Chapter 5: Rural women involved in power positions
5.1 Participation in decision making in production
5.2 Participation in social organizations
5.3 The vision women have concerning their involvement in social organizations
5.3.1 The national confederation of mothers' organizations in Bolivia (CNCMB)
5.3.2 Women's organization of the department federation of rural people of Cusco (OMFDCC)
5.3.3 The popular feminine circle of nutrias port
5.3.4 The national association of rural and indigenous women of Colombia (ANMUCIC)
The term "Involvement" has had and still has all types of meanings. However, its study imposes methodological restrictions derived from the fact that little information can be compiled regarding such a topic without going into depth of the socioeconomic and cultural aspects which condition it. This Chapter will familiarize its readers with the types of participation that were detected, signaling, although, the limitations inherent in the limited, available sources. Also analyzed are limitations which are related to the access to power in the family, work environment, the community and in politics.
Despite their active contribution to agricultural production, the literature reviewed shows that generally rural women are scarcely involved in the administration of the farms and with the decisions regarding production allotment and as to how the income is used.
Women tend to make decisions regarding home management. However, decisions regarding what to produce, production results and, in general, relationships of the productive unit with external participants are managed by men (León de Leal, Women and Agrarian Capitalism, 1980, Errázuriz, 1987). In Bolivia, for example, the family budget and structure of the expenses are defined by man, while women are assigned to their administration. The expenses are prioritized in the following manner, first they are designated to production, then to food and in third place to clothing, education and health (Arteaga: "Economic recession, living strategies and the woman's role in Bolivia," 1988, FAO, 1991b).
Notwithstanding the above, there are certain conditions which denote greater feminine involvement. One investigation conducted in rural communities in Colombia and Peru showed that the incidence of women in decision making regarding the use of supplies grew as the size of the farm became smaller and that women made the decisions regarding the uses of seeds and fertilizer in 52% of the poorest farms and 27% of the richer ones (Women and agricultural and stock breeding modernization; balance, perspectives and strategies, IICA, 1991, FAO, 1993d).
Along this same line, some Andean communities have demonstrated that when the occupation and type of production is diversified and the importance of agriculture declines regarding the generation of the income, women increase their decision-making power and their amount of work as well (FAO, 1993d).
Women's involvement in the administration of the farms is also related to the temporary or permanent absence of their partner which, in turn, obliges them to assume the role as the head of the house. In this regard, Crummet (1987) indicates that the participation of the women in family production and her responsibility has increased in those families where the man leaves, which is associated to a smaller size of land, to the formation of large families and the decrease of employment opportunities in agricultural activities. In the Caribbean, for example, the masculine migration, either for short or long terms, has forced women to take charge of the farm. This has lead to a "feminization" of the land management, increasing Caribbean rural women involvement.
However, along with this feminization of management, a feminine expulsion has been produced: as the economic activities of the Region have been expanding, the rural woman has been attracted to sectors that are not related to agriculture, particularly industrial activities. This confronts a double phenomenon: on one hand, there is the feminization of agricultural land management as well as the simultaneous "defeminization" of the same due to the search on the woman's behalf of employment out of the agricultural sector. However, finding oneself in one situation or the other is not a random circumstance, rather it relates to the age and education levels of the women. Those who leave the agricultural sector are generally youths which have attained a minimum level of education. Those remaining or returning to the farm are older with relatively lower education levels (Chase, 1989).
Policies and intentions in this aspect are clear. The World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development organized by FAO in 1979 elaborated an Action Program whose declaration of principles (item XIV) establishes that "the woman should participate under equal conditions as the man in social, economic and political processes of rural development, as well as fully share the benefits of improved living conditions in Rural zones" (FAO, 1991a: 5). It is proposed that, in order to achieve the integration of women to the development of the countries, the support of their organized participation is fundamental. This implies transferring to them the necessary political power which leads to their participation in decision making in the family and the community, in defending their individual and collective interests. As usual, the key is knowing how many of said orientations have really translated into a change in the reality.
Analysis regarding the participation of rural women in activities beyond the family and domestic scene conclude that, in general, women do not have greater interests in participating because it takes them away from their main environment which is the home. When they become involved in the local level, they tend to project their domestic role on a wider scale. It has also been said that the double work shift to which the rural woman is subject make it difficult for her to participate in organizations since she does not have the time nor the energy to develop other activities that are not her domestic and productive tasks. Furthermore, the secondary role she performs in society make it difficult for the community to grant her a space for her participation Errázuriz, 1987).
In all of the countries in the Region, rural women's involvement in social organizations show some common resemblance's:
a) women's participation has been slightly broadened in the basis of rural organizations, but there are problems of leadership, particularly in mixed or complex organizations (cooperatives, production associations, settlements);
b) rural women are hardly involved in decision making within their community where the belief that the family should be represented by the male head of the house prevails;
c) in many countries rural women's organizations have surged in response to economic needs and in the search for solutions to common problems. Through these organizations, the woman has learned to value herself and her work and has earned positions of participation in the family and community (FAO, 1992b).
Regarding the participation of women in production cooperatives, they are generally excluded since the criteria for membership is property or leadership of the home which are matters reserved for men. When women are involved, their participation is scarce (FAO, 1989). However, there are certain cases in which women play important roles in this type of association. For example, in Paraguay three large cooperatives in rural areas are lead by women: Ñeembucú, Itacarubí de la Cordillera and Paraguarí14 women's Institute, Spain-FLACSO Chile, ed. 1993, Paraguay).
14 There are 125 cooperatives that are legally acknowledged in the rural environment in Paraguay corresponding to production, savings and credit. The document quoted does not specify the year this condition took place nor the characteristics of the cooperatives lead by women.
Over recent years, many rural unions and guilds have generated within their groups feminine departments. For example, in Paraguay, the Paraguayan Rural Movement (MCP) created the Rural Women's Coordination (CMC) in 1985. This group held two national congresses in 1989 and 1991. During the second one, diverse resolutions were made; among them, the structuring of the organization at all levels; training rural women in political-ideological matters so as to assume leadership positions; creation of literacy centers, and fostering production for self-consumption. Furthermore, they sought the support of their partners from the Paraguayan Rural Movement and requested that the government provide more social investments and improved prices for their products. Seemingly in Paraguay, the rural women's organizations is weak: of the 26 women organizations existing in 1993 in Paraguay, the rural area only counted on one group, the Rural Women's Coordination (CMC) (Women's Institute, Spain-FLACSO Chile, ed. 1993, Paraguay).
In Ecuador, the main rural confederations have a women's department, among them, UNASAY (Rural Union of Azuay), and FUPOCPS (Provincial Federation of Rural and Popular Organizations of the South) (Women's Institute, Spain-FLACSO Chile, ed. 1993, Ecuador).
In 1990 Brazil held its First Congress of the National Department of Rural Workers (DNTR-CUT). At that time, the "National Council on Rural Female Workers Affairs" was created designed to counsel the executive department of DNTR (Women's Institute, Spain-FLACSO Chile, ed. 1993, Brazil).
There have also been rural women's organizations that are relatively autonomous regarding other rural affairs created (rural union associations, political parties). These organizations that are specifically feminine have proposed diverse demands, among them being the access to land ownership which has been recalled in recent years: in Bolivia, the National Federation of Rural Women was created in 1980; in Colombia, the National Association of Rural and Indigenous Women was created in 1984; in Brazil during the First Congress of Rural Women (1985); in Honduras, the Federation of Rural Women. In Nicaragua and Cuba diverse social organizations have became a considerable factor to women's integration to the agrarian cooperatives (León, Prieto and Salazar, 1987).
Perhaps the most appropriate vision required to analyze the involvement of rural women in social organizations would be that of the opinion of the women themselves. Studies conducted in some countries in the Andean area demonstrate this perspective alluding to the main achievements and limitations that rural, organized women see in their own organization including, in general, some aspects regarding rural life.
The methodology employed consisted in the application of the Participatory Research among Women (IPEM). Those who participated in the workshop conducted processes on reflection of their condition as women and their organization, as well as an evaluation of their main achievements and limitations within their organization. One exception is the study of the National Association of Rural and Indigenous Women of Colombia (ANMUCIC), where the analysis of their achievements includes information obtained from secondary sources and individual interviews held with the Association's leaders and officials who are familiar with the organizations experiences in addition to the female's opinions.
It is interesting to look at a type of traditional women's organization: mother's centers. In Bolivia, the CNCMB's situation was analyzed which groups mothers' organizations from both rural and urban areas (FAO, 1991b). These organizations emerged in the '60's, induced by government policies aimed at rationalizing food delivery. The CNCMB was created in the '80's, in rural areas, it is the only national women's association that groups rural women from different ethnic backgrounds, cultures, ecoregions whose sole requirement is that members must be mothers. Some mothers' organizations in rural areas conduct productive projects in diverse subjects and in the majority of the cases they do not have the adequate technical assistance.
The study worked with two mothers' organizations: Pairumani and Santiago de Liallagua. The participants of the first are Quechuas and the second are Aymaras; both groups perform productive activities yet in the first one there is greater organization and diversity in their activities.
According to the participants in this investigation, the women were able to obtain that their husbands allow them to attend the club meetings as well as having them care for the children and perform domestic tasks that day. They acquired their own position in the communities as well as recognition and valuing of women's work, both from themselves and the community. Furthermore, they learned how to express themselves in public. Despite these achievements however, they indicated that they were unable to legitimize their participation as a gender in community decision making processes. This is due, generally, to the fact that in rural areas, particularly the Aymara area, women are not accepted for representation in traditional organizations nor in rural unions.
The main problems women indicated are: a) excessive workloads which imply a lack of time to develop other activities than their domestic ones; b) lack of water for irrigation which influences their productive and domestic tasks; c) restricted access to education and d) excessive looting of lands and lack thereof. The women expressed that they themselves, their husbands, their children, the community, religion and society in general consider that women are inferior to men: "We respect our husband and that they must care for us as an egg"; "Eve was a sinner and we must bear her sin"; "Women must obey men" (FAO, 1991b:32). They also indicated that their grandmothers enjoyed better health, nutrition and greater production; but, at the same time they value the feet that their daughters have the possibility to attend school since this will mean a better quality of life for them.
The proposed solutions include technical assistance including the formation of leaders, instruments to access credits, better education and training, domestic work division within the family and some works of infrastructure regarding the leek of water. This would imply the development of better negotiation capacity, assumption of the gender conscience by rural women and the stimulation and strengthening of productive projects.
A similar study conducted in Peru (FAO, 1991c) analyzed a women's organization which is part of a rural union association. These organizations have been spaces generated within the Rural Federation so as to obtain a better presence of rural women and their specific problems. Although progress has been achieved in terms of consolidating women's groups in the Federation, the positions earned by women in the organization are insufficient: very few women hold major positions and in order to assume responsibilities they must develop a long list of merits.
Despite the above, the participation in these organizations has had an impact on women personally, family wise, in the community and in the organization, similar to the manner described in Bolivia. Personally, they have overcome their fear and insecurity in expressing their ideas. As for families, they have attained the support of their husbands and children which sometimes implied battles within the families. They highlight this modification indicating, among other aspects, "We consult with our husbands on all activities" (op. cit. pg. 21). This indicates the relegation that they have traditionally suffered; therefore, the "consultation" becomes a significant achievement. Concerning the community, they have obtained a recognition for their activities. Within the organizations, they have developed the capacity to generate their own resources which has given them a certain autonomy. Even though achievements within the community and family have been attained, they were the least expressed and women still feel that they have much more to obtain.
The main external limitations for the organization that women expressed include the governmental sphere, political parties and the community to which the organization belongs.
Regarding the government, they indicated that in its institutions they are treated poorly when effecting procedures due to the fact that they are women and that they come from rural areas to which they add racial discrimination. Furthermore, the social support policies give help only to "Mothers' Organizations". This is the reason why many organizations change their name of "Women's Committee" to "Mothers' Organization." This will imply a deviation from the objective for which such organizations were created and although they may have produced an increase in members, many of them will remain in the organization while they are being helped.
Regarding political parties, they indicated that all parties without exception limit the autonomy of women's organization and attempt to submit them to different "slogans".
In reference to the community, many women indicated the strong social pressure designed basically to limit women's involvement making them subject to ridicule which is frequently used as a persuasion device.
Among the internal limitations indicated by women, there is heterogeneity of the members in terms of interests and participation. This produces distinct attitudes towards the organization and many times leads to operating difficulties. Furthermore, it is hard to form new leaders for which there is a low turnover among the leadership positions. Illiteracy, Spanish education and limited access to adequate training influence the capacity to generate new leaders. They also mentioned that there are communication problems regarding the basis: women require more information. Finally, they indicated that the government aid programs produce internal separations and the lack of funds limit the functioning of the Women's Organization.
The main problems that women perceive within the Women's Organization of the Cusco Department Federation of Rural People are related to:
a) the marketing of its products, because of intermediaries. The majority of the women are dedicated to trade and this directly affects them for which it is proposed to broaden the direct sales markets;
b) the absence of credits for women's organizations due to the fact that it is impossible to comply with the established requirements;
c) lack of health services for their families and reproductive health for women. They propose to recover and diffuse treatments with medicinal herbs which has been overlooked in the recent past;
d) educational deficiencies linked with the lack of interest of the parents in their education which is expressed by the fact that the majority of the women participating in the workshop are illiterate. However, they can envision a change: they and their partners want all of their children to be educated. The current problem would be the quality of the instruction; and
e) the leek of adequate mass media which causes women in one sector feel isolated from the others. Transportation is very expensive and they propose to return to using donkeys, mules and horses to transport their products suggesting that the communities who possess grasslands dedicate to breeding work animals.
The proposal to return to traditional medicine and transportation is interesting. Apparently, "modernity" has not reached these women and they do not visualize its access in the near future.
In Venezuela the Popular Feminine Circle of Nutrias Port wee studied (FAO, 1991e). It began back in 1973 and emerged under the protection of the Catholic Church directed to Biblical knowledge and religious practice. Currently, it centers on the promotion of the organization and women's education so as to aid them in discovering their role and contribution which they may make to the development of the popular organization and community. Both the achievements and internal and external limitations that women mention are similar to those mentioned by the Bolivian and Peruvian women.
Regarding the main achievements of the organization, they mentioned the following:
a) improved family relationships and a change in the husband's attitude regarding their participation;
b) overcoming shyness, granting more self-esteem, gender awareness and motivation for the organization;
c) the generation of income through hand-crafts; and
d) institutional support expressed by training courses and establishing relationships with other community organizations.
In reference to the external limitations, they are listed below:
a) the family imposes restrictions of their participation due to the time required for domestic duties;
b) the lack of money for transportation which would be more due to low family incomes than for the lack of access and control of the financial resources in the home;
c) the shyness of the women;
d) the deficit of paid work sources which affects the State of Barinas. The lack of adequate commercializing channels and scarce access to credit;
e) problems with other community organizations regarding leadership within the community and ridiculing their participation from their neighbors. However, this would act as a reinforcement of their participation and their feeling of belonging;
f) despite the fact that the Government offers them with support, an significant number of women perceive that their organization is not trusted and they also feel manipulated by the political parties and the government.
Within the internal limitations of the organization the following are mentioned:
a) small turnover of the directive positions and low number of new members incorporated;
b) lack of economic resources which hinders activities and growth of the organization;
c) lack of training; and
d) scarce formation of new leaders.
A study was conducted in Colombia regarding the ANMUCIC which was created in 1986 (FAO, 1991d). Unlike the organizations analyzed above in Bolivia, Peru and Venezuela, this group is peculiar since it emerged from the Government "as support and a condition for the success of continuity and strengthening of the development policy for rural woman whose main objective is to train women in order to participate in productive projects and in social and communitarian development processes" (op. cit. pg. 18). Basically this is an organization from the party leaders which later sought backing from their group members by creating regional and local committees. Due to the fact that this organization was created on leadership levels and by government initiatives it has not been exempt from criticisms by other organizations and rural leaders (see FAO, 1991d, appendix 1). One of its important peculiarities is that is assumes propositions basically and expressly related to gender grievances.
Notwithstanding the difference between this organization and those in Bolivia, Peru and Venezuela, its achievements and particularly the limitations mentioned by the Colombian rural women are not substantially different from those indicated by women of said countries.
Among the achievements of the ANMUCIC, the following may be mentioned:
a) its legitimacy before other rural organizations and before women themselves which has demonstrated that one gender-related organization is viable in the countryside and may attain its goals. International agencies have acknowledged its importance and have seen the possibility of repeating similar experiences in other countries;
b) the training of its members has enabled their being integrated with consulting committees from agricultural and stockbreeding entities in order to define policies and development programs oriented towards the rural woman. The group has trained 2,182 leaders and has performed promotional efforts with 7,865 women, approaching subjects such as the problems of rural women, administrative decentralization policies, agrarian legislation, project forming, productive techniques, conservation of brains and drinking water, forestry development, alternative communication means and popular press (op. cit. pg. 24);
c) technical and financial institutional support by government and international bodies (UNICEF);
d) linking up with productive projects that are aided technically by the Colombian Institute of Agriculture and Stockbreeding (ICA) and the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform (INCORA);
e) acquisition of skills and development by its members on personal, family and organization levels;
f) excellent reception to its moves, diversity of member agrarian organizations and diverse political trends;
g) perseverance and strengthening of the organization despite adverse judgments;
h) construction and solidifying awareness of gender among the members; and
i) respect and prestige in the eyes of other rural organizations.
The external limitations the rural women see in the functioning of their organization are:
a) excepting the above-mentioned support, most of the entities in the agriculture and stockbreeding sectors have not supported the organization. To the women, this is due to the feet that they do not consider a gender-organization as a valid group and that each body wants to work with their groups, methodologies and institutional offer without favoring women's involvement. Common problems to these groups are the persistence of an example of assistance that conceives rural woman as a passive recipient of the government technical assistance; a non existence of clear standards for the women's incorporation process to development; lack of access for women to government financial sources for productive project development and the freezing of financial support from UNICEF to the Ministry of Agriculture since December 1989;
b) cultural barriers which hinder the involvement of women outside of the domestic environment which exists in the Government and the community. In fact, in the beginning, women themselves were first to oppose the creation of a women's organization since it would mean their setting aside their domestic obligations. They also considered the relationship of equality among the sexes as too bold. It is also difficult to incorporate indigenous women due to the ignorance with respect to their culture, family organization and politics in their communities. It is said that indigenous women cannot be treated in the same manner as the other rural women, quoting an indigenous woman on one occasion, "...without permission from Chief, I could not accept any type of appointment" (op. cit. pg. 27);
c) lack of economic resources which has led to limitations for the promotion, strengthening of and training of the organization.
Internal limitations indicated by the women were:
a) training problems. Initially, the sexual education courses were very vulgar which provoked rejection by the husbands, families and even by many women. Furthermore, the training was centered on participation in political decision making, thus ignoring productive, businesses and development aspects and dynamics of the organization. Its coverage was scarce and directed by very few leaders thereby causing a centralized power situation;
b) difficulties of the leaders in terms of unfamiliarity of their real possibilities of being coordinated with the Government and the power of the organization. The links with other bodies and diverse obligations in the community hinder their management capacity due to the numerous commitments acquired;
c) many base committees are inoperable mainly due to the fact that the organization was formed from top to bottom. In this regard, among the women who participated in the research there was a weak sense of belonging detected as well as a very local vision of the problems and lack of knowledge of key aspects in the organization. The above, despite the fact that the research was conducted with one of the oldest committees in the organization;
d) the majority of the leaders who have husbands and children have faced many obstacles in attempting to make them change their attitude, make them prone to participate and achieve their support by delegating their domestic obligations;
e) involvement on a national level is weak on behalf of the department leaders. The level of self-management is limited due to lack of training, information and economic resources; and
f) excessive dependence on government and international resources which limits ANMUCIC's autonomy.
Generally, women's participation in the farm administration and decision making in production matters is rare. In general, they do not participate in the allotting of family expenses. All of the aforementioned disregarding their active contribution in family production and family income.
They tend to make decisions when the matter bears little importance or rather when the person who makes the decision is absent. This in how certain conditions favor a feminine participation. For example when they are related to a decrease in the size of the farms, the decline of agricultural activities as an income-generation aspect, the temporary or permanent absence of the partner. In summary, in any situation where there is decreased importance of the agricultural activity in family life, and rather than for reasons of gaining power positions and autonomy, the rural woman is obliged to assume responsibilities that under normal conditions she could not, would not, and would not know how to assume easily. And here it is hard to determine which are the most appropriate verbs since it is more likely that all of them apply at once.
Women are excluded from participating but more than anything else from the decision making in cooperatives and other labor related organizations, fundamentally because affiliation is defined according to criteria reserved, in general, for men: they are the owners or the heads of the household.
Rural women's involvement in social and community organizations is also rare. In general, on one hand when they participate they tend to do it in manners which reproduce or broaden their domestic role. However, on the other hand, it seems that they are little interested in participating in areas other than their homes, which is influenced by various factors including the weight of their domestic duties which does not leave them with neither the time nor the energy to participate. A well-known concatenation: she does not participate because she does not have the time to, but she does not have time because her involvement is not a matter of priority. Likewise, men and social organizations sustain that they do not invite women to participate, not because they want to discriminate against them but because women are not interested.
Although many question the existence of sex discrimination, there is specific and solid evidence of such which limit women's participation and decision making in social organizations and in the community since the accepted rule is that the man is socially defined as the representative of the family and that the woman should not try to go beyond the domestic environment.
In various countries women's organizations have been set up, many times responding to economic needs and common problems although some are relatively autonomous from other organizations. Furthermore, over recent decades some feminine departments within federations or rural unions have been created. In mixed organizations, there is ever-growing feminine involvement, but there are strong barriers in their accessing directive positions.
The involvement of rural women in social organizations seems to take on common elements, even in different types of organizations and in different countries. At least that is what is seen by women who comprise organizations varying from the Bolivian Mothers' Organization, a Feminine Department in a Peruvian Rural Federation, a Popular Feminine Organization in Venezuela and a Feminine Organization motivated by the Colombian government.
As it may be expected, the discrimination is less towards women who are involved in mothers' organizations while those who participate in clearly-stated feminine organizations may be even ridiculed by other members in its own community.
In varying degrees, women indicated that their participation has produced favorable changes on personal, family and community levels. Personally, the contact with other women who are living in similar conditions has allowed them to learn to express themselves in public, overcome their shyness and become aware of their gender. In their families, they have achieved in getting their partners to support their participation, and on a community level, they have obtained recognition for their activities.
Despite the fact that women indicated these changes, they also confirm that the family and community place obstacles to their participation. Basically, domestic work leaves them little time to participate in these organizations. It seems that the family support women say they enjoy does not translate into a solid manifestation which would lead to, for example, Bolivians posing the redistribution of domestic work as a solution.
Although women's opinions regarding the family and the community could be considered contradictory, this contradiction is only apparent: it suggests that families and communities are making changes, but the modification of values and attitudes based on sex discrimination is a process that will take quite a bit of time. Women themselves feel as though they have progressed, but there is still much to do.
Not including the participants of the mothers' organizations, women indicated their difficulties in relating with the government and political parties. As for the government, they confirm that they tend to be discriminated against, that the programs oriented to them are assistance-related and that many time they feel manipulated. The cases analyzed illustrate very well this point. For example, in Peru the social benefits of the government are granted only to mothers' organizations, which has caused many "Women's Committees" to change their names to "Mothers' Organization.." In Colombia, despite the fact that the organization is motivated by the government with clear gender purposes, women confirm that the other bodies from the agriculture and stockbreeding sector have generally barely rendered their support. Regarding the political parties, they feel that all, without exceptions, attempt to restrict independence and try to manipulate them to assume their "slogan."
Women from different organizations coincide in reference to productive environments. For women, they emphasize the capacity to generate resources and indicate that the lack of funds many times limits their organization's development. In fact, Peruvian and Venezuelan women feel that one of their achievements is having been able to generate their own resources through productive activities. Their problems and demands are centered on: access to credit, technical assistance, training for productive projects, leader formation, transportation restrictions and problems in commercializing their problems. In summary, those areas which strengthen their management capacity and which enable them to obtain their own resources thereby generating greater independence and autonomy for the organization.
It would seem that the desire for independence and autonomy is a matter that is very clear for women, and specifically regarding the government and political parties.
Naturally, not all of the difficulties originate from external factors. Within their organizations, women highlight that the generation of new leaders is rare and it is related to their lack of education and training. The problem of the low turnover of the leaders seems to be associated with the difficulties of communication between the leaders and the group's membership, and among its members in different communities. Their lack of adequate communication channels becomes an important obstacle for their operation and development.
In summary, the participation of women of rural areas faces a series of obstacles which are probably common to the majority of the countries of the Region and which are related to a culture that relegates women to the domestic area. Such belief penetrates the institutions, communities, and even the women themselves who often see themselves as inferior to men. In this accord, whatever action destined to strengthening the involvement of rural women must consider a global action that not only includes women but also their families, the rest of the organizations and the community as a whole. Such actions should be subject, previously, to in-depth studies by which the socioeconomic and cultural factors may be clarified which condition their participation and the different manner in which said factors act according to "the type of rural woman."
