There is a general preference and high attendance rate by women for the group approach than the T and V system of extension. For women farmers the T and V system seems to be okay where there is a female EW. There is less suspicion with regards to women EW visiting their homesteads in the absence of their husbands than male EWs doing so. There seems to be less restrictions imposed by husbands on women attending agricultural meetings when the husbands are aware that other women from the village will be attending as well.
According to the DAEO Gokwe some women leaders in the Gokwe district for example, have requested for female EWs. The Gokwe district has 80,000 households, of these 200 belong to widows, 30,000 are de facto female heads of households (36%), about 6-7,000 households have residents husbands, but show no interest in agricultural meetings, 10,000 of the maleheaded households permit their wives to attend meetings, the balance of 40,000 households have men head of households who are also farmers but some never attend meetings or even if they do, they do so alone (DAEO Gokwe 1993).
With the introduction of female EWs in the district, there has been an increase in the percentage of women attending agricultural meetings from 10% to between 15-20% women in each group (DAEO Gokwe 1993)
In Gokwe the Zimbabwe Farmers' Union is encouraging the formation of the New Look Groups which have preference for women EWs. This has been requested in recognition of the fact that there are still remnants of cultural inhibitions with regards to women attending agricultural meetings addressed by male EWs. This attitudinal problem does not seem to lie with women themselves but with their husbands who grant them permission.
The major constraints identified by women farmers are the limitations of time and technology. Time is the factor in terms of what women can achieve within a given day which means some meetings if they are not held on chisi* day they are unable to attend. Some of the agricultural implements being developed are pretty heavy for women and therefore not used. In some instances, they add labour requirements for other labour intensive activities such as weeding. For example the ripper plough or the ox-driven cultivator is very heavy for women.
* Chisi is a traditional public holiday when no-one is allowed to engage in any agricultural field activities.
Training and extension services are the major vehicles through which rural farmers are encouraged to adopt new crops and more productive practices. Despite women's indispensable role in production, most training and extension programmes have not been planned to reach women producers adequately. Training and extension services are usually offered to men. There has not been a concerted effort on the part of extensionist to encourage women to attend training sessions and programme it in such a way as to attract them. Some are now advocating for agro-home economics as part of extension and training. This again should be directed to both men and women, because in the life of a rural household, farming is of concern to all members of the family, and, therefore, related extension programmes should reach both gender.
In the socio-economic surveys that are currently being carried out by AGRITEX there is a lack of gender analysis. Efforts at making extension services available to women farmers thus need to take account of the specific local conditions. It is necessary to determine the nature of the gender division of labour, the pattern of production, special constraints facing women as well as other relevant factors when undertaking socio-economic baseline studies. This would in turn make it possible to devise appropriate training and extension programmes to enable women to participate more effectively.
Even in the formulation and the debating of such important things as the by-laws for irrigation or grazing schemes, women are silent So there is need to come up with an approach that encourages women to effectively participate without unnecessarily separating them from the mainstream. Also setting to work on those women's attitudes which hinder their ability to take up opportunities and develop.
Some EWs have observed that there is a certain class of people who come to EW meetings. For example, its mostly the elderly women and men. Some are inclined to believe that older people come for training because they can spare the time as they may have less responsibilities and also no children to look after. The young people will not be attending possibly because they have not really had an appreciation of farming as a way of life, and only go back to farming as a last resort. In the interim the newly married with husbands in town will be getting remittances so do not solely rely on farming as a source of income. Again their interest in farming may still be limited. Further still some said with the introduction of young male EWs in most areas one should not overlook the aspect of jealousy in husbands disallowing the young wives to attend EW meetings.
Some farmers said that they would want also to be advised on the size of their fields, so that estimates can be worked out in terms of the inputs required for such a size, for the variety of crops grown in the area. The farmers feel there is a wastage because either the inputs run out before completion of planting the field or they buy more inputs than required. Some farmers would want their soils tested so as to have the right type of fertiliser and maize variety prescribed, but this is not being done.
Normally few women are able to travel to other districts on a study tour, especially if it means putting out for a number of days. It is recommended that the timing and duration of the study tour be a subject for debate with farmers (fe/male) to ensure that the timing suits women as well. It may be during school holidays when the elderly children are at home and can look after the young ones, when the mother is away. The selection system of who goes on a study tour may be biased in favour of men as it is (male) councillors and male dominated committees who are left to do the selection.
Women farmers find it difficult to travel and stay overnight to attend a course. Even for study tours to other provinces, women who go are just a handful The majority are men who are mobile and have less commitments. Gender issues, if they are not taken into account in designing a study tour or course, may affect the attendance rate for women, which may be very low.
The same can be said with regards to short courses. The field staff normally go by the ideal "farmers calendar" in programming activities, without consulting farmers. There is a lack of flexibility and sensitivity with regards to negotiation for time with farmers.
Women's participation in training courses can be increased by reducing the need for them to leave their families for long periods.
The issue of women's lack of access to income from agricultural production should be recognised as a disincentive for them as farmers. Four isolated cases in Gokwe, Marange, Nyamaropa and Zvimba were cited as instances were women actually stopped farming because at the end of each season the men were marrying additional wives from the proceeds of the agricultural crops. This usually occurs with cash crop farming where money is received as a lump sum each season.
EWs confirmed that women provide most of the labour at the smallholder farming level. During peak sessions however, there is labour scarcity and the women are stretched to the limit. The employment of casual labour is a possibility but the cost is now prohibitive. This is especially so during the school term when the children are in school. Labour availability for farming may be based on false assumptions if the household division of labour is not critically analysed from a gender perspective.
The level of decision-making for women at the farm level is still very weak and low. This does affect the disposal of money after harvest and sales, and also the buying of inputs for the next season, which most women do not have control over. Decision-making at household level by women is tied up with the issue of ownership and land tenure. In the traditional culture of Zimbabwe, women do not own any property. This changed soon after 1980 when legal instruments were put in place to ensure that women do actually own property through the Matrimonial Causes Act, (1985) and the Legal Age of Majority Act (1982).
The decision-making process at household level does has a bearing on the establishment of on-farm trials. Female de facto heads of households may be agreeable to an on-farm trial being carried out at their farms, but have to get permission from their husbands. This may cause delays in terms of meeting planting dates. Instances of female de facto heads of households withdrawing their offer of farms for research after consultation with husbands are common. This hampers women from participating in trials that affects them and in which their critical contributions are essential.
The prevalence of female-headed households varies from district to district, depending on its proximity to an urban area, mine or any area of concentration that absorbs male labour. In resettlement schemes and remote areas one finds a higher proportion of male-headed households. The former because off- farm employment is discouraged and its a condition that one should be unemployed. In the latter because the employment opportunities are not there and may be far away.
Farming Committees and Decision Making
It has been observed that in committees, whether irrigation committees or village development committees, women tend to be selected to post of treasurer or secretary, and men tend to occupy the post of chairperson. It does not necessarily follow that men make the decisions. They may be just used as spokesman for the group and be in the post as a mere figure-head.
With regards to women's participation in leadership positions, this is still very low. Though increasingly they are taking up positions as chairpersons in the various committees, the numbers are still negligible. Leadership courses are also helping to instill confidence in the women. This also helps to conscientise the communities that the selection of a person to leadership position means that the person has to have leadership capabilities not necessarily being male. Most of the women being selected to such leadership posts are usually widows and elderly women. It has to do perhaps with reduced responsibilities at household levels having children already grown up and capable of looking after themselves. As most of the posts require a lot of travelling and meetings this is given as one major reason why women shun these posts and allow men to lead. Even in instances where they have been elected some women have turned down the offers.
Women-at various levels are said to make decisions but are sanctioned from voicing them, in public fora. Even if views are changing, now, women themselves still feel that society does not expect them to contribute in a public debate. Decisions are made and women allow men to endorse and voice them.
In resettlement areas it is possible for a female head of household to have a permit issued in her name. Settler selection criteria gave priority to widows and other female heads of households as beneficiaries because of their poverty and disadvantages under which they cultivate in the communal area sector. The ministry policy specifically affirms that in resettlement areas there should be land assigned to the women in their own right (MLARR 1985).
Gender issues that pertain to land tenure centre on credit and security of tenure for widows. In general, women's rights to land are limited and the issue has proved to be difficult to address. In resettlement areas, the main issues are the security of tenure and women's rights to land. Although there is little evidence that security of tenure affects agricultural investment in resettlement areas, the vagueness of the permits to reside and cultivate could pose a problem, for both men and women.
With respect to women's land rights at present if a settler dies the widow is usually allowed to maintain the holding not as a matter of right but as a matter of administrative discretion on the part of the scheme administrators. Hence security of tenure for women is not guaranteed and can be problematic in some circumstances.
Women farmers provide most of the labour for communal area agriculture (Cliffe 1986 in World Bank 1991). Studies of the role of women in Agriculture in Zimbabwe show that although women provide most of the labour the male head of household even if only occasionally resident makes the basic farm management decisions. Often he will also claim control of any cash earnings from the woman's work on the farm, or even off-farm (Bruce 1990 in World Bank 1991 p75).
Where divorce takes place a woman traditionally has no rights to her husband's land. The Matrimonial Causes Act provides for a more equitable division of matrimonial property on dissolution of marriages by divorce, but the late husband's land from his patrilineage is not part of the matrimonial property. Some suggest that it will not be so treated. A recent High Court decision (George Khoza and Muriel Khoza H-C - B-106/87) determined that after divorce, the wife has no right to live on her husband's communal lands, not even in a house she bulk and furnished during marriage (Maboreke 1990) in World Bank (1991). The impact of the Matrimonial Cause Act would be limited because most divorces are conducted with no legal formalities. (Pankurst and Jakobs 1988 in World Bank Report 1991 p75).
The most urgent need of women with respect to access is the creation of a legal framework for widows that provides a secure right to a portion of their late husbands' land. A law on transactions should allow a VIDCO to refuse an application to sell land if the wife objects (World Bank Report 1991 p98).
Some have further argued that discrete land rights will achieve little without an understanding that the land's produce is at the woman's disposal (Pankhurst and Jakobs 1988; Chimedza 1988; and Gaidzanwa 1988). Financial autonomy is seen as the real issue and is still an open question as to what extent this can be attained through greater tenure rights for women.
Women in rural areas in practice still do not own anything and final decisions lie with men. This could be a factor in terms of why women are not following some technical advice.
The availability of credit is indispensable to small farmers to improve their agricultural productivity and to enhance their household income and food supplies. They need short-term credit to purchase agricultural inputs such as improved seeds, fertilisers, insecticides and herbicides. They also need medium and long-term credit to purchase labour saving tools and implements or to establish small-scale dairy or poultry enterprises. Analysis of credit schemes in Kenya, Malawi, Sierra Leone, Zambia and Zimbabwe found that by and large women received less than 10% of the credit directed to smallholders and merely 1% of the total credit to agriculture (FAO 1990, (b) p8).
Evidence suggest that women are better credit risks than men and generally having superior repayment rates. But there is no concomitant effort to ensure that they have information and access to credit. Women's access to credit is still limited. Women feel that when they apply for a loan they should do so in their own right, without having to commit the husband's name as well. In order to secure a loan women still have to get their husbands' consent. The conditions set for them by finance houses are still restrictive, for the women to borrow money to buy inputs. Together with the use of credit, farmers also need to generate her/his savings otherwise they will often fail to repay the loan. Women's access to credit may be constrained by their inability to produce collateral, but this is the position of all communal area farmers. Finance houses are not eager to offer credit when the issue of collateral is raised.
Credit and marketing of cash crops are often linked, as when the GMB deducts short-medium term loans by AFC from the crop sales of communal area farmers. Since men traditionally market these crops, women have not had independent access to credit and indeed until recent legislation gave women rights, they could not contract debts. Now that this is possible for women over the age of 18. The AFC has made some loans to women, but an adequate legal framework for lending to women still has not been created. In rural areas, there are savings club and occasional credit offered by shopkeepers (World Bank 1991 p18). With reference to savings club for the past 1991-92 season these were exhausted as the money was being used to buy food to combat the drought effects. For the 1993 season without the free seed packs, most farmers would have faced problems in buying basic agricultural inputs. Group lending schemes being promoted by AFC seem to be offering hopes for the women farmers, as no collateral is required as a condition for the offer of a loan.
Various initiatives have been made to link savings groups to AGRITEX farmer groups. Savings club may be of considerable value in assuring poor farmers and especially women farmers of access to minimal amounts of agricultural inputs, for example a bag of fertiliser.
