed. Agbor found that there was a greater demand for the bitter variety. The prices for seeds and fruit were lower in the rainy season, and in all cases considerably more expensive in non-producing districts. He found that there was great variation in the density of trees in different southern districts ranging from an average 87 trees per farmer in Ogoja district to an average two trees per farmer in Ikono district. Tree density corresponded to variations in land availability: higher tree densities reflected less land pressure. I. gabonensis provided an important source of income for many farmers (see also Section 5.3).

In southwestern Cameroon, I. gabonensis fruit and seed are also commonly marketed. In the Korup region they are often gathered, dried and sold to Nigerian traders or taken to Nigerian markets (where one bucket fetches approximately FCFA 10,000) (Gartlan 1987, Department of Forest Resource Management 1986).

4.3 Production and marketing of palm wine

Palm wine and palm alcohol (processed from wine, Section 4.8.1) are commonly marketed throughout the West African region. While there is market demand for palm wine, there are considerable problems associated with its production and marketing: sap yields are extremely variable, and the wine does not keep longer than a day or two. For this reason, markets for palm wine are quite localised.

Most households in the region do however, produce palm oil, half of which is sold in local regional markets (Smith 1979, Longhurst 1985, Commonwealth Secretariat 1980, Sierra Leone; Nicol 1972 & Ancey 1967, Côte d’Ivoire). There are two principal methods of palm tapping. One method involves climbing the tree, cutting an inflorescence (flower spathe), and collecting the sap in calabash containers which are emptied once or twice daily. The second method entails felling the tree and collecting sap from the stem. In both cases fermentation is rapid and the wine must be consumed within a few days (thus long distance marketing is difficult). Palm wine can be produced from different palm species. However, in this region of West Africa it is generally made from the oil palm (Elaeis guineensis) or the Raphia palm.

In the Bas-Mungo and Bas-Wouri areas of southern Cameroon, palm wine production is big business: approximately three quarters of the men in villages produce palm wine; and wine production provides a living for an estimated 20,000 people; an estimated 6000 tonnes of palm wine enter commerce from this region each month. In his village-level study in the forest area near Douala, Moby-Etia (1982) analysed the economics of palm wine production and marketing. The peak season for production is the dry season. Moby-Etia has estimated that an average collector taps 8-10,000 litres of wine each season (the quantity tapped daily ranges from 5 to 100 litres a person). He calculated that a small producer earns about 20-35,000 FCFA a month. In a month-long road survey, Moby-Etia found that approximately 120,000 litres of palm wine entered Douala from the Olbambra region. In this area palm trees were generally felled for wine production. One tree alone produced between 45-60 litres of wine over two weeks. The value of wine per tree ranges from 150-400 FCFA (wholesale price) to 200 to 600 FCFA (retail price); the equivalent urban price would be 700-2100 FCFA in retail trade.

Okafor (1979) conducted a similar study on palm wine production by farmers in Anambra state in southeastern Nigeria. He included an analysis of the quantities of wine produced per farmer as well as the returns from this activity (see Table 9). In almost all cases farmers earned more from palm wine tapping than the Nigerian minimum daily wage (2.3 Naira).

A few studies examine the consumption of palm wine at the regional and national level. In 1966 in Côte d’Ivoire, the estimated value of palm wine was 271 million FCFA, two thirds of which was purchased in local markets. In Senegal, the Forest Service estimates that almost 700,000 litres of palm wine were produced in 1982 (Direction des Eaux et Forêts 1982).

Table 10: Palm wine revenue earned by some farmers in Anambra State, Nigeria (June 1977- March 1978)

Area

Range of trees tapped #

Av.Rev./tree/day
(Naira)

Revenue/farmer/day
(Naira)

Price/gallon
1977-1978
(Naira)

Nijikoka

2 - 6

0.74

3.22

1.59

Anambra

8 - 10

0.71

5.62

1.25

Ogbaru

1 - 3

1.79

3.42

1.92

Aguata

2 - 5

1.92

4.64

2.36

Ezza

1 - 7

0.59

2.50

1.35

Isi-Uzo

2 - 8

0.49

1.85

1.31

Idemili

7 - 30

0.89

16.56

1.10

Uzo-Uwani

1 - 6

0.58

1.88

0.57

Nkanu

6 - 20

0.27

2.63

2.01

Oji River

3 - 10

1.24

5.17

1.83

Ishielu

3 - 8

0.45

2.67

1.25

Source: Okafor, 1979

4.4 The market for medicinal products: The case of chewing sticks

In several market studies, researchers have noted the fact that medicines are commonly sold, especially in markets destined for urban consumers (Kengne 1987, Johnson et al 1976). (See Section 4.7 for international medicine resource export information.) For example, in a study of three urban markets in Cameroon, Champaud (1983) found that there were medicine traders at each market (e.g. 10 in Foumbot market). No market studies, however, assess the extent of the plant medicine market, the traders involved, or the income earned.

Plant medicines are generally collected directly by the user or by a traditional doctor. There are a number of commonly used plant medicines that are marketed. In addition, urban migrants often seek the traditional cures to which they no longer have access, thus creating an urban market demand (Kenge 1987). In some cases, traditional borders also rely on the markets for certain medicine products (INADES 1984). One type of plant medicine which is widely used for dental care throughout the entire West African region is the chewing stick.

Adu-Tutu, Afful, Asante-Appiah, Lieberman, Hall, and Elvin-Lewis (1979) conducted a detailed study of the market for chewing sticks in southern Ghana. They found that there are four species whose products account for 85% of the total market. Chewing sticks are sold daily in most rural and urban markets. All 837 people that they interviewed used chewing sticks, and preferences for different species varied according to age and ethnic group. Isawumi (1978) notes that there are regional preferences for different species: Massularia acuminata chewsticks are most common in Ogun, Oyo, and Ondo States, whereas Garcinia kola is most popular in Cross River State, Nigeria. However, the main factor affecting people’s choice of chewing stick is availability. Chewing sticks are frequently purchased by rural consumers as well as those living in urban areas: 80% of the rural people interviewed purchase chewing sticks, 95% of urban consumers purchase their chewing sticks (see Figure 1).

Amponsah (1978) conducted a study of the chewing stick trade at the Kejetia Lorry Station in southern Ghana. Chewing stick production involves collectors/fellers who are often paid by wholesale traders who control the transport, and retail traders. In this region two species are commonly traded: Garcinia kola and G. afzelii (the latter is more popular); men generally control the wholesale trade of Garcinia afzelii while both women and men are involved in G. kola trade. Women dominate the retail trade for all chewing stick types. The cash income earned by retail traders compares favourably with wages earned by unskilled wage labourers. And transportation is the main cost in the industry.

Table 11a: Chewing stick usage in Ghana - 1: Frequency of citation of reasons for choice of the usual species of chewing stick. (Total number of responses was 837).

Table 11b: Chewing stick usage in Ghana - 2: Acquisition of chewing sticks by buying (shaded columns) and collecting (open columns). Abbreviations for names are as follows: Ns, nsokodua; Gk, Garcinia kola; Sa, sawe; Tv, Teclea verdoorniana; Dg, Diahum guineense; Ms, Musa sapientum; Ai, Azadirachta indica; Cs, Citrus sinensis; Gs, Griffonia simplicifolia; Tg, Terminalia cf. glaucescens; Sd, sawedua.

Table 11c: Chewing stick usage in Ghana - 3: Acquisition of usual chewing stick by buying (shaded columns) and collecting (open columns) among people of various sizes of settlement. Vertical lines indicate 95% confidence limits.

Table 11d: Chewing stick usage in Ghana - 4: Acquisition of usual chewing stick by buying (shaded columns) and collecting (open columns) among people differing in educational background- Vertical lines indicate 95% confidence limits.

4.5 Fuelwood production and marketing

Throughout West Africa, fuelwood trade increasingly provides a source of cash income for those with access to urban markets. Generally, there is open market access, many buyers and sellers, few price interventions, and high transportation costs in relation to the fuelwood’s value. However, studies have only recently begun to address issues such as the income earning potential for rural households from fuelwood trade.

Kamara (1986) conducted an interesting study on the production and marketing of fuelwood in the Bo and Makeni regions of Sierra Leone where fuelwood provides an important source of income for many rural farmers (especially women) and urban traders (see Section 6.4). He notes that, on average, more than half the fuelwood collected by households is sold. For example, in rural Bo, an average 4000 kilogrammes per household are sold, out of a total of 7600 kilogrammes collected annually (see Tables in Appendix 7). According to Kamara (1986) in the Bo and Makeni urban markets, traders sell as much as 4.9 tonnes of fuelwood a month, while in Freetown, some traders average as much as 19.8 tonnes a month.

In Enugu, Nigeria, Enunwaonye’s (1983) study of the fuelwood market echoes many of Kamara’s findings. Fuelwood producers generally do not sell fuelwood in the Enugu markets, rather they sell to retailers or middle-two men. The main fuelwood producers are farmers, the majority of whom participate in this activity seasonally, during the agricultural slack period. Women are more involved in the transport and marketing of fuelwood than its production for the market. Those involved in the seasonal sale of fuelwood generally find the fuelwood on their land, whereas the regular producers gather wood from communal forest areas. Profit margins for seasonal fuelwood producers average between 28% and 54%, for regular producers between 19% and 26%, and for retail traders between 47% and 71%. In Port Harcourt, Nigeria, Dagogo (1981) estimates that more than 700 people are employed in the fuelwood trade.

Zizyphus mauritiana - used as fuelwood

In Côte d’Ivoire, a study conducted by the Ministry of Social Affairs (1986) reports that charcoal is now the preferred fuel in Abidjan and that its popularity is spreading into the rural regions. Charcoal is preferred because it can be purchased in small quantities and is cheaper. Fuelwood marketing is dominated by women, but as the volume of trade expands, men are becoming increasingly involved. This shift may be occurring because men have both time to spend on these activities and access to transportation. The trend is similar for charcoal production and trade (Ministère des Affaires Sociales, Côte d’Ivoire 1986).

Exploitation of forest resources for fuelwood trade often threatens the viability of other forest activities, in recent years, market pressures and forest degradation have led to changes in usuary rights associated with fuelwood gathering. Fuelwood resources have become privatised and can now only be gathered from people’s own land (even for domestic consumption). Households with no access to farmland are now forced to purchase their fuelwood.

Ocansey (1985) examined fuelwood exploitation in a village on the outskirts of Accra in Ghana. He found that the fuelwood trade to Accra and other urban centers was an extremely important economic activity for most villagers, especially during the fishing season (the demand for fuelwood increases because of fish-smoking activities). On average 50.94 m3 wood left the community every day (this compares with an estimated average consumption of 1.37 m3/year/capita). Farm and fallow lands were the main sources of fuelwood. Fuelwood production for trade was carried out largely by men, while the marketing of fuelwood (middlemen, retailers, wholesalers) was dominated by women. The collection of fuelwood for home consumption is still primarily a woman’s activity.

Charcoal - a preferred fuel in some regions

4.6 Cola trade and production

Cola nuts have been an important trade item in the West African region for many centuries. The cola nut is valued in many cultures as a sign of friendship and peace and is consumed (“broken”) at reunions, during meetings, ceremonies and festivals (see also Section 3.5). It is also the only stimulant allowed to Muslims. For this reason there is a heavy trade of cola from the humid southern regions to the northern arid parts of West Africa. There are several different species of cola which are traded. In southern regions, the most commonly consumed species is Cola acuminata. However, Cola nitida is preferred in Northern parts, thus C. nitida is more important in the long distance and export trade. Cola acuminata is the preferred species in western Cameroon, for example, and its trade is limited to this region. Cola nitida, however, is produced though generally not consumed in this region; what is collected is traded to the North.

Cola trees are common to humid regions throughout West Africa, although there are some regions which specialise in cola nut commerce. Information on cola nut production and marketing is scattered and not considered reliable. There are few statistics kept by government agencies as it is not as important a national crop as coffee, cocoa, or other export crops. In Cameroon, for example, Nkongmeneck (1985) reports that approximately 22,500 tonnes were produced in 1981 (of which, 20,400 tonnes entered commerce). An estimated 1,100 tonnes were exported in 1980 (worth approximately 182.6 million FCFA), primarily to Nigeria and Chad. Nkongmeneck (1985) adds that government data are replete with gaps, and thus are, at best, only indicative. He adds that the price of cola for the export market appears to be lower than those for internal markets. He postulates that this is because of poor internal market organisation and problems associated with cola nut conservation. In Ghana, the Forestry Department estimated the value of cola exports to be 3.4 million cedis in 1975, the majority (83%) of which was sold to Nigeria (Forestry Department Annual Report 1983).

Throughout the region the marketing of cola nuts is highly specialised. For example, in Western Cameroon, the cola trade involves producers who sell at the farm or village site to traders who process the cola nuts. They then sell the nuts to wholesale traders who in turn sell to retail traders. The long distance trade of cola generally involves even more transactions.

Cola production and trade, though it is largely ignored by national statistics, appears to provide an important source of income for many rural people. As was noted above, the production and trade of cola is somewhat localised. In Cameroon, for example, the northwest region produces the greatest quantities for commerce. Soup Nguifo (1982) estimates, for example, that 3,000 tonnes of Cola nitida are traded from Kumba to the North each year. More than half the cola produced in this region is purchased on-farm. Detailed information on the prices received for cola at different stages show that on average the selling price by retail traders for cola is three and a half times that received by farmers.

In another study in Western Cameroon, Champaud (1983) estimated the importance of cola nut production for rural farm households. For some of the study households, cola nut provided greater returns than coffee production. Cola nuts sales contributed between 5% and 37% of the household’s cash revenue. (These figures were not based on a large sample of households; as such, they serve only to illustrate the importance of cola production for some households.) One study estimates that 30% of cola that is produced is consumed by the household (Soup Nguifo 1982). Cashman (1987) notes that, for women in Southwestern Nigeria, cola trade brings the highest profits (when compared to all other economic activities), but it requires a high initial investment and thus is limited to those with capital resources.

Cola nuts are sold in most rural and urban markets. In cola producing regions there are markets which specialise in the bulk trade of cola and which are geared to long distance wholesale traders. For example, in northwestern Cameroon, there are several central regional markets at which cola trade is concentrated. These markets cater to bulk traders who are involved in the northern trade of cola. For example, in two central markets, 4,550 tonnes of cola nuts were sold on one market day. By comparison, in a secondary market, 0.60 tonnes were sold in one day. The long distance trade of cola earns the highest profits, but is controlled by traders from the north who have access to transport and capital resources. Most sellers are involved in small-scale trade. Soup Nguifo’s (1982) study reveals that there is a greater demand for cola than there is supply, but despite this, old cola trees are not being replaced in the western region of Cameroon. He suggests that this is because returns to the farmer are too low.

4.7 The export of forest and tree resources from the humid zone region: Medicinal plants and animals

In comparison with other regions of the world (e.g. Asia and the Pacific) the export of non-timber forest products from the West African humid forest zone is small. Though NTFPs are exported, information on these markets is scanty. Plant medicines and wild animal products are commonly exported within the region.

The Cameroonian Forest Service reports that medicinal plants were the most commonly recorded secondary forest products collected from Forestry Department lands. They are primarily collected for the export market, and the most common species are: Prunus africanum (729 tonnes exported in 1984), Pausinystalia johimbe (229 tonnes in 1982), Strophanthus sp. (25 tonnes in 1982) and Voacanga africana (30 tonnes in 1982) (Direction des Eaux et Forets 1988).

In his study on traditional plant medicines in the Guinea Republic, Gouterel (1979) discusses the export of medicinal plants. Plant materials are generally collected by paid collectors who sell the unprocessed plant material to foreign companies through an agent. For example, Combretum micranthum is exported to France where it is processed and used as a diuretic and in hepatitis treatments; and Rauwolfia vomitoria (the source of reserpine) is exported to Europe and Japan.

The impact of this trade on local and regional economies is quite large. In an assessment of resource use in the Oku Mountain region of Cameroon, Macleod (1987) includes a discussion of the importance of plant medicine collection to rural inhabitants of the region. She notes that Oku is a center for Prunus africanum bark collection. The bark is sought after by several large pharmaceutical companies who use it to produce drugs for prostate gland treatments. She estimates that over 2000 tonnes of bark are extracted annually by one company alone. This industry provides an important source of off-farm income for local residents: approximately half the bark is collected by paid workers and the rest is gathered by small enterprises. Macleod (1987) estimates that a third of the people from the region supplement their income with bark collection and other artisanal activities.

Wild animals (e.g. parrots) and wild animal products (e.g. ivory) are also important export products. Most governments collect statistics on the export of wild animals; however, they are considered quite unreliable because of the large quantity of trade which goes unrecorded. In Ghana, Ntiamoa-Baidu (1987) reported that US$ 344,000 worth of wild animals were exported in 1985 (the most important trade animal was the gray parrot; 9500 were traded in 1985). In Nigeria, Ajayi (1979) reported that 4.4 million dollars worth of wild animal products were exported in 1965 (of greatest value were hides and skins).

4.8 Processing enterprises: a source of household income from forest products


4.8.1 Palm oil processing activities
4.8.2 Rattan, cane and raphia processing activities
4.8.3 Cloth dyeing activities

For many farmers in the West African region, processing forest and farm tree products provides an essential source of off-farm income. In a farming systems study in Sierra Leone, Engel et al (1984) found that 19% of farmers considered off-farm enterprises their most important occupation in terms of labour input and benefits for the household. Their off-farm activities included palm oil processing, palm wine tapping, fuelwood collection, hunting, and fishing.

There are a large number of different processing activities (see especially Kenge 1987). The products are often of great local importance: providing food, household equipment, farming tools, transportation equipment, as well as cultural artifacts. Like gathering activities, non-timber forest product processing is often a part-time activity which is done in addition to agricultural and other tasks. Activities which are common throughout the West African region include palm oil processing and other forest food processing, alcohol distilling, fish smoking, raphia and rattan basketry, woodworking, charcoal production, cloth dyeing and soap production. There are no comprehensive regional studies which focus on forest-based processing enterprises, or even on processing activities at the country or regional level. However, there are case-specific studies which identify different types of processing activities and discuss the local-level importance of these enterprises products (see sections on specific products).

4.8.1 Palm oil processing activities

Palm oil is one of the most important foods in West Africa. Its production provides income to a great number of West African women. Engel et al (1984) found that 93% of the households in the Bo region of Sierra Leone were involved in palm oil processing. Palm fruit is always collected from wild trees (generally on fallow lands). And while, in this region, men own palm trees and are responsible for the harvesting of palm fruit, women are responsible for processing and trading the oil (women often purchase the fruit for processing). The researchers found that 60% of the female producers sell the palm oil and palm kernel oil they produce. Palm oil is generally sold as soon as it is produced. However, palm kernels are often kept and processed in times of emergency cash need.

For most women, oil processing provides higher returns than other marketed products. The importance of palm oil production for rural households was emphasized in another study in Sierra Leone (Spencer et al 1979). Spencer and Byerlea estimated that palm oil processing for the market was the most common off-farm activity, involving 67% of the households. Cashman (1987) also found that palm oil processing was one of the most lucrative activities for women in southeastern Nigeria. She compared a range of income earning activities: cola nut, fruit, vegetable, meat and, fish sales, palm oil, maize, and locust bean processing, and soap making. She considered the labour and initial capital investment required for these varied activities and found that palm oil processing and the sale of cola nuts brought the highest profits, but that the initial investment required for cola trading was comparatively high, and the labour required in palm oil processing was great.

Palm oil processing provides an important source of cash income for many households in the Adioukrou region of Côte d’Ivoire as well (Boutillier and Dupire 1958). In this region the revenue is generally divided between the tree owner, fruit harvester and processor. For example, in one cited case 42% of the proceeds went to the climber (harvest), 38% went to his wife and her assistants (processors) and 20% went to the owner of the tree.

4.8.2 Rattan, cane and raphia processing activities

Cane and raphia products are widely used in rural households throughout West Africa. Baskets, mats, crop dryers, traps, and furniture are all typically made from palm products. In many rural regions people produce for their household needs and for the local market. Kaye (1987a) estimates the annual contribution of basketry production to the national economy to be 766 million FCFA. He notes that more than two thirds of the products are sold directly by artisans, not in markets. Kaye suggests that there has been an increase in production for the urban market and a decline in rural sales.

In some areas there are specialist artisans who produce on a larger scale for regional, urban and even export markets (primarily for sale to tourists). For example, in Côte d’Ivoire, Kaye (1987a) estimates that there are 1500 people involved in artisan basketry full-time, compared to an estimated 62,000 people who are involved in this activity on a part-time basis. He notes that those producing on a full-time basis focus on the urban and tourist markets.

In a case study of cane weaving enterprises in the Kumasi region of Ghana, Darko (1981) found that men dominated weaving activities while women dominated the trade of raw cane and fabricated cane products. Labourers were generally hired by female wholesalers who transported the materials to weavers. Darko (1981) noted that irregularity in the supply of rattan and raphia (the main inputs) was the greatest problem producers faced. Similarily, in southwestern Cameroon Shiembo (1986) argues that raphia and rattan production is limited and made more expensive by raw materials shortages. Shiembo (1986) estimates that some 3600 people are involved, at least part-time, in this small-scale industry.

4.8.3 Cloth dyeing activities

Dyed cloth has traditionally been, and still is, important in many rural communities in this region. These clothes are especially valued because they are used in traditional cultural events and festivities (see Section 3.5). In most cases, traditional dyes have vegetable bases whose components come from gathered plants and tree parts. Synthetic dyes have, in some cases, replaced natural dyes. The naturally dyed cloths are more expensive, but as they serve ceremonial functions, they are still popular.

In general the production of dyed cloth is done on a part-time basis. There are however, a few villages where production is specialised. One village on the outskirts of Kumasi accounts for about 50% of the cloth’s production. There, the industry is highly specialised, involving bark collectors who transport the bark to dye centers, women who extract dye from bark, and others who sell the dye to the cloth craftsmen. Formerly, cloth dyeing was strictly a man’s activity, but now women are involved in all but Adinkra cloth dyeing. The search for bark has become competitive and, in some cases, the bark is becoming difficult to find (Annan 1980).

In Sierra Leone, Chuta (1978) investigated the economics of Gara cloth production (see Section 3.5). She identified 360 small-scale Gara dyeing enterprises and found that 80% of these Gara enterprises were owned by women.


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